The document discusses the role of the African Union (AU) in conflict resolution in Africa. It notes that the AU has played an important role in resolving conflicts, such as through peacekeeping operations in Burundi and mediation efforts in conflicts like Sudan and Somalia. However, AU conflict resolution efforts face limitations from a lack of financial resources and technical capacity. The document recommends that the AU allocate over 70% of its annual budget to emergency response to allow it to more swiftly address conflict situations across the continent.
African Union And Conflict Resolution In AfricaDeja Lewis
The document discusses the role of the African Union (AU) in conflict resolution in Africa. It examines AU's rationales, principles and institutions for conflict management. The immediate cause of conflicts is Africa's mono-cultural political economies that prioritize wealth accumulation over citizens' needs. The remote cause is the arbitrary borders drawn by European colonizers that combined diverse ethnic groups and worsened inter-ethnic tensions. While AU has played an important role in resolving conflicts, it faces limitations from a lack of financial resources and technical capacity. The document recommends AU allocate more of its budget to rapidly respond to emerging conflicts.
An investigation into the prevalent types of conflicts, conflict indicatorsAlexander Decker
This article investigates the types of conflicts prevalent in Africa from 2007 to 2009, their causes, and how conflicts undermine disaster management. It identifies six main types of conflicts: armed conflict, border disputes, food riots, political violence, targeted attacks, and inter-communal strife. Armed conflict is found to be the most prevalent type, affecting 13 countries including Sudan, Somalia, DRC, and Ethiopia. Various economic, political, social, and environmental factors are seen as causes and drivers of conflicts. Conflict is also seen as undermining disaster management by hindering development processes. The study recommends collaborative efforts among states, organizations, and communities to promote peace and security in Africa.
This document discusses the African Union (AU) and its peacekeeping operations in Africa. It provides context on the transition from the Organization of African Unity to the AU and how this changed norms around peacekeeping. It then examines the causes of armed conflicts in Africa, including factors like ethnicity, natural resources, proliferation of weapons, and struggles for political power. The paper assesses AU peacekeeping missions, highlighting operations in Somalia, Burundi, and Chad. While these missions had some successes, the AU still faces challenges in peacekeeping due to the changing nature of conflicts and security issues across the continent.
Reflections on a Peace Building Approach to Conflict Prevention– Some Comment...Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses a peacebuilding approach to conflict prevention in West Africa. It argues that peacebuilding must be linked to wider democratization and sustained development efforts. It analyzes the causes of conflicts in Africa, including shifts in global power relations after the Cold War, the rise of identity-based conflicts, increased availability of weapons, and the economic and political impacts of structural adjustment programs in the 1980s. The document calls for a human security approach focusing on four pillars: human security, democracy, transforming conflicts through political processes, and collective regional security.
This document discusses the African Union (AU) and its effectiveness in addressing African problems through African solutions. It provides background on the AU's predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which struggled to respond to conflicts and unite Africans. The OAU declined in the 1980s. The AU was then established in 2001 with the goal of being more proactive. While the AU has faced criticism, it has found some success in security issues and could be well placed to make progress in other areas if given further support. The document examines the AU's role and actions around security to argue for its capability to reduce conflicts.
This document discusses the African Union (AU) and its effectiveness in addressing African problems through African solutions. It provides background on the AU's predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which struggled to respond to conflicts and unite Africans. The OAU declined in the 1980s. The AU was then established in 2001 with the goal of being more proactive. While the AU has faced criticism, it has found some success in security issues and could be well placed to make progress in other areas if given further support. The document examines the AU's role and actions in security to argue for its capability to reduce conflicts.
This document discusses the African Union (AU) and its effectiveness in addressing African problems through African solutions. It provides background on the AU's predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which struggled to respond to conflicts and unite Africans. The OAU declined in the 1980s. The AU was then established in 2001 with the goal of reform, though it faced skepticism due to Libyan leader Gaddafi's role in its formation. The document examines the AU's role in security issues as a case study for its capabilities and argues constructivism is a suitable paradigm for analyzing African issues.
Helping prevent terrorism and violent conflict the development dimensionKayode Fayemi
The document discusses the development dimension of preventing terrorism and violent conflict in Africa. It argues that narrowly defining security as a military issue fails to address the root causes of conflicts, which are often related to lack of economic opportunity and political legitimacy. A human security approach is needed that considers individual livelihoods and promotes democracy, justice and inclusive development. International organizations must support long-term peacebuilding in a holistic manner rather than just focusing on short-term goals like elections.
African Union And Conflict Resolution In AfricaDeja Lewis
The document discusses the role of the African Union (AU) in conflict resolution in Africa. It examines AU's rationales, principles and institutions for conflict management. The immediate cause of conflicts is Africa's mono-cultural political economies that prioritize wealth accumulation over citizens' needs. The remote cause is the arbitrary borders drawn by European colonizers that combined diverse ethnic groups and worsened inter-ethnic tensions. While AU has played an important role in resolving conflicts, it faces limitations from a lack of financial resources and technical capacity. The document recommends AU allocate more of its budget to rapidly respond to emerging conflicts.
An investigation into the prevalent types of conflicts, conflict indicatorsAlexander Decker
This article investigates the types of conflicts prevalent in Africa from 2007 to 2009, their causes, and how conflicts undermine disaster management. It identifies six main types of conflicts: armed conflict, border disputes, food riots, political violence, targeted attacks, and inter-communal strife. Armed conflict is found to be the most prevalent type, affecting 13 countries including Sudan, Somalia, DRC, and Ethiopia. Various economic, political, social, and environmental factors are seen as causes and drivers of conflicts. Conflict is also seen as undermining disaster management by hindering development processes. The study recommends collaborative efforts among states, organizations, and communities to promote peace and security in Africa.
This document discusses the African Union (AU) and its peacekeeping operations in Africa. It provides context on the transition from the Organization of African Unity to the AU and how this changed norms around peacekeeping. It then examines the causes of armed conflicts in Africa, including factors like ethnicity, natural resources, proliferation of weapons, and struggles for political power. The paper assesses AU peacekeeping missions, highlighting operations in Somalia, Burundi, and Chad. While these missions had some successes, the AU still faces challenges in peacekeeping due to the changing nature of conflicts and security issues across the continent.
Reflections on a Peace Building Approach to Conflict Prevention– Some Comment...Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses a peacebuilding approach to conflict prevention in West Africa. It argues that peacebuilding must be linked to wider democratization and sustained development efforts. It analyzes the causes of conflicts in Africa, including shifts in global power relations after the Cold War, the rise of identity-based conflicts, increased availability of weapons, and the economic and political impacts of structural adjustment programs in the 1980s. The document calls for a human security approach focusing on four pillars: human security, democracy, transforming conflicts through political processes, and collective regional security.
This document discusses the African Union (AU) and its effectiveness in addressing African problems through African solutions. It provides background on the AU's predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which struggled to respond to conflicts and unite Africans. The OAU declined in the 1980s. The AU was then established in 2001 with the goal of being more proactive. While the AU has faced criticism, it has found some success in security issues and could be well placed to make progress in other areas if given further support. The document examines the AU's role and actions around security to argue for its capability to reduce conflicts.
This document discusses the African Union (AU) and its effectiveness in addressing African problems through African solutions. It provides background on the AU's predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which struggled to respond to conflicts and unite Africans. The OAU declined in the 1980s. The AU was then established in 2001 with the goal of being more proactive. While the AU has faced criticism, it has found some success in security issues and could be well placed to make progress in other areas if given further support. The document examines the AU's role and actions in security to argue for its capability to reduce conflicts.
This document discusses the African Union (AU) and its effectiveness in addressing African problems through African solutions. It provides background on the AU's predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which struggled to respond to conflicts and unite Africans. The OAU declined in the 1980s. The AU was then established in 2001 with the goal of reform, though it faced skepticism due to Libyan leader Gaddafi's role in its formation. The document examines the AU's role in security issues as a case study for its capabilities and argues constructivism is a suitable paradigm for analyzing African issues.
Helping prevent terrorism and violent conflict the development dimensionKayode Fayemi
The document discusses the development dimension of preventing terrorism and violent conflict in Africa. It argues that narrowly defining security as a military issue fails to address the root causes of conflicts, which are often related to lack of economic opportunity and political legitimacy. A human security approach is needed that considers individual livelihoods and promotes democracy, justice and inclusive development. International organizations must support long-term peacebuilding in a holistic manner rather than just focusing on short-term goals like elections.
Conflict Resolution Mechanism of the African Union and the Management of Darf...paperpublications3
Abstract: This article identified whether the conflict resolution mechanism of the African Union helped in the management of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan between 2003 and 2009. The study contends that with the increase in intensity in the Darfur crisis, an Inter-Sudanese Peace Talks was arranged in Abuja-Nigeria in 2005, under the auspices of an African Union (AU) mediation team led by Salim Ahmed Salim and supported by the United Nation (UN), the United Kingdom (UK,) the United States (US) and other international partners. The Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) was signed on 5th May, 2006, by the government and by Minni Minawi, the leader of one of the two SLM factions, but was rejected by Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and Abdel Wahid al Nur, the leader of the other Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) faction. Thus, all the factions concerned with the crisis were not involved in the deliberations instead foreigners dominated the deliberations. The study revealed that such conflict management efforts that treat Darfur outside of its Sudanese context became counter-productive, thus, the conflict resolution mechanisms of the African Union failed in the management of the conflict in the Darfur region. The study suggested the need for a fundamental overhaul of AU's conflict management mechanisms thus, the AU should adopt the conventional process for conflict resolution with all the parties or factions participating in the process without any form of external imposition or interference and threat.
The document discusses several factors that contributed to instability following World War 1, including a weak League of Nations, French demands for harsh penalties against Germany, and inflation in Germany after the war. It notes that the League of Nations was intended to promote stability but instead caused instability by endorsing the Treaty of Versailles, which bankrupted Germany and created tensions between countries.
The Security Council has failed to break the cycle of conflicts and wars in Africa for several reasons:
1) The Security Council often delays in making timely decisions and deploying UN forces, which allows conflicts to escalate.
2) Member states are reluctant to contribute forces and funding for African conflicts, prolonging wars.
3) Post-conflict rehabilitation and reconstruction is inadequate, allowing conditions for renewed conflict to emerge.
Global Security Policy and Nigeria's Development.pptxJosephItse
The World is experiencing issues of Security and efforts are on to finding ways to resolve them. Peace and security are twin sacred values desired by every individual, group, nation and the global community because without them. Global security includes but not limited to military and diplomatic measures that nations and international organisations such as the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) takes to ensure mutual safety and security. An attempt has been made to x-ray the global security policy as well as Nigeria’s development challenges.
Available literature shows that the major challenges affecting the world includes but necessarily limited to terrorism, health insecurity, human trafficking as well as proliferation of small arms and light weapons.
Others include illicit arms, drug trafficking and environmental insecurity. Analysis of global security challenges shows that some countries do not have a single national security policy document but a series of policy documents, such as White Papers on Defence, speeches of the authorities, and other related papers.
The african union, the transformation and challenges of a continentAlexander Decker
The African Union (AU) was established in 2002 to replace the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and promote greater unity among African states. The AU introduced new policies allowing intervention in member states during humanitarian crises. However, the AU still struggles with balancing national sovereignty and continental goals. While the AU has elaborate institutions, their effectiveness is limited by weak authority. The AU aims to promote democracy, human rights, and development, but faces ongoing challenges in implementing concrete reforms and holding states accountable.
This document discusses the political will needed among African leaders to protect civilians. It notes that while the African Union has committed to intervening in humanitarian crises, leaders like Mugabe are skeptical of concepts like R2P. The document analyzes challenges in generating political will, like in Darfur where the AU struggled despite commitments. Ultimately, consistent action is needed to judge if leaders will fulfill responsibilities to protect civilians when crises occur.
Ethiopia’s role of counter terrorism and its implication in the horn of Afric...fasil12
This paper is seeks to review Ethiopia’s role of counter terrorism in the horn of Africa. The analysis presented in the article is based on the qualitative data provided by international organizations, governments, research institutions and others concerned bodies in the area. Secondary data was collected by analyzing the literature in academic journals, policy documents, periodicals, books, newspapers, and academic papers and magazines, TV documentaries on the research questions of this study. This study intends to contribute to researches about the Ethiopia’s roles of Counter Terrorism measures in the Horn of Africa by bridging the gaps in previous studies part of which was the non-inclusion of regional and international actors in the fight against terrorism.
This document discusses how science and technology education can strengthen peace building. It begins by outlining some of the main causes of conflicts in Africa, including inequitable distribution of resources, poverty, breakdown of communication, and lack of a culture of peace. The document then examines the role that scientific knowledge, application of knowledge, and scientific processes can play in influencing socioeconomic development, poverty reduction, communication, and mindsets that promote peace - all of which are important aspects of peace building.
This document discusses how science and technology education can strengthen peace building. It begins by outlining some of the main causes of conflicts in Africa, including inequitable distribution of resources, poverty, breakdown of communication, and lack of a culture of peace. The document then examines the role that scientific knowledge, its application, and the scientific process can play in influencing socioeconomic development, poverty reduction, communication, and mindsets that promote peace - all of which are important aspects of peace building.
This document discusses theoretical approaches to cooperation among member states of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to curb terrorism and maintain peace and security in the region. It outlines three main power-based theories of international cooperation: the Hegemonic Stability Theory, which posits that a dominant power provides stability by supplying public goods; the Power-based Research Programme, which emphasizes security and rationality in state interactions; and Realist Theory, which views cooperation through the lens of national interests in an anarchic system. The document recommends that IGAD members strengthen cooperation and commitment to each other to more effectively counter terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab and achieve lasting regional stability.
“LEE’s PERCEPTIONS ON HUMAN SECURITY IN AFRICA”John LEE
This document summarizes Lee's perceptions on human security in Africa. It discusses how human security is threatened in multiple ways across Africa, including economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political security dimensions. It also examines factors that shape security, like conflicts, instability, attacks, poverty, and disease. Conflict is prevalent in Africa due to factors like colonial boundaries, poverty, competition over resources, and refugee crises undermine stability. To improve human security, the document recommends policies promoting social inclusion, equitable access to resources, human rights protections, and partnerships between security institutions and other organizations.
1) Armed conflicts have significant negative impacts on sustainable development across its three pillars of economic, social, and environmental. They divert public funds towards military spending, discourage investment, disrupt trade and tourism, and damage infrastructure.
2) Wars have considerable psychosocial effects such as loss of history and cultural heritage. They also create additional humanitarian needs that strain limited financial resources.
3) A conference of experts found that armed conflicts negatively impact the majority of thematic areas related to sustainable development identified in the Rio+20 document. Current political instability and conflicts in Africa especially hinder sustainable development progress on that continent.
The document discusses flaws in UN peacekeeping operations. It outlines the history and structure of UN peacekeeping and examines criticisms such as peacekeepers being undertrained and ill-equipped. A major flaw is the UN Security Council structure which gives veto power to five permanent members, hindering timely and effective response. The document argues UN peacekeeping needs reforms to address political and economic stability in conflict areas and be more culturally sensitive rather than relying solely on the Westphalian state model.
Secretary-General's remarks to the General Assembly on Priorities for 2024 [s...Energy for One World
The Secretary-General's remarks focused on the need for peace in today's turbulent world. He discussed several ongoing conflicts and called for immediate ceasefires and humanitarian relief. He also emphasized the need for peace within societies by addressing rising divisions, inequalities, and intolerance. Finally, he stressed the importance of achieving peace with justice through sustainable development and climate action to support developing countries and limit global warming.
Response 1 United Nations peacekeeping operations thrive in s.docxwilfredoa1
Response 1:
United Nations peacekeeping operations thrive in some of the most challenging environments across the globe. Their task usually includes, dealing with an array of conflicts or post-war repercussions. Most would agree that, since 1945, the UN has effectively, “provided food to 90 million people in over seventy-five countries, assisted 34 million refugees, worked with 140 nations to minimize climate change, seventy-one international peacekeeping missions, and finally aided fifty countries per year with their elections” (UN, 2020). And yet, disappointments occurred at several points of their existence. Since “the UN has been involved in nearly every major international conflict,” we can expect to see some major mishaps. (Bercovitch and Jackson 2009, 67). For instance, both the Rwanda and Bosnia genocide are key reminders of the UN’s gross failures.
The UN consists, of several intertwined organs. Having a very large body, “each of the 193 Member States, of the United Nations is also a member of the General Assembly. States are admitted to membership in the UN by a decision of the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council” (
UN.org
2020). Following its Charter, the UN oversees at least “thirteen operations across the Continent” (UN 202).
Deciding whether the UN is effective or not, depends on the UN’s ability to reduce conflict. When it comes to human rights violations, one of the greatest tools the UN has to its advantage, is its media shaming. “Moreover, their data shows that the UN has the worse success rate when intervening in intrastate conflict (conflicts within states), yet this has become the more common type of conflict since the 1990s” (Bercovitch and Jackson 2009: 68) Shashi, offered an opinion as to why the UN isn’t effective. The author concedes that;
“The problem of reforming the Security Council is rather akin to a situation in which a number of doctors gather around a patient and all agree on the diagnosis, but they cannot agree
on the prescription. The diagnosis is clear: the Security Council (SC) reflects the geopolitical realities of 1945 and not of today. This situation can be anatomized mathematically, geographically, and politically, as well as in terms of equity” (Shashi 2011).
Contrary to what Shashi says, the UN has its own means of measuring success. Accordingly, it must, “be guided by the principles of consent, impartiality and the non-use of force except in self-defense and defense of the mandate; Be perceived as legitimate and credible, particularly in the eyes of the local population, and Promote national and local ownership of the peace process in the host country” (UN 2020). With this thought in mind, the UN has shown significant changes in countries like, “Sierra Leone, Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Timor-Leste, Liberia, Haiti and Kosovo” (UN). During these ongoing operations the UN has provided;
“Basic security guarantees and responding to crises, supporting.
This document summarizes a consultation held in Abuja, Nigeria to discuss the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) titled "The Responsibility to Protect". The consultation was organized by the Centre for Democracy & Development and brought together civil society organizations from West Africa. Key discussions focused on examining the conceptual basis of the responsibility to protect, its relevance in the regional context of West Africa, and how its principles could be operationalized in the region. Regional perspectives on applying the report's flexible view of sovereignty were presented.
Added Value of the APSA Institutions to the women's empowerment discourse on ...Dudziro Nhengu
The document discusses the added value of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) institutions in promoting women's political participation and conflict prevention on the African continent. It outlines that women's political marginalization is a structural issue and a source of conflict. It also notes that several African countries still have less than 30% women in parliament. The document summarizes the components of APSA, including the Peace and Security Council and Continental Early Warning Systems. It highlights achievements in promoting gender parity within APSA institutions but also challenges like inadequate funding and coordination. The document argues that better aligning the AU and UN frameworks could help tackle issues more effectively.
A critical examination of the key factors and trends shaping Southern African peace and security (Anthoni van Nieuwkerk & Mxolisi Notshulwana); Regional security and Tanzania's mediation in the great lakes region: lessons learnt (Lucy Shule); The Southern African Development Community and the African maritime security equation (Francis A. Kornegay, Jr.); Piracy in the Horn of Africa: threat or opportunity?
The initiative of SHS on Harnessing Intercultural Competencies for Peacebuilding aims to
explore the potential of intercultural competencies to serve as an enabler for peace in fragile, conflict-affected and post-conflict contexts.
Abstract
Immediately after the Cold war, there was a general optimism of an international system that would
enable the component nation-states to pursue economic growth and greater independence. Despite
the various strategies by the component nation states in the international system to attain self-
sufficiency in economic terms and thus reduce dependence on other nation states for their needs
and survival thereby weakening bilateral relations, the contemporary realities of the international
system in the face of global security challenges pose a compelling sustained cooperation and
collaboration among the nation states in the international system. Global security includes military
and diplomatic measures that nations and international organizations such as the United Nations
(UN) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) take to ensure mutual safety and security.
It also includes the regional and sub-regional collaborative strategies at combating security
challenges. Diplomacy and global security are among the most pressing issues facing the world
today. Success or failure can have huge implications for the international community and society
as a whole. This paper submits that global security will remain a compelling factor in diplomatic
relations in the twenty-first century.
This document summarizes a chapter written by the author in 1976 for the first edition of The Handbook of Industrial and Organizational Psychology. The 1976 chapter defined conflict, proposed a taxonomy of five conflict handling modes (competing, collaborating, compromising, avoiding, accommodating), developed a process model of conflict, and a structural model examining factors that influence conflict handling. While primarily descriptive, the chapter also discussed conflict management and the functions of different conflict handling modes, concluding collaboration is generally most beneficial. The current document reflects on the influences and assumptions behind the 1976 chapter in light of the author's updated thinking for a second edition.
This document discusses conflict management in Asia and is a chapter from a 2004 publication. It was written by Catherine H. Tinsley from Georgetown University and Susan E. Brodt from Queen's University, who have also worked on related projects including organizational silence. The chapter examines approaches to conflict management across different Asian cultures and contexts.
Conflict Resolution Mechanism of the African Union and the Management of Darf...paperpublications3
Abstract: This article identified whether the conflict resolution mechanism of the African Union helped in the management of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan between 2003 and 2009. The study contends that with the increase in intensity in the Darfur crisis, an Inter-Sudanese Peace Talks was arranged in Abuja-Nigeria in 2005, under the auspices of an African Union (AU) mediation team led by Salim Ahmed Salim and supported by the United Nation (UN), the United Kingdom (UK,) the United States (US) and other international partners. The Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) was signed on 5th May, 2006, by the government and by Minni Minawi, the leader of one of the two SLM factions, but was rejected by Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and Abdel Wahid al Nur, the leader of the other Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) faction. Thus, all the factions concerned with the crisis were not involved in the deliberations instead foreigners dominated the deliberations. The study revealed that such conflict management efforts that treat Darfur outside of its Sudanese context became counter-productive, thus, the conflict resolution mechanisms of the African Union failed in the management of the conflict in the Darfur region. The study suggested the need for a fundamental overhaul of AU's conflict management mechanisms thus, the AU should adopt the conventional process for conflict resolution with all the parties or factions participating in the process without any form of external imposition or interference and threat.
The document discusses several factors that contributed to instability following World War 1, including a weak League of Nations, French demands for harsh penalties against Germany, and inflation in Germany after the war. It notes that the League of Nations was intended to promote stability but instead caused instability by endorsing the Treaty of Versailles, which bankrupted Germany and created tensions between countries.
The Security Council has failed to break the cycle of conflicts and wars in Africa for several reasons:
1) The Security Council often delays in making timely decisions and deploying UN forces, which allows conflicts to escalate.
2) Member states are reluctant to contribute forces and funding for African conflicts, prolonging wars.
3) Post-conflict rehabilitation and reconstruction is inadequate, allowing conditions for renewed conflict to emerge.
Global Security Policy and Nigeria's Development.pptxJosephItse
The World is experiencing issues of Security and efforts are on to finding ways to resolve them. Peace and security are twin sacred values desired by every individual, group, nation and the global community because without them. Global security includes but not limited to military and diplomatic measures that nations and international organisations such as the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) takes to ensure mutual safety and security. An attempt has been made to x-ray the global security policy as well as Nigeria’s development challenges.
Available literature shows that the major challenges affecting the world includes but necessarily limited to terrorism, health insecurity, human trafficking as well as proliferation of small arms and light weapons.
Others include illicit arms, drug trafficking and environmental insecurity. Analysis of global security challenges shows that some countries do not have a single national security policy document but a series of policy documents, such as White Papers on Defence, speeches of the authorities, and other related papers.
The african union, the transformation and challenges of a continentAlexander Decker
The African Union (AU) was established in 2002 to replace the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and promote greater unity among African states. The AU introduced new policies allowing intervention in member states during humanitarian crises. However, the AU still struggles with balancing national sovereignty and continental goals. While the AU has elaborate institutions, their effectiveness is limited by weak authority. The AU aims to promote democracy, human rights, and development, but faces ongoing challenges in implementing concrete reforms and holding states accountable.
This document discusses the political will needed among African leaders to protect civilians. It notes that while the African Union has committed to intervening in humanitarian crises, leaders like Mugabe are skeptical of concepts like R2P. The document analyzes challenges in generating political will, like in Darfur where the AU struggled despite commitments. Ultimately, consistent action is needed to judge if leaders will fulfill responsibilities to protect civilians when crises occur.
Ethiopia’s role of counter terrorism and its implication in the horn of Afric...fasil12
This paper is seeks to review Ethiopia’s role of counter terrorism in the horn of Africa. The analysis presented in the article is based on the qualitative data provided by international organizations, governments, research institutions and others concerned bodies in the area. Secondary data was collected by analyzing the literature in academic journals, policy documents, periodicals, books, newspapers, and academic papers and magazines, TV documentaries on the research questions of this study. This study intends to contribute to researches about the Ethiopia’s roles of Counter Terrorism measures in the Horn of Africa by bridging the gaps in previous studies part of which was the non-inclusion of regional and international actors in the fight against terrorism.
This document discusses how science and technology education can strengthen peace building. It begins by outlining some of the main causes of conflicts in Africa, including inequitable distribution of resources, poverty, breakdown of communication, and lack of a culture of peace. The document then examines the role that scientific knowledge, application of knowledge, and scientific processes can play in influencing socioeconomic development, poverty reduction, communication, and mindsets that promote peace - all of which are important aspects of peace building.
This document discusses how science and technology education can strengthen peace building. It begins by outlining some of the main causes of conflicts in Africa, including inequitable distribution of resources, poverty, breakdown of communication, and lack of a culture of peace. The document then examines the role that scientific knowledge, its application, and the scientific process can play in influencing socioeconomic development, poverty reduction, communication, and mindsets that promote peace - all of which are important aspects of peace building.
This document discusses theoretical approaches to cooperation among member states of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to curb terrorism and maintain peace and security in the region. It outlines three main power-based theories of international cooperation: the Hegemonic Stability Theory, which posits that a dominant power provides stability by supplying public goods; the Power-based Research Programme, which emphasizes security and rationality in state interactions; and Realist Theory, which views cooperation through the lens of national interests in an anarchic system. The document recommends that IGAD members strengthen cooperation and commitment to each other to more effectively counter terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab and achieve lasting regional stability.
“LEE’s PERCEPTIONS ON HUMAN SECURITY IN AFRICA”John LEE
This document summarizes Lee's perceptions on human security in Africa. It discusses how human security is threatened in multiple ways across Africa, including economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political security dimensions. It also examines factors that shape security, like conflicts, instability, attacks, poverty, and disease. Conflict is prevalent in Africa due to factors like colonial boundaries, poverty, competition over resources, and refugee crises undermine stability. To improve human security, the document recommends policies promoting social inclusion, equitable access to resources, human rights protections, and partnerships between security institutions and other organizations.
1) Armed conflicts have significant negative impacts on sustainable development across its three pillars of economic, social, and environmental. They divert public funds towards military spending, discourage investment, disrupt trade and tourism, and damage infrastructure.
2) Wars have considerable psychosocial effects such as loss of history and cultural heritage. They also create additional humanitarian needs that strain limited financial resources.
3) A conference of experts found that armed conflicts negatively impact the majority of thematic areas related to sustainable development identified in the Rio+20 document. Current political instability and conflicts in Africa especially hinder sustainable development progress on that continent.
The document discusses flaws in UN peacekeeping operations. It outlines the history and structure of UN peacekeeping and examines criticisms such as peacekeepers being undertrained and ill-equipped. A major flaw is the UN Security Council structure which gives veto power to five permanent members, hindering timely and effective response. The document argues UN peacekeeping needs reforms to address political and economic stability in conflict areas and be more culturally sensitive rather than relying solely on the Westphalian state model.
Secretary-General's remarks to the General Assembly on Priorities for 2024 [s...Energy for One World
The Secretary-General's remarks focused on the need for peace in today's turbulent world. He discussed several ongoing conflicts and called for immediate ceasefires and humanitarian relief. He also emphasized the need for peace within societies by addressing rising divisions, inequalities, and intolerance. Finally, he stressed the importance of achieving peace with justice through sustainable development and climate action to support developing countries and limit global warming.
Response 1 United Nations peacekeeping operations thrive in s.docxwilfredoa1
Response 1:
United Nations peacekeeping operations thrive in some of the most challenging environments across the globe. Their task usually includes, dealing with an array of conflicts or post-war repercussions. Most would agree that, since 1945, the UN has effectively, “provided food to 90 million people in over seventy-five countries, assisted 34 million refugees, worked with 140 nations to minimize climate change, seventy-one international peacekeeping missions, and finally aided fifty countries per year with their elections” (UN, 2020). And yet, disappointments occurred at several points of their existence. Since “the UN has been involved in nearly every major international conflict,” we can expect to see some major mishaps. (Bercovitch and Jackson 2009, 67). For instance, both the Rwanda and Bosnia genocide are key reminders of the UN’s gross failures.
The UN consists, of several intertwined organs. Having a very large body, “each of the 193 Member States, of the United Nations is also a member of the General Assembly. States are admitted to membership in the UN by a decision of the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council” (
UN.org
2020). Following its Charter, the UN oversees at least “thirteen operations across the Continent” (UN 202).
Deciding whether the UN is effective or not, depends on the UN’s ability to reduce conflict. When it comes to human rights violations, one of the greatest tools the UN has to its advantage, is its media shaming. “Moreover, their data shows that the UN has the worse success rate when intervening in intrastate conflict (conflicts within states), yet this has become the more common type of conflict since the 1990s” (Bercovitch and Jackson 2009: 68) Shashi, offered an opinion as to why the UN isn’t effective. The author concedes that;
“The problem of reforming the Security Council is rather akin to a situation in which a number of doctors gather around a patient and all agree on the diagnosis, but they cannot agree
on the prescription. The diagnosis is clear: the Security Council (SC) reflects the geopolitical realities of 1945 and not of today. This situation can be anatomized mathematically, geographically, and politically, as well as in terms of equity” (Shashi 2011).
Contrary to what Shashi says, the UN has its own means of measuring success. Accordingly, it must, “be guided by the principles of consent, impartiality and the non-use of force except in self-defense and defense of the mandate; Be perceived as legitimate and credible, particularly in the eyes of the local population, and Promote national and local ownership of the peace process in the host country” (UN 2020). With this thought in mind, the UN has shown significant changes in countries like, “Sierra Leone, Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Timor-Leste, Liberia, Haiti and Kosovo” (UN). During these ongoing operations the UN has provided;
“Basic security guarantees and responding to crises, supporting.
This document summarizes a consultation held in Abuja, Nigeria to discuss the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) titled "The Responsibility to Protect". The consultation was organized by the Centre for Democracy & Development and brought together civil society organizations from West Africa. Key discussions focused on examining the conceptual basis of the responsibility to protect, its relevance in the regional context of West Africa, and how its principles could be operationalized in the region. Regional perspectives on applying the report's flexible view of sovereignty were presented.
Added Value of the APSA Institutions to the women's empowerment discourse on ...Dudziro Nhengu
The document discusses the added value of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) institutions in promoting women's political participation and conflict prevention on the African continent. It outlines that women's political marginalization is a structural issue and a source of conflict. It also notes that several African countries still have less than 30% women in parliament. The document summarizes the components of APSA, including the Peace and Security Council and Continental Early Warning Systems. It highlights achievements in promoting gender parity within APSA institutions but also challenges like inadequate funding and coordination. The document argues that better aligning the AU and UN frameworks could help tackle issues more effectively.
A critical examination of the key factors and trends shaping Southern African peace and security (Anthoni van Nieuwkerk & Mxolisi Notshulwana); Regional security and Tanzania's mediation in the great lakes region: lessons learnt (Lucy Shule); The Southern African Development Community and the African maritime security equation (Francis A. Kornegay, Jr.); Piracy in the Horn of Africa: threat or opportunity?
The initiative of SHS on Harnessing Intercultural Competencies for Peacebuilding aims to
explore the potential of intercultural competencies to serve as an enabler for peace in fragile, conflict-affected and post-conflict contexts.
Abstract
Immediately after the Cold war, there was a general optimism of an international system that would
enable the component nation-states to pursue economic growth and greater independence. Despite
the various strategies by the component nation states in the international system to attain self-
sufficiency in economic terms and thus reduce dependence on other nation states for their needs
and survival thereby weakening bilateral relations, the contemporary realities of the international
system in the face of global security challenges pose a compelling sustained cooperation and
collaboration among the nation states in the international system. Global security includes military
and diplomatic measures that nations and international organizations such as the United Nations
(UN) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) take to ensure mutual safety and security.
It also includes the regional and sub-regional collaborative strategies at combating security
challenges. Diplomacy and global security are among the most pressing issues facing the world
today. Success or failure can have huge implications for the international community and society
as a whole. This paper submits that global security will remain a compelling factor in diplomatic
relations in the twenty-first century.
This document summarizes a chapter written by the author in 1976 for the first edition of The Handbook of Industrial and Organizational Psychology. The 1976 chapter defined conflict, proposed a taxonomy of five conflict handling modes (competing, collaborating, compromising, avoiding, accommodating), developed a process model of conflict, and a structural model examining factors that influence conflict handling. While primarily descriptive, the chapter also discussed conflict management and the functions of different conflict handling modes, concluding collaboration is generally most beneficial. The current document reflects on the influences and assumptions behind the 1976 chapter in light of the author's updated thinking for a second edition.
This document discusses conflict management in Asia and is a chapter from a 2004 publication. It was written by Catherine H. Tinsley from Georgetown University and Susan E. Brodt from Queen's University, who have also worked on related projects including organizational silence. The chapter examines approaches to conflict management across different Asian cultures and contexts.
This document discusses conflict at different levels within organizations. It defines conflict as any incompatible goals, thoughts, or emotions between individuals or groups. There are three types of conflict: goal, cognitive, and affective. Conflict exists at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, intragroup, intergroup, and intra-organizational levels. At each level, different reasons for and types of conflict are described. The document also discusses strategies for managing and resolving conflict, including preventing conflict through clear goals and communication, and resolving behavioral conflict through strategies like ignoring, smoothing, compromising, forcing, or problem solving.
This document summarizes two conflict management models: the structural model and process model. The structural model deals with factors impacting conflicts in projects and conflicting processes. The process model deals with the sequence of events involved in a conflict. The document also discusses three common conflict management styles used in organizations: accommodating, avoiding, and collaborating. Accommodating involves giving the opposing side what they want to keep the peace. Avoiding tries to postpone or ignore the conflict hoping it resolves on its own. Collaborating works by incorporating ideas from both sides to find a mutually agreeable solution.
This document provides an introduction and outline for a discussion paper on federalism and conflict management in Ethiopia. It begins with definitions of key concepts such as ethnicity, social identity, prejudice, discrimination, conflict, and federalism. It then outlines the objectives and methodology of the study. The introduction provides background on Ethiopia's ethnic composition and religious demographics. It describes Ethiopia's adoption of an ethnic-federal system in 1991 and how the country is divided into ethnic-based regions. In closing, it states that the paper will analyze constitutional provisions, causes of conflicts, conflict management strategies, and provide concluding remarks.
This 3 sentence summary provides the essential information from the document:
The document appears to be an individual assignment submitted by a student named Yehualashet T.M. Mariam Bezu for a Quantitative Analysis for Management Decision Making course with a course code of MBA 661 at the College of Business and Economics. The assignment was submitted in March 2023 in Ethiopia, Gofa Sawula.
This document outlines an MBA thesis presentation on the relationship between organizational commitment and employee performance at the Basketo Special Woreda Agriculture and Natural Resource Development Office in Ethiopia. The presentation includes chapters on the background, problem statement, objectives, research questions, methodology, and data analysis. The study uses a descriptive research approach, questionnaire, interviews and observation to examine the level of organizational commitment among employees and its relationship to perceived performance. Data is analyzed using descriptive statistics, correlation analysis and regression to identify commitment strategies and determine the impact of commitment on performance.
This paper examines local-level conflicts in Indonesia and develops a framework for understanding how and why some escalate into violence while others do not. The authors conducted detailed research in 41 villages over 6 months. They found that key factors influencing conflict trajectories include: 1) the compatibility and coherence of formal and informal rules/institutions, 2) the malleability of group identities and willingness of mediators, and 3) the efficacy of intermediaries in negotiations. The framework challenges top-down policy approaches and argues collaborative, evidence-based solutions are needed involving multiple stakeholders.
This study examines the factors influencing the growth of micro and small enterprises in the Benishangul-Gumuz region of Ethiopia. The study found that initial investment, access to land, access to finance, location, sectoral engagement, market linkage, and business experience significantly explained enterprise growth. However, gender, education, ownership, formal recording, and financial management practices did not significantly determine enterprise growth. The results provide insights into how entrepreneurs in the emerging Benishangul-Gumuz region can address factors to develop their performance and contribute to employment, poverty alleviation, and women's empowerment.
This document summarizes a paper by Thomas from 1992 reflecting on his influential 1976 chapter on conflict and conflict management. It discusses the key influences and models presented in the original chapter, including Thomas' definition of conflict, the conflict handling modes taxonomy, a process model, and structural model. It then outlines major developments in the conflict literature since 1976, including validation of the conflict handling modes taxonomy and increased emphasis on the role of cognition. Thomas proposes updates to his process model to incorporate normative reasoning and the role of emotions.
The document examines how the behaviors of strategic account managers impact relationship outcomes like customer trust, role performance, and synergistic solutions. It proposes and tests a model showing that customer orientation positively impacts role performance and synergistic solutions, increasing customer trust, while selling orientation negatively impacts synergistic solutions and trust. Team selling is found to positively impact synergistic solutions and trust.
This document provides a step-by-step guide to writing a literature review research paper. It defines what a literature review is, discusses the differences between a general literature review and a systematic literature review, and outlines the typical steps in the literature review process. A literature review surveys and summarizes previous scholarly work on a topic, critically analyzes the sources, and evaluates the state of research on an issue. It establishes the basis for further research by identifying gaps or inconsistencies in the existing body of literature. The key steps include choosing a topic, searching relevant literature, evaluating and analyzing sources, and writing the review.
It's an interesting subject that the experts are researching: how successful are women entrepreneurs in developing country. As they explained entrepreneurship is characterized by severe resource constraints. The Resource-Based View (RBV) argues that resources contribute to the explanation of the company's competitive advantage. The RBV partly explains the creation of resource pools but does not explain how entrepreneurs deal with combining a company's resource pool within a constrained resource environment. Bangladesh RBV: Research from the RBV minimizes the importance of entrepreneurial judgment and initiative in describing business performance other than initiating the enterprise. In Bangladesh, women business owners make up 10% of all business owners. The majority of Bangladeshi women business owners operate their businesses, albeit not extensively. Because cultural norms govern most of their actions, the social environment may limit their choices. 90% of the population is Muslim, and according to the Islamic perspective, women must maintain purdah, which could impede their performance in the workplace. In reality, Bangladeshis' extremely marginalized social position may pose substantial challenges to creating their own businesses, making it difficult for women to pursue entrepreneurship there. In a developing country like Bangladesh, women entrepreneurs operate in a resource-constrained environment. There are reasons to assume that this is a constrained environment for the entrepreneurial activities and business performance of women entrepreneurs. We aim at identifying and exploring the determinants of women's entrepreneurship in such a developing country from a bricolage approach. Theoretically, we can enhance insight into how resources in combination impact Bangladeshi women entrepreneurs' performance. The study was conducted in the Jamalpur and Mymensingh districts of Bangladesh on 211 women. Women entrepreneurs have shops where they sell different types of handicraft products, for example, fabric, bamboo, cane, jute, leather, and wooden products. Data were collected through a survey (i.e., executed as site visits) using a structured questionnaire. The social and business environment in terms of societal norms and customs is a hindrance to performance; the business environment does not affect the performance; combined Innovative–proactive EO and Risk-taking EO positively impact business performance. Based on this, we theoretically suggest that the (developed versus developing world) context should be added to Resource-Based Theory (RBT) to explain the possible ways a woman entrepreneur can deploy resources. Of women entrepreneurs is provided.
Department of MBA Review literature course management theory and practice the title conflict management.Conflict management is one of the most broadly researched topics in the area of organizational behavior. Conflict management has become the center of gravity of human activities. For example, Pondy had sorted these definitions into several categories: antecedent conditions, emotions, perceptions and behaviors. Rather than pick one of these specific definitions, Pondy had argued for the adoption of a broad working definition of conflict as the entire process that encompassed these phenomena. The inevitability of conflict in social relations has made conflict management an essential element for human adaptability and survival. This is because the approach adopted to mitigate conflict will determine one’s survival instinct and adjustment patterns in terms of how to live amicably with people to achieve set goals. The issue is that to live amicable with people call for the understanding of conflict dynamics and its management approaches in society. This paper presents a review of past literature on conflict management in organizations. The purpose of the review is to identify research gaps and concepts of conflict management. On the basis of previous literature review, it has been found that only conflict and conflict management, the conflict resolutions are also important predictors of organizational success. This literature review offers a synthesis of the past and contemporary studies about conflict and conflict management.5.1.1 concept of conflict management
The essence of conflict seems to be disagreement, contradiction, or incompatibility. Thus, "conflict" refers to any situation in which there are incompatible goals, cognitions, or emotions within or between individuals or groups that lead to opposition or antagonistic interaction. They recognize three basic types of conflict: Goal conflict is a situation in which desired end states or preferred outcomes appear to be incompatible. Cognitive conflict is a situation in which ideas or thoughts are inconsistent. Affective conflict is a situation in which feelings or emotions are incompatible; that is, people literally become angry with one another. Conflict is very common in organizational settings. This is not necessarily a negative feature; the resolution of conflict often leads to constructive problem-solving.
As a term, "conflict management" refers to a process whereby disputes are reduced, thereby bringing about a positive change in behaviour. As an approach, it is a systematic method of dealing with the causes, symptoms, dynamics, transformations, containment, settlement, and resolution.
5.1.2 Theory of conflict management
The theory in the area of conflict management has become much more extensive and sophisticated. Important developments in this area include Sheppard's (1984) framework for classifying the interventions of third parties into the conflict process and a more complex anal.
These lecture slides, by Dr Sidra Arshad, offer a quick overview of the physiological basis of a normal electrocardiogram.
Learning objectives:
1. Define an electrocardiogram (ECG) and electrocardiography
2. Describe how dipoles generated by the heart produce the waveforms of the ECG
3. Describe the components of a normal electrocardiogram of a typical bipolar lead (limb II)
4. Differentiate between intervals and segments
5. Enlist some common indications for obtaining an ECG
6. Describe the flow of current around the heart during the cardiac cycle
7. Discuss the placement and polarity of the leads of electrocardiograph
8. Describe the normal electrocardiograms recorded from the limb leads and explain the physiological basis of the different records that are obtained
9. Define mean electrical vector (axis) of the heart and give the normal range
10. Define the mean QRS vector
11. Describe the axes of leads (hexagonal reference system)
12. Comprehend the vectorial analysis of the normal ECG
13. Determine the mean electrical axis of the ventricular QRS and appreciate the mean axis deviation
14. Explain the concepts of current of injury, J point, and their significance
Study Resources:
1. Chapter 11, Guyton and Hall Textbook of Medical Physiology, 14th edition
2. Chapter 9, Human Physiology - From Cells to Systems, Lauralee Sherwood, 9th edition
3. Chapter 29, Ganong’s Review of Medical Physiology, 26th edition
4. Electrocardiogram, StatPearls - https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK549803/
5. ECG in Medical Practice by ABM Abdullah, 4th edition
6. Chapter 3, Cardiology Explained, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK2214/
7. ECG Basics, http://www.nataliescasebook.com/tag/e-c-g-basics
Muktapishti is a traditional Ayurvedic preparation made from Shoditha Mukta (Purified Pearl), is believed to help regulate thyroid function and reduce symptoms of hyperthyroidism due to its cooling and balancing properties. Clinical evidence on its efficacy remains limited, necessitating further research to validate its therapeutic benefits.
Histololgy of Female Reproductive System.pptxAyeshaZaid1
Dive into an in-depth exploration of the histological structure of female reproductive system with this comprehensive lecture. Presented by Dr. Ayesha Irfan, Assistant Professor of Anatomy, this presentation covers the Gross anatomy and functional histology of the female reproductive organs. Ideal for students, educators, and anyone interested in medical science, this lecture provides clear explanations, detailed diagrams, and valuable insights into female reproductive system. Enhance your knowledge and understanding of this essential aspect of human biology.
TEST BANK For Basic and Clinical Pharmacology, 14th Edition by Bertram G. Kat...rightmanforbloodline
TEST BANK For Basic and Clinical Pharmacology, 14th Edition by Bertram G. Katzung, Verified Chapters 1 - 66, Complete Newest Version.
TEST BANK For Basic and Clinical Pharmacology, 14th Edition by Bertram G. Katzung, Verified Chapters 1 - 66, Complete Newest Version.
TEST BANK For Basic and Clinical Pharmacology, 14th Edition by Bertram G. Katzung, Verified Chapters 1 - 66, Complete Newest Version.
TEST BANK For Basic and Clinical Pharmacology, 14th Edition by Bertram G. Katzung, Verified Chapters 1 - 66, Complete Newest Version.
share - Lions, tigers, AI and health misinformation, oh my!.pptxTina Purnat
• Pitfalls and pivots needed to use AI effectively in public health
• Evidence-based strategies to address health misinformation effectively
• Building trust with communities online and offline
• Equipping health professionals to address questions, concerns and health misinformation
• Assessing risk and mitigating harm from adverse health narratives in communities, health workforce and health system
Basavarajeeyam is a Sreshta Sangraha grantha (Compiled book ), written by Neelkanta kotturu Basavaraja Virachita. It contains 25 Prakaranas, First 24 Chapters related to Rogas& 25th to Rasadravyas.
TEST BANK For An Introduction to Brain and Behavior, 7th Edition by Bryan Kol...rightmanforbloodline
TEST BANK For An Introduction to Brain and Behavior, 7th Edition by Bryan Kolb, Ian Q. Whishaw, Verified Chapters 1 - 16, Complete Newest Versio
TEST BANK For An Introduction to Brain and Behavior, 7th Edition by Bryan Kolb, Ian Q. Whishaw, Verified Chapters 1 - 16, Complete Newest Version
TEST BANK For An Introduction to Brain and Behavior, 7th Edition by Bryan Kolb, Ian Q. Whishaw, Verified Chapters 1 - 16, Complete Newest Version
TEST BANK For An Introduction to Brain and Behavior, 7th Edition by Bryan Kol...
5086-19764-1-PB1.pdf
1. See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/280155915
African Union and Conflict Resolution in Africa
Article in Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences · December 2014
DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p325
CITATIONS
15
READS
28,300
2 authors:
Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:
Journal Articles View project
Gender Mainstreaming and Countering Violent Extremism in Nigeria View project
Christian Ezeibe
University of Nigeria
90 PUBLICATIONS 676 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
Chika Oguonu
University of Nigeria
53 PUBLICATIONS 179 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
All content following this page was uploaded by Christian Ezeibe on 05 January 2019.
The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.
2. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 27
December 2014
325
African Union and Conflict Resolution in Africa
Professor Chika Njideka Oguonu
Department of Public Administration and Local Government, University of Nigeria Nsukka
Email: chika.oguonu@unn.edu.ng
Dr Christian Chukwuebuka Ezeibe
Department of Political Science University of Nigeria Nsukka
Email: Christian.ezeibe@unn.edu.ng
Doi:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p325
Abstract
This paper examines the roles, limitations and prospects of AU in conflict resolution in Africa. It was conducted using
documentary analysis as well as discourse analysis approaches. The paper observed that the mono-cultural political economy
of Africa is the immediate cause of conflicts while the remote cause of conflicts in Africa is the arbitrariness in creation of the
boundaries. The article examined the Peace Operation in Burundi; role of AU mediation team and the Abuja Inter-Sudanese
Peace Talks; African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM); AU’s role in recent crises in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire. The paper
concludes that AU has played very important role in conflict resolution in the region. At least AU raises the alarm for
international community to intervene. However, AU’s missions have the limitations of financial barriers as well as dearth of
technical capacity. The paper recommends that AU should appropriate over 70% of her annual budget to a special fund for
responding to conflict emergencies so that it will react swiftly to conflict emergencies.
Keywords: African Union, conflict resolution, peace, intervention, mediation
1. Introduction
Conflict is an inevitable part of life and it has recurrent decimal in every political system. As a social problem, it is as old
as man and cuts across continents, regions and nations. Conflict arises in societies as a result of rival opinions, divergent
wants, competing needs and opposing interests (Heywood, 2007). Conflict can be classified into intra-personal, inter-
personal, intra-group and inter-group conflicts. In this paper, we are concerned with intra and inter-group conflicts in
Africa.
Ethnic/religions conflicts, border conflicts, civil strife, civil wars and genocides are rampant in Africa. Specific
instances of conflicts in Africa include ethnic/religious conflicts which developed into civil wars in Zaire, Sudan, Burundi,
Rwanda, Liberia, Uganda and Lesotho to mention but a few; turmoil in Angola; state /rebels conflicts in Serra Leone, Cote
D’ Ivoire and Guinea Bissau; border conflict (Ethiopia and Eritrea, Nigeria and Cameroon) and genocide in Somali.
International Colloquium Report (2012) also observed that since the collapse of the Soviet Bloc that marked the end of
the Cold War by 1989/1990, civil conflicts increased in Africa. It took the form of genocide in Rwanda in 1994 resulting in
about 800,000 deaths. In fact, fourteen of the sixteen wars fought in Africa from 1990 to 1997 were intrastate wars, and in
1992, the African continent hosted 46.7 percent of all civil wars in the world (Collier and Hoeffler, 2004).
The rising trend of intra/ interstate (s) conflicts in Africa are partly explained by internal political, economic and
ideological contradictions. Hence, eight out of the fifteen complex emergencies declared by the United Nations
Department of Humanitarian Affairs in late 20th and 21st centuries was in Africa (Umozurike, 2005). Meanwhile, the United
Nations (UN) sometimes ignored its responsibilities to keep the peace in Africa, and the African Union or its predecessor
Organization of African Unity (OAU) lacks the capacity and the resources for successful peacekeeping interventions.
The tasks of managing or resolving conflicts in Africa have been profoundly difficult. Some of the theoretical bases
of conflict resolution are justice, peace, security and stability of the political system (Akpuru-Aja, 2011). African Union
(AU) have tried with varying degree of success (sometimes significant and most time non significant) in resolution of
conflicts in Africa. In line with the Charter 33 of the United Nations, AU seeks resolution through negotiation, mediation
and intermediation without an imposition of authoritative decisions. Although classical international law permitted AU to
intervene under consensual arrangement by a suzerain in a protected state and on humanitarian grounds unlike the
3. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 27
December 2014
326
OAU, security challenges in African region continue to rise. International Colloquium Report (2012:15) observed that:
Despite the optimism at the launch of the AU, the African continent has subsequently continued to experience
security and governance challenges. An “Afro-Arab spring” swept across North Africa beginning in January 2011, toppling
long-ruling autocratic regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. The emerging state of South Sudan, which was created in
July 2011 after five decades of bitter civil war, remains fragile. Military coups took place in Madagascar in 2009, and in
Mali and Guinea-Bissau in 2012, and conflicts have continued in parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC),
Somalia, and Sudan, as well as in the Central African Republic (CAR). Peace building also remains incomplete in Liberia,
Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Algeria, Angola, Rwanda, and Burundi, while a self-determination referendum is yet
to take place in Western Sahara.
This paper examines the roles, limitations and prospects of AU in conflict resolution in Africa. This research was
conducted using documentary analysis as well as discourse analysis approaches. Relevant portions of documents of AU
and protocols in relation to conflict resolution were analyzed
2. Conflict Management, Settlement and Resolution on a Continuum
Conflict management tends to focus more on mitigating or controlling the destructive consequences that emanates from a
given conflict than on finding solution to the underlying issues causing the conflict. It typically involves the use of military
force for deterrence or peacekeeping. Conflict settlement emphasizes reaching agreement between parties through
negotiation and bargaining. Conflict resolution is a more comprehensive approach based on mutual problem sharing
between the conflicting parties. Deep rooted causes of conflict are addressed so that the situation is no longer violent,
hostile and exploitative (Sandole & van de Merwe, 1993). Conflict resolution elicits win-win solution and does not use
coercion (Cornelius & Faire, 1989). Although scholars have differentiated conflict management, settlement and resolution,
this paper uses the concepts interchangeably, so long as the objective is to end conflict. Conflict resolution here covers
the whole gamut of positive conflict handling.
3. Rational, Architecture and Principles of AU
The history of the African Union (AU) is connected to the formation of Organization of African Unity (OAU) on 25 May
1963. The preamble of the OAU Charter outlined the commitment of member states to collectively establish, maintain and
sustain peace and security in Africa, and at the same time defend the norm of non-intervention. OAU’s power to intervene
in conflict situation in Africa was constrained by high respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the
member states (Murithi, 2008). Hence, OAU could not intervene in conflict situations in Angola, the Democratic Republic
of the Congo (DRC), Liberia, Sierra Leone and Somalia in the 1990s.
The AU was officially launched at the 2002 Durban Summit. Article 3 (f &g) of the Constitutive Act states that the
AU shall promote peace, security and stability on the continent…, democratic principles and institutions, popular
participation and good governance. It explicitly recognizes the right to intervene in a member state on a humanitarian and
human rights ground (Hanson, 2009).The AU Charter specifically committed the AU to intervene in civil wars within
member states and when there are clear indications of human right abuses. This is a great change from the OAU Charter
that clearly prohibited the OAU (or any member states) from intervening or interfering in the internal political affairs of any
member country. The AU’s right of intervention derives from the ideal of Pan-Africanism and the principle of non-
indifference. Those principles stipulate that African countries can no longer remain indifferent to the conflict and suffering
that occurs in their neighbourhoods, and that African countries have the primary responsibility for establishing and
maintaining the peace and security architecture on the continent (Murithi, 2009). This protective responsibility is
implemented and coordinated by the AU’s security organ, called the Peace and Security Council (PSC). The Peace and
Security Council (PSC) of the African Union entered into force on 26 December 2003, putting in place a new standing
body to replace the OAU Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution Mechanism. As outlined in Article 3 of the
Protocol, the objectives of the PSC are to:
• Promote peace, security and stability in Africa, in order to guarantee the protection and preservation of life and
property, the well-being of the African people and their environment, as well as the creation of conditions
conducive to sustainable development;
• Anticipate and prevent conflicts. In circumstances where conflicts have occurred, the Peace and Security
Council shall have the responsibility to undertake peacemaking and peace building functions for the resolution
of these conflicts;
4. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 27
December 2014
327
• Promote and implement peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction activities to consolidate peace and
prevent the resurgence of violence;
• Coordinate and harmonize continental efforts in the prevention and combating of international terrorism in all
its aspects;
• Develop a common defense policy for the Union, in accordance with Article 4(d) of the Constitutive Act;
• Promote and encourage democratic practices, good governance and the rule of law, protect human rights and
fundamental freedoms, respect for the sanctity of human life and international humanitarian law, as part of
efforts for preventing conflicts.
The 15-member PSC is the AU’s pivotal decision-making body on conflict and crisis. The continental body’s peace
and security architecture includes a Panel of the Wise, which promotes high-level mediation efforts; a rapid-reaction
African Standby Force (ASF) built around five sub-regional brigades; a Continental Early Warning System (CEWS); a
Military Staff Committee (MSC); and a Peace Fund. The AU has adopted a holistic approach to peace building that seeks
to link peace, security, and development, and emphasizes the importance of national ownership of post-conflict
reconstruction efforts (International Colloquium Report, 2012).They are serviced and supported by the AU’s Peace and
Security Directorate (PSD), tasked with putting in place the architecture to ensure more effective African management of
crises.
There are certain minimum principles that guide these institutions and sub institutions of AU in conflict resolution.
Article 4 of the Constitutive Act of AU outlined the basic principles of operation for the organization. Some of these
principles include: sovereign equality and interdependence among Member States of the Union; respect of borders
existing on achievement of independence; establishment of a common defense policy for the African Continent; peaceful
resolution of conflicts among Member States of the Union through such appropriate means as may be decided upon by
the Assembly; prohibition of the use of force or threat to use force among Member States of the Union; non-interference
by any Member State in the internal affairs of another; the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a
decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity;
the right of Member States to request intervention from the Union in order to restore peace and security; respect for
democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance; promotion of social justice to ensure balanced
economic development; respect for the sanctity of human life, condemnation and rejection of impunity and political
assassination, acts of terrorism and subversive activities and condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of
governments.
4. Root of Conflicts in Africa
The mono cultural political economy of Africa is the immediate cause of conflict in the region. The mono- cultural capitalist
economic systems in Africa make political channels necessary to obtain economic advantage. Profit maximization,
privatization of means of production and extreme commoditization of labour became the character of African states after
decolonization (Ake, 1981). Successive political leaderships in Africa resorted to rapacious material accumulation and
failed to respond to the needs of the people. Most leaders in the region use political status to accumulate wealth by
consolidating their position through electoral malpractice and suppression of citizens. Seat tight syndrome among African
leaders becomes widespread. For instance, Omar Bongo of Gabon died after 42 years in power; Muammar Gaddafi of
Libya has stayed 39 years in the Saddle; Teodoro Obiang Mbasong of Equatorial Guinea has held on for 30 years; Hot
on his heels is Mugabe at 29 in Zimbabwe, Hosim Mubarak of Egypt stayed over 27 years in power; Paul Biya of
Cameroon has been hanging on for 26 years; Yoweri Musevini of Uganda for 23 years; king Mswati 111 of Burkina Faso
for 21 years and host of other. President Olusegun Obasanjo’s third term bid in Nigeria was also in this direction. The
saddest side of the story is that these rulers have shown lack of ability to blend strength and experience to achieve the
much desired development in Africa, yet they remains in political office for self aggrandizement. Horrendous poverty,
deprivation, marginalization and political corruption are prevalent in various parts of the continent despite the apparent
efforts by African leaders and their external supporters to democratize and develop the region. No wonder, most conflict
situations in sub-Saharan Africa are related to the struggle for national question which is usually in protection of natural
resources ranging from Gold to Diamond and Tin to Crude oil. International Colloquium Report (2012:32) remarked that:
Between 1960 and 1990, no single ruling party in Africa lost power. After 2002, ruling parties were voted out of
power in Benin, the Central African Republic, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Mali, Mauritius, São Tomé and Príncipe, Senegal,
Sierra Leone, and Zambia. In 2000, the OAU sought to end unconstitutional changes of government. The number of
multi-party systems in African countries increased from five in 1989 to 35 in 1998, while the number of one-party states
5. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 27
December 2014
328
decreased from 29 to two. However, the quality of democracy arguably declined between 2005 and 2012, with political
rights and civil liberties improving in 15 countries but deteriorating in 18 other states…some African leaders have
deployed violence and curtailed rights during election periods in a bid to hold on to power. In 2011, state security forces in
the DRC and Uganda used excessive force against opposition party supporters… At least 42 people were killed in the
DRC in the days before and soon after national polls in 2011… Substantial electoral violence accompanied national polls
in Kenya in 2007-2008, Zimbabwe in 2008, and Côte d’Ivoire in 2010-2011. Between 19 and 25 percent of elections in
Africa are marred by conflicts… Conflicts at the polls often relate to issues such as land rights, employment, and
marginalisation.
Meanwhile, the remote cause of conflicts in Africa is the arbitrariness of the boundaries of African countries initially
drawn up by the European colonial powers and the breakup of European colonial empires into multiethnic states has
kindled substantial intrastate violence (Ake, 1981; Aderanti, 2005). Indeed, the persistent border disputes deriving from
arbitrary borders have been a common event in the sub-region. Even when the OAU enjoined governments to respect
these borders in order to avoid potentially protracted, widespread conflicts that such disputes may generate, yet border
disputes abound between Senegal and Mauritania, between Ghana and Togo.
This arbitrary creation of boundaries by Europeans worsened the long standing enmity among African territories.
Hence, inter ethnic conflict in the African continent. Interethnic conflict are more common in Africa than anywhere else in
the world (Collier, 2003). Collier and Hoeffler (2004) estimated that the rate of Africa’s ethnic fractionalization at sixty-one,
whereas the worldwide average outside Africa is only thirty-four. Similarly, Halebsky (1976) remarked that racial, ethnic,
linguistic, and other cultural differences are main sources of conflict. Meanwhile, these differences do not breed violence
but when they become politicized, they lead to conflict. Politicized conflicts are used as instruments of competition for
power and resources among people from different ethnic groups.
Meanwhile, conflicts in Africa are hardly caused by a single factor rather multiplicity of factors may account for a
given conflict. Ikejiaku & Dauda (2011) show that the recent Zimbabwe and Kenyan conflicts are caused by ethnicity,
rigging of elections in Africa, colonial manipulation of Africa's boundary, and longstanding land struggles. They employed
the comparative perspective and contend that the primary cause of the Zimbabwe and Kenya conflicts is the failure of the
governments of Mugabe and Kibaki to address the basic needs of the people. Irrespective of the cause of conflict, such
tensions are accompanied by refugee flows across Africa
There is a high positive relationship between conflicts and refugee crises in sub-Saharan Africa. Salehyan and
Gleditsch (2006) use a linear regression model argued that the DRC heightened its own prospects for civil war from 12 to
20 percent by accepting 670,000 refugees from Rwanda, Burundi, and the Sudan. The mass influx of Hutu refugees after
the 1994 Rwandan Genocide outraged Tutsis in eastern DRC, who believed that the Mobutu government was supporting
the Hutu refugees in order to destabilize the region. When Joseph Kabila overthrew Mobutu Sese Seko with the help of
the Rwandan government, the Rwandan Hutus took up arms against the new government. Kabila eventually turned
against his allies in Rwanda, triggering a regional war in central Africa including Rwanda, Uganda, and the DRC.
Similarly, refugees from Liberia facilitated the conflicts in Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea during the late 20th and
21st centuries.
The policy direction of refugee host states and the activities of their security forces either heighten or reduce the
probability of conflict. When the security agencies view refugee populations as administrative burdens or security threats,
they consequently adopt harsh policies which may drive refugees to join armed groups. Kenya demonstrates how a host
government’s negative policies can contribute to political violence among its refugees. The Kenyan government treated
the refugees as the UNHCR’s problem and failed to provide land for the exiled populations or agree to any long-term
settlement. These policies create a hostile environment and catalyzed the formation of very powerful rebel groups within
the refugee camps who destabilize not only the areas around the camps, but also the entire border areas in both Sudan
and Somalia. Contrarily, favourable Zimbabwean policies towards the influx of Mozambican refugees in the 1980s and
Malawi’s response to an exodus of over two million refugees from Mozambique during Mozambique’s decades-long civil
war show that favourable refugee policies can help to control the spillover of conflict to refugees host nations in Africa.
More so, AU has a number of institutions or committees through which the organization performs its political and
economic coordination roles for the fifty three members in Africa. Some of these institutions were inherited from OAU
while the rest were copied from European Union. These institutions include the assembly, the executive council, the
permanent representative committee, the commission, the specialized technical committee, specialized technical
committee, the pan-African parliament, the court of justice, the economic, social and cultural council , the financial
institutions and the peace and security council. Africa Briefing Report (2011) noted that AU’s strategic decision-making
and policy implementation are generally affected by many factors including: weak institutional and political integration of
the Regional Economic Communities (RECs). Hence, the first black President of United States, Barrack Obama correctly
6. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 27
December 2014
329
noted during his first official visit to Ghana that Africa needs strong institutions and not strong men to survive and develop
in the 21stcentury.
AU’s institutional weakness often degenerates to institutional failure and this is a major contributor to rising incident
of conflicts across Africa. These institutions lack the cultural root and rationale to regulate behavior and conduct in
citizens and states in the region. Of course these institutions are not legitimately the outcome of African cultural realities
and were not structured by African cultural values but are rather they are products of global capitalist values and
principles. As Africans try to adjust to these evils of capitalism, insecurity increased in the region. The problem of
insecurity in Africa manifest in the forms of refugee problems; post election conflicts in Cote d’ Ivoire (Nigeria, Kenya etc);
border disputes (Nigeria vs Cameroon); competition for resource control (Niger Delta militancy); ethnic and
religious/sectarian intolerance (Boko Haram insurgence in Nigeria, El – Shabbab in Somalia); the Arab spring (Egypt,
Libya, Tunisia) indigene-settler divide, partisanship of security agencies in politics and terrorism across Africa.
5. AU’s Missions and Limitations in Africa
In 1990, there were about 20 wars going on simultaneously in Africa but by 2010, there were only four ongoing wars and
this is a big success story for AU (Ndiho, 2010). AU’s first mission was deployed in Burundi where transition to self-rule
was characterized by ethnic violence between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority. The failure of Arusha Peace and
Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi signed in 2000 to consolidate the peace process in the country and the ceasefire
agreement signed in 2002 without success led to the launching of the Peace Operation in Burundi (AMIB) by the AU
(Rodt, 2011). In April 2003, the AU dispatched a peacekeeping mission with the task to protect, disarm, demobilize and
reintegrate combatants.
The mission was described as one of the AU’s biggest success stories. It made concerted efforts to prevent
genocides in the Great Lakes region, and played a crucial role in the ceasefire negotiations. AU troops protected
returning politicians who took part in the transnational government and provided favourable conditions for the United
Nations (UN) troops, which joined in 2004 (Murithi, 2008). At the end of the AMIB mission, peace was restored to the
majority of the Burundi regions, except the region outside Bujumbura, where armed national liberation forces remained a
problem.
According to Africa Briefing Report (2011), there remains a discrepancy between the AfricanUnion’s (AU) capacity
on paper and its actual impact in crisis situations. The obstacles of the AMIB mission include inadequate equipment, food
and medicine. Although the European Union (EU), the World Health Organization, the United Nations Children’s Fund
and the German Technical Operation were the major sources of fund, the funds arrived late when too many have died.
More so, delay in deployment of troops from Ethiopia and Mozambique for Burundi was a major hindrance for the
mission. The delay was due to the AU’s decision that the deploying states had to finance their own troops (Rodt, 2011).
Again, the Security arm of the AU, PSC also has a severe leadership and management problem and this suffocated the
swift resolution of the Burundi conflicts. There is poor leadership, a lack of consensus in the AU and weak early warning
capabilities in the intelligence field.
The conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 1998, between the government of Congo and armed
rebel groups, sucked in neighbouring countries of Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia. There were
outcries of invasion of the DRC by the neighbouring countries and rebellion by the Congolese rebel groups. Ultimately, all
the parties sat together in a regional effort and considered all internal and external dimensions to the conflict. The
resultant Lusaka Peace Agreement addressed the concerns of the rebel armed groups and those of the neighbouring
countries. Consequently, forces of neighbouring countries withdrew and eventually, elections were held in the DRC
whereas Rwanda, in particular, was concerned about the DRC’s continued harbouring and supporting, on its territory, Ex-
FAR/Interahamwe who committed genocide in Rwanda in 1994. It was only in February/March 2009 that DRC and
Rwanda agreed and undertook joint operations against the Ex-FAR/Interahamwe. The same applies to the DRC and
Uganda, with the participation of Sudan, in the joint operations against the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in the DRC.
The joint operations signified a new spirit of regional commitment. The Tripartite plus Joint Commission involving
Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and DRC mediated by AU played a key role in building confidence and trust among these
countries and paved the way for these bold measures (Kutesa, 2009).
Meanwhile, in Darfur, where the Arab ‘white’ Sudanese government fought a civil war against the predominantly
black population, the AU was successful at the beginning. AU’s mediation team and the Abuja Inter-Sudanese Peace
Talks negotiated the signature of the N’djamena Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement on 8 April 2004 and the Darfur
Peace Agreement between the government of Sudan and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army.
Although AU received bulk of the funding from Canada, the EU, Germany, Great Britain and the United States of
7. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 27
December 2014
330
America (USA), the mission was still underfunded. Peace and Security Directorate (2008) noted that of the US$570
million proposed by the Commission for its 2005 budget, member states only approved US$158.4 million, little more than
a quarter of what was requested. Of this amount, US$63 million came from assessed member states contributions, which
support the AU’s operational and running costs. For the remaining nearly US$100 million, the AU Commission relied on
voluntary contributions from member states (the key donors being Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Nigeria and south Africa, each of
whom contribute 15 percent of the budget), and grants from external donors. International Colloquium report (2012)
remarked that today, over 90 percent of the AU’s peace and security efforts are funded by external actors. However, the
AU’s lack of influence over external interventions led by the UN Security Council and its five permanent members (P-5) –
the United States (US), China, Russia, France, and Britain – who often have their own more parochial interests, has
sometimes resulted in undesirable outcomes. Again, AU’s mission in Darfur was unclear due to the different views of the
members of the AU about the mission’s purpose (Nikitin, 2010). Hence, AU admitted its limitation and joined with the UN
in a UN-AU Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID).
The civil war in the ethnically homogenous country of Somalia, led the PSC to establish the African Union Mission
in Somalia (AMISOM) with the purpose to stabilize the situation in the country and to promote dialogue, facilitate the
provision of humanitarian assistance and create conditions for a long-term peace. The mission did not undertake any
urgently needed confidence-building measures and in 2007, AU revealed the weakness of its peacekeeping mission to
Somalia and inadequacy of the mission regarding the complexity of the situation (Marangio, 2012; Pavšiþ, 2013).
Other major roles of AU include AU brokering of a power-sharing agreement and deployment of a 462-strong force
to support elections in the Comoros in May 2006, providing an important security presence that eased the passage of
democracy. African troops supported the Comorian armed forces to remove self-styled ‘President’ Mohammed Bacar
from power in Anjouan in March 2008. The African Union did so at the request of Abdallah Sambi, the President of the
Union of Comoros (Kutesa, 2009) . In the same vein, African Heads of State suspended Member State of the African
Union that removed democratically elected government by unconstitutional means. It is in implementation of this that
Mauritania, Guinea Conakry and Madagascar were suspended from the AU until the constitutional order was restored in
those countries. AU also prevented the crisis in Niger by suspending the country’s membership in February 2010 after the
military coup, and demanded a return to constitutional order. Although the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and
Governance (ACDEG), adopted in 2007 exists, the Member States hardly adhere to nor commit themselves to its norms
and values. The same observation goes for the Panel of the Wise (not being fully involved in its conflict resolution efforts)
and the African Standby Force (ASF) (its establishment being delayed) (Africa Briefing Report, 2011).
AU’s lack of good communication tools; management capacity and positive visibility especially in the recent crises
in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire have soiled the credibility, authority and reliability of the organization. According to Africa
Briefing Report (2011), the proposed AU roadmap for resolving the conflict in the Libya crisis has not been given proper
attention by the international community, and has rather been criticized within and outside the continent. The AU appears
to have lost credibility due to the interplay of the following fundamental factors: perception- the popular protests in Libyan
and the Middle East have been perceived as an ‘Arab Spring’, rather than an African issue; internal divisions- South
Africa, Gabon and Nigeria voted in favour of UNSCR 1973, despite the AU High Panel (Toumani Ture/Mali, Zuma/RSA
Museveni/Uganda, Abdul Aziz/Mauritanie, Nguesso/C-Brazzaville) taking a different position; subsequently, the AU five-
point roadmap, which included a ceasefire, the protection of civilians, humanitarian aid, dialogue, and an inclusive
transitional period, meeting the aspirations of the Libyan people gathered much criticism. The AU’s mediation proposals
were rejected by the Libyan opposition (Transnational National Council), which insisted on Gaddafi’s departure.
Similarly, the AU has also been criticized for having mismanaged the quick resolution of the conflict in Côte
d’Ivoire, among others, by not being forthright in supporting the ECOWAS position on intervention. The situation in Côte
d’Ivoire showed that the AU Panel lacked a coherent strategy. The AU’s choice to send Thabo Mbeki to resolve the
dispute between Gbagbo and Ouattara in December 2010 failed on two accounts. First, Mbeki did not combine efforts
with ECOWAS. Second, South Africa was seen as a peacemaker that often opted for a pro-government (in this case pro-
Gbagbo) approach. Similarly, Ralia Odinga compromised his neutrality as a mediator when he supported military action
prior to confirmation by ECOWAS. President Bingu wa Mutharika visit to Côte d’Ivoire in an effort to salvage the declining
role of the AU, proved unsuccessful and Teodora Nguema was considered too controversial to be involved in the
resolution of the crisis because of his questionable human rights credentials. The AU attempts at a peaceful resolution of
the Côte d’Ivoire crisis was hampered many times by internal divisions between Member States that undermined the
credibility of the AU as the main political mediator. These divisions were reflected within the AU mediation team (Africa
Briefing Report, 2011).
8. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 27
December 2014
331
6. In Lieu of Conclusion: AU’s Prospects for Conflict Resolution
Regional efforts at conflict resolution in Africa have been successful where they have occurred except where the
aggrieved parties fail to implement agreed positions because of various reasons, including external interference, and
internal constraints. AU has played very important role in conflict resolution through mediations and peacekeeping
operations in the region. At least AU raises the alarm for international community to intervene. AU also has a significant
contribution of African troops and police. African engagement has also served as a catalyst for international support and
the return of UN peacekeepers to Africa (MONUC in Congo, UNMIS in Southern Sudan and UNAMID in Darfur) after the
tragedies of Somalia and Rwanda in the early 1990s.
However, AU’s missions have similar limitations. AU faces financial barriers engendered by extreme poverty
among its member as well as dearth of technical capacity. In 2006 only 12 countries paid their yearly contributions. In
fact, some countries are too poor and too internally devastated by their own conflicts, and cannot afford to participate in
other conflicts. Indeed, African political economy is largely characterized by socio-economic and political instability;
conflicting religious, regional and ethnic interests; unbridle corruption. AU heavily relies on the political and economic
support from the regional institutions and the international community who also has limited resources and is often too
slow in decision-making and rigid in their decisions about funding. This is largely because AU’s peace and security
machinery cannot focus effectively on more than one trouble spot at a time. For instance, with conflicts in Cote D’Ivoire,
the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad and most recently Somalia began to take a relative back seat. Hence, almost all
AU missions were later taken over by the UN and none of the AU missions identified here succeeded without the UN’s
assistance.
The AU should insist on improvement of the governance institutions in order respond to the basic needs of the
populations. Absence of such governance institution in Kenya and Zimbabwe heightened the conflicts in the countries.
Again, membership of AU should be based on certain minimum requirements including respect for rule of law, free and
fair election, stable democratic government, security sector reforms, obvious efforts to combat corruption and readiness
to cooperate with other states in the region in specific areas. States that do not meet these requirements should not be
AU members. The suspension of the states of Mauritania, Guinea Conakry and Madagascar for undemocratically ousting
their democratically elected leaders is commendable. African states should also depoliticize their ethnic/ religious
differences and promote national mechanisms for conflict resolution for early response to conflicts. AU should also
appropriate over 70% of her annual budget to a special fund for responding to conflict emergencies (dominant emergency
in Africa) so that it will respond swiftly to conflict emergencies.
7. Acknowledgement
We acknowledge Dr. Nonso Oguonu and Pham Mrs. Ezinwanne Ezeibe. They helped in the sourcing of the documents
used for this article.
References
Aderanti A. (2005) “Migration in West Africa”, A paper prepared for the Policy Analysis and Research Programme of the Global
Commission on International Migration, September.
Africa Briefing Report (2011) “The African Union’s role in the Libya and Côte d’Ivoire conflicts”, Brussels – 16 May
Aja-Apkuru, A. (2011) Homeland Security System and Conflict Management in Crisis Ridden Boundaries in Nigeria”, in O. Mbachu & A.
Sokoto (eds) Nigeria Defense and Security : Policies and Strategies. Kaduna: Medusa Academic Publishers Limited 255-268
Ake C (1981) A Political Economy of Africa. Lagos: Longman Group Ltd.
Akuffo, E.A. (2010) “Cooperating for peace and security or competing for legitimacy in Africa? The case of the African Union in Darfur”,
African Security Review, 19(4): 74-89.
Collier, P. and Hoeffler, A. (2004) “Greed and Grievance in Civil War”, Oxford Economic Papers, (56): 563-595
Collier, P. et al. (2003) Breaking the Conflict Trap: Civil War and Development Policy. Washington, D.C., & New York: World Bank and
Oxford University Press.
Cornelius, H. & Faire, S. (1989) Everyone can win: How to Resolve Conflict. Australia: Simon & Schuster
Halebsky, S. (1976): Mass Society and Political Conflict: Towards a Reconstruction of Theory. London: Cambridge University Press.
Hanson, S. (2009) ‘The African Union’, Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved from http://www.cfr.org.
Ikejiaku, B. & Dauda, J. (2011) “African Union, conflict, and conflict resolution in Africa: a comparative analysis of the recent Kenya and
Zimbabwe conflicts”, Int. j. of dev. and conflict 01(1)
International Colloquium Report (2012) “The African Union at Ten: Problems, Progress, and Prospects”. Berlin, Germany, 30-31 August
Jeng, A. (2010) “Enforcing the African Union peace and security framework in Burundi”, Journal of Law and Conflict Resolution, 2(8):
9. ISSN 2039-2117 (online)
ISSN 2039-9340 (print)
Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences
MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy
Vol 5 No 27
December 2014
332
116-128.
Kutesa, S.K. (2009) “Peace and Conflict Resolution in Africa”. Paper presented by the Ugandan Foreign Affairs Minister in JICA, Tokyo,
Japan, June.
Marangio, R. (2012) “The Somali crisis: Failed state and international intervention”, Istituto Affari Internazionali Working Papers 12-15,
May
Murithi, T. (2008) “The African Union's evolving role in peace operations: The African Union Mission in Burundi, the African Union
Mission in Sudan and the African Union Mission in Somalia”, African Security Review, 17(1): 69-82.
Murithi, T. (2009) ‘The African Union’s transition from non-intervention to non-indifference: An ad hoc approach to the Responsibility to
Protect?’. Retrieved from http://library.fes.de.
Ncube, J. and Akena, A.M. (2012) “A stream cannot rise above its source”, Pambazuka News, 22 November.
Ndiho, P. (2010): “African Union Plays a Significant Role in Conflict Resolution. Retrieved from http://www.vipiafrica.com/
2010/11/african-l. 22/08/12.
Nikitin, B.S. (2010) “Report: The Positive Impact of African Union Forces on Darfur”, Student Pulse, 2(1): 1-3.
Pavšiþ , P (2013) “The African Union: A noble idea or an effective provider of peace and security on the African continent?”, Consultancy
Africa Intelligence, 16 January
Peace and Security Directorate (2008) “African Union Peace & Security Framework and Mechanisms”, Addis Ababa: Peace and Security
Directorate
Rodt, A.P. (2011) “The African Mission in Burundi: The successful management of violent ethno-political conflict?”, Ethnopolitics Papers,
10: 1-27;
Salehyan, I. and Gleditsch, K. (2006) “Refugees and the Spread of Civil War”, International Organization, 60 ( 2): 335-366
Sandole, D.J.D. & van de Merwe, H. (1993) Conflict Resolution Theory and Practice: Integration and Application. Manchester:
Manchester University Press.
The OAU: Declaration on a Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution. Retrieved from http://www.dipublico.com.
ar/english/treaties/oau-declaration-on-amechanism 22/10/12
Umozurike, U.O. (2005) Introduction to International Law (5th Edition). Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd.
View publication stats