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![MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 4
ก้าวสู่ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์
Phramaha Yota Payutto Ph.D. (D.C.)
(Doctor of Philosophy)
Political Science is a social science discipline
concerned with the study of the state, nation, government,
and politics and policies of government. Aristotle defined
it as the study of the state.[1]
It deals extensively with the
theory and practice of politics, and the analysis of political
systems and political behavior, culture. Political scientists
"see themselves engaged in revealing the relationships
underlying political events and conditions, and from these
revelations they attempt to construct general principles
about the way the world of politics works."[2]
Political
science intersects with other fields; including economics,
law, sociology, history, anthropology, public
administration, public policy, national politics,
international relations, comparative politics, psychology,
political organization, and political theory. Although it
was codified in the 19th century, when all the social
sciences were established, political science has ancient
roots; indeed, it originated almost 2,500 years ago with the
works of Plato and Aristotle.[3]
Political science is commonly divided into five distinct
sub-disciplines which together constitute the field:
• political theory
• comparative politics
• public administration
• international relations
• public law
Political theory is more concerned with contributions
of various classical thinkers such as Aristotle, Niccolò
Machiavelli, Cicero, Plato and many others. Comparative
politics is the science of comparison and teaching of
different types of constitutions, political actors, legislature
and associated fields, all of them from an intrastate
perspective. International relations deal with the
interaction between nation-states as well as
intergovernmental and transnational organizations.
VOCABULARIES
NOUNS
adversary ปรปักษ์
anthropology มนุษย์วิทยา
antiquity สมัย/ยุคโบราณ
behavior พฤติกรรม
clan วงศ์ตระกูล
comparative politics การเมืองเปรียบเทียบ
discipline สาขาวิชา
economics เศรษฐศาสตร์
force กองกำาลัง-กองทัพ
governance ระบบการปกครอง -ธรรมาภิบาล
history ประวัติศาสตร์
influence (v) อิทธิพล
international relations ความสัมพันธ์ระหว่าง
ประเทศ
law กฎหมาย
national politics การเมืองระดับประเทศ
negotiation การเจรจา
political organization องค์กรการเมือง
political theory ทฤษฎีการเมือง
principles หลักการ
psychology จิตวิทยา
public administration รัฐประสาสนศาสตร์
public policy นโยบายภาครัฐ
social science สังคมศาสตร์
sociology สังคมวิทยา
system ระบบ
tribes เผ่าพันธุ์
warfare การทำาสงคราม
ADJECTIVES
civic เกี่ยวกับพลเรือน
distinct แตกต่างชัดเจน
political ทางการเมือง
seminal สามารถพัฒนาได้
ADVERBS
extensively ครอบคลุม
VERBS
attempt พยายาม
codify จัดเป็นหมวดหมู่/ ประมวล
constitute ประกอบด้วย /บัญญัติ/ก่อตั้ง
construct สร้าง
define ให้คำาจำากัดความ
engage ผูกมัด
establish สร้าง
intersect ตัดผ่าน/พาดผ่าน
originate ก่อให้เกิด
reveal เปิดเผย](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-4-2048.jpg)
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involved with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or
political movements. In a variety of capacities, people
educated and trained in political science can add value and
expertise to corporations. Private enterprises such as think
tanks, research institutes, polling and public relations
firms often employ political scientists." In the United
States, political scientists known as "Americanists look at a
variety of data including constitutional development,
elections, public opinion and public policy such as Social
Security reform, foreign policy, US Congressional
Committees, and the US Supreme Court — to name only a
few issues.
"As a discipline" political science, possibly like the
social sciences as a whole, "lives on the fault line between
the 'two cultures' in the academy, the sciences and
the humanities."[4]
Thus, in some American colleges where
there is no separate School or College of Arts and
Sciences per se, political science may be a separate
department housed as part of a division or school of
Humanities or Liberal Arts.[5]
Whereas classical political
philosophy is primarily defined by a concern for
Hellenic and Enlightenment thought, political scientists are
also marked by a great concern for "modernity" and the
contemporary nation state, along with the study of classical
thought, and as such share a greater deal of terminology
with sociologists (e.g. structure and agency).
ADJECTIVES
classical ชั้นแนวหน้า/ ดีเด่น
congressional แห่งรัฐสภา
contemporary ร่วมสมัย
diverse หลากหลาย
intergovernmental ความร่วมมือจากรัฐบาล
ประเทศต่างๆ
intrastate เกี่ยวกับหรือที่มีอยู่ภายในรัฐ
positive เชิงบวก
primarily เบื้องต้น
transnational ข้ามประเทศ/
เหนือผลประโยชน์ของประเทศ
ADVERBS
methodologically โดยทางวิธีการ
possibly เป็นไปได้
VERBS
add เพิ่ม
advance เดินหน้า
allocate จดสรร
analyze วิเคราะห์
appropriate วางให้เหมาะสม
compare เปรียบเทียบ
(is) concerned เกี่ยวข้อง
contribute เอื้อเฟื้อ
deal จัดการ/ ดำาเนินการ
define ให้คำานิยาม/ คำาจำากัดความ
employ ว่าจ้าง
examine ตรวจสอบ
interact มีปฏิกิริยาต่อ
involve เกี่ยวข้อง
may serve as ทำางานในฐานะ
measure ชั่ง-ตวง-วัด
recommend แนะนำา
run for office ลงสมัครเลือกตั้ง
Modern political science
Because political science is essentially a study
of human behavior, in all aspects of politics, observations
in controlled environments are often challenging to
reproduce or duplicate, though experimental methods are
increasingly common (see experimental political science).
[8]
Citing this difficulty, former American Political Science
Association President Lawrence Lowell once
said "We are limited by the impossibility of experiment.
Politics is an observational, not an experimental
science."[9]
Because of this, political scientists have
historically observed political elites, institutions, and
individual or group behavior in order to identify patterns,
draw generalizations, and build theories of politics.
Like all social sciences, political science faces the
NOUNS
advent การเกิด/ การปรากฏ
aspects ลักษณะ/รูปร่างหน้าตา/รูปการ/หลัก
เกณฑ์/ทิศทาง
complexity ความซับซ้อน
designation การตั้งชื่อ/ การแต่งตั้ง/ การ
กำาหนด
doctorate ดุษฎีบัณฑิต/ ปริญญาเอก
elite บุคคลชั้นแนวหน้า/ กลุ่มอิทธิพล
environment สิ่งแวดล้อม
generalization หลักการหรือกฎเกณฑ์ทั่วไป
impact ผลกระทบกระเทือน
impossibility ความเป็นไปได้ยาก
object วัตถุ
observation การสังเกต
organism สิ่งมีชีวิต
pattern รูปแบบ
phenomena (phenomenon)ปรากฏการณ์/ ข้อ
เท็จจริง/ สิ่งที่ประทับใจ/ บุคคลที่ประทับใจ
pluralism พหุนิยม
predecessor ผู้อยู่ในตำาแหน่งคนก่อน/
บรรพบุรุษ
scholars นักวิชาการ/ ผู้เชี่ยวชาญ](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-6-2048.jpg)
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knowledge in the discipline. This period saw a surge of
research that borrowed theory and methods from
economics to study political institutions, such as the
United States Congress, as well as political behavior, such
as voting. William H. Riker and his colleagues and
students at the University of Rochester were the main
proponents of this shift.
VERBS
borrow ยืม
characterize บอก หรือระบุคุณสมบัติหรือ
ลักษณะเฉพาะ/ สร้างลักษณะพิเศษเฉพาะ
stress เน้น
sweep-swept-swept เก็บกวาด/ ขจัด
witness เป็นพยาน
Political science in the Soviet Union
In the Soviet Union, political studies were carried
out under the guise of some other disciplines like theory of
state and law, area studies, international relations, studies
of labor movement, "critique of bourgeois theories" etc.
Soviet scholars were represented at the International
Political Science Association (IPSA) since 1955 (since
1960 by the Soviet Association of Political and State
Studies). In 1979 11th World Congress of IPSA took place
in Moscow. Until the late years of the Soviet Union,
political science as a field was subjected to tight control of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and was thus
subjected to distrust. Anti-communists accused political
scientists of being "false" scientists and of having served
the old regime.[10]
After the fall of the Soviet Union, two of the major
institutions dealing with political science - the Institute of
Contemporary Social Theories and the Institute of
International Affairs - were disbanded, and most of their
members were left without jobs. These institutes were
victims of the first wave of anti-communist euphoria and
of in many ways unfounded ideological attacks, despite
many of the people working in these institutes being
competent scientists with a proficient knowledge of
political science, and some of them having played an
important role in reforming the Communist Party.[10]
Today
the Russian Political Science Association unites
professionals-political scientists from Russia itself.
NOUNS
guise หน้ากาก/ เครื่องบังหน้า
bourgeois คนที่เป็นชั้นกลาง/พ่อค้า/ นักธุรกิจ/
distrust ไม่ไว้วางใจ
regime ระบบการปกครอง
affairs กิจการ
victim เหยื่อ/ ผู้รับกรรม
euphoria ความรู้สึกสบาย
ADJECTIVES
tight เข้มงวด
false หลอกลวง
major สำาคัญ
ideological เกี่ยวกับมโนคติ
proficient เชี่ยวชาญ
ADVERBS
VERBS
carry out ดำาเนินการ
represent เป็นตัวแทน
take place เกิดขึ้นที่/ จัดงานที่
(is) subjected บังคับ
accuse กล่าวหา
disband ปลดประจำาการ/ ปลดออกจากงาน
(lay-off)
Recent developments
In 2000, the Perestroika Movement in political
science was introduced as a reaction against what
supporters of the movement called the mathematicization
of political science. Those who identified with the
NOUNS
reaction ปฏิกิริยา
relevance ความสอดคล้องและสัมพันธ์กันและ
กัน
mechanism กลไก
mathematicization ทำาให้เป็นระบบ
คณิตศาสตร์
evolution วิวัฒนาการ
features หน้าตา/โฉมหน้า/ สารคดีพิเศษ](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-8-2048.jpg)
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movement argued for a plurality of methodologies and
approaches in political science and for more relevance of
the discipline to those outside of it.[11]
Evolutionary psychology theories argue that
humans have evolved a highly developed set of
psychological mechanisms for dealing with politics.
However, these mechanisms evolved for dealing with the
small group politics that characterized the ancestral
environment and not the much larger political structures in
today's world. This is argued to explain many important
features and systematic cognitive biases of current politics.
[12]
cognitive bias การขาดสติในการตัดสินใจ/
ความเบี่ยงเบนทางสติปัญญา
conference การประชุมวิขาการ
scholarship ทุนการศึกษา
ADJECTIVES
psychological เชิงจิตวิทยา
evolutionary เชิงวิวัฒนาการ
ancestral ที่ตกทอด/เกี่ยวกับบรรพบุรุษ
current เป็นปัจจุบัน
domestic ภายในประเทศ
particular โดยเฉพาะ
thematic หัวข้อ/ หัวเรื่องในการอภิปราย หรือ
การประชุใหรือการทำางาน
ADVERBS
broadly โดยกว้างๆ
VERBS
introduce แนะนำา
argue ถกเถียง/ แย้ง
evolve วิวัฒนาการ
organize จัดการองค์กร
emphasize เน้น
address ดำาเนินการเพื่อจัดการประเด็นปัญหา
Most Political Scientists work broadly in one or more of the following five areas:
• Comparative politics, including area studies
• International relations
• Political philosophy and theories
• Public administration
• Public law
Some political science departments also classify methodology as well as scholarship on
the domestic politics of a particular country as distinct sub fields. In the United
States, American politics is often treated as a separate subfield.
In contrast to this traditional classification, some academic departments organize
scholarship into thematic categories, including political philosophy, political behavior
(including public opinion, collective action, and identity), and political institutions (including
legislatures and international organizations). Political science conferences and journals often
emphasize scholarship in more specific categories. The American Political Science
Association, for example, has 42 organized sections that address various methods and topics
of political inquiry.[13]
History of Political Science
Political science as a separate field is a relatively late arrival in terms of social
sciences. However, the term "political science" was not always distinguished from political
philosophy, and the modern discipline has a clear set of antecedents including also moral
philosophy, political economy, political theology, history, and other fields concerned](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-9-2048.jpg)
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with normative determinations of what ought to be and with deducing the characteristics and
functions of the ideal state.
Ancient
The antecedents of Western politics can be traced back to the Socratic political
philosophers, Plato (427–347 BC), Xenophon (c. 430–354 BC), and Aristotle ("The Father of
Political Science") (384–322 BC). These authors, in such works asThe Republic and Laws by
Plato, and The Politics and Nicomachean Ethics by Aristotle, analyzed political systems
philosophically, going beyond earlier Greek poetic and historical reflections which can be
found in the works of epic poets like Homer and Hesiod, historians
like Herodotus and Thucydides, and dramatists such as Sophocles, Aristophanes,
and Euripides.
During the height of the Roman Empire, famous historians such as Polybius, Livy
and Plutarch documented the rise of the Roman Republic, and the organization and histories
of other nations, while statesmen like Julius Caesar, Cicero and others provided us with
examples of the politics of the republic and Rome's empire and wars. The study of politics
during this age was oriented toward understanding history, understanding methods of
governing, and describing the operation of governments. Nearly a thousand years elapsed,
from the foundation of the city of Rome in 753 BC to the fall of the Roman Empire or the
beginning of the Middle Ages. In the interim, there is a manifest translation of Hellenic
culture into the Roman sphere. The Greek gods become Romans and Greek philosophy in one
way or another turns into Roman law e.g. Stoicism. The Stoic was committed to preserving
proper hierarchical roles and duties in the state so that the state as a whole would remain
stable. Among the best known Roman Stoics were philosopher Seneca and the emperor
Marcus Aurelius. Seneca, a wealthy Roman patrician, is often criticized by some modern
commentators for failing to adequately live by his own precepts. The Meditations of Marcus
Aurelius, on the other hand, can be best thought of as the philosophical reflections of an
emperor divided between his philosophical aspirations and the duty he felt to defend the
Roman Empire from its external enemies through his various military campaigns. According
to Polybius, Roman institutions were the backbone of the empire but Roman law is
the medulla.[14]
Medieval Europe
With the fall of the Western Roman Empire, there arose a more diffuse arena for
political studies. The rise of monotheism and, particularly for the Western tradition,
Christianity, brought to light a new space for politics and political action. Works such
as Augustine of Hippo's The City of God synthesized current philosophies and political
traditions with those of Christianity, redefining the borders between what was religious and
what was political. During the Middle Ages, the study of politics was widespread in the
churches and courts. Most of the political questions surrounding the relationship between
church and state were clarified and contested in this period.
The Arabs lost sight of Aristotle's political science but continued to study Plato's
Republic which became the basic text of Judeo-Islamic political philosophy as in the works
of Alfarabi and Averroes; this did not happen in the Christian world, where Aristotle's](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-10-2048.jpg)
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Politics was translated in the 13th century and became the basic text as in the works of Saint
Thomas Aquinas.[15]
Renaissance
During the Italian Renaissance, Niccolò Machiavelli established the emphasis of
modern political science on direct empirical observation of political institutions and actors.
Machiavelli was also a realist, arguing that even evil means should be considered if they help
to create and preserve a desired regime. Machiavelli therefore also argues against the use of
idealistic models in politics, and has been described as the father of the "politics model" of
political science.[16]
Later, the expansion of the scientific paradigm during
the Enlightenment further pushed the study of politics beyond normative determinations.
Enlightenment
The works of the French philosophers Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot to name a few are
paragon for political analysis, social science, social and political critic. Their influence
leading to the French revolution has been enormous in the development of modern democracy
throughout the world.
Like Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, well known for his theory of the social contract,
believed that a strong central power, such as a monarchy, was necessary to rule the innate
selfishness of the individual but neither of them believed in thedivine right of kings. John
Locke, on the other hand, who gave us Two Treatises of Government and who did not believe
in the divine right of kings either, sided with Aquinas and stood against both Machiavelli and
Hobbes by accepting Aristotle's dictum that man seeks to be happy in a state of social
harmony as a social animal. Unlike Aquinas' preponderant view on the salvation of the soul
from original sin, Locke believed man comes into this world with a mind that is basically
a tabula rasa. According to Locke, an absolute ruler as proposed by Hobbes is unnecessary,
for natural law is based on reason and equality, seeking peace and survival for man.
The new Western philosophical foundations that emerged from the pursuit of reason
during the Enlightenment era helped pave the way for policies that emphasized a need for a
separation of church and state. Principles similar to those that dominated the material sciences
could be applied to society as a whole, originating the social sciences. Politics could be
studied in a laboratory as it were, the social milieu. In 1787, Alexander Hamilton wrote:
"...The science of politics like most other sciences has received great improvement." (The
Federalist Papers Number 9 and 51). Both the marquis d'Argenson and the abbé de Saint-
Pierre described politics as a science; d'Argenson was a philosopher and de Saint-Pierre an
allied reformer of the enlightenment.[17]
Other important figures in American politics who participated in the Enlightenment
were Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson.
19th
Century](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-11-2048.jpg)
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The Darwinian models of evolution and natural selection exerted considerable
influence in the late 19th century. Society seemed to be evolving every upward, a belief that
was shattered by World War I.
"History is past politics and politics present history" was the motto of the first
generation of American political scientists, 1882-1900. The motto had been coined by the
Oxford professor Edward Augustus Freeman, and was enshrined on the wall of the seminar
room at Johns Hopkins University where the first large-scale training of America and political
scientists began.[18]
The founding professors of the field included Herbert Baxter Adams at
Johns Hopkins, John Burgessand William Dunning at Columbia, Woodrow Wilson at
Princeton, and Albert Bushnell Hart at Harvard. Their graduate seminars had a thick historical
cast, which typically reflected their experience in German University seminars. However,
succeeding generations of scholars progressively cut back on the history and deliberate
fashion. The second generation wanted to model itself on the physical sciences.[19]
In the Progressive Era in the United States (1890s-1920s), political science became not
only a prestigious university curriculum but also an applied science that was welcomed as a
way to apply expertise to the problems of governance. Among the most prominent applied
political scientists were Woodrow Wilson,[20]
Charles A. Beard, and Charles E. Merriam.
Many cities and states set up research bureau to apply the latest results.[21]
The Thai Government Ministries
English Thai Since
Office of the Prime Minister สำานักนายกรัฐมนตรี 1932
Ministry of Defense กระทรวงกลาโหม 1887
Ministry of Finance กระทรวงการคลัง 1873
Ministry of Foreign Affairs กระทรวงการต่างประเทศ 1875
Ministry of Tourism and Sports กระทรวงการท่องเที่ยวและกีฬา 2002
Ministry of Social Development and Human Security
กระทรวงการพัฒนาสังคมและความมั่นคง
ของมนุษย์
2002
Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives กระทรวงเกษตรและสหกรณ์ 1892
Ministry of Transport กระทรวงคมนาคม 1912
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment
กระทรวงทรัพยากรธรรมชาติและสิ่ง
แวดล้อม
2002
Ministry of Information and Communication Technology
กระทรวงเทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศและการ
สื่อสาร
2002
Ministry of Energy กระทรวงพลังงาน 2002
Ministry of Commerce กระทรวงพาณิชย์ 1892
Ministry of Interior กระทรวงมหาดไทย 1892
Ministry of Justice กระทรวงยุติธรรม 1891
Ministry of Labor กระทรวงแรงงาน 1993
Ministry of Culture กระทรวงวัฒนธรรม 2002
Ministry of Science and Technology กระทรวงวิทยาศาสตร์และเทคโนโลยี 1979](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-12-2048.jpg)
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California. Retrieved 7/19/2013 "... although one might allege the same for social science as a whole,
political scientists receive funding from and play an active role in both the National Science
Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities [in the United
States]." <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p245585_index.html>.
5. See, e.g., the department of Political Science at Marist College, part of a Division of Humanities before that
division became the School of Liberal Arts (c. 2000).
6. Politics is the term used to refer to this field by Brandeis University; Cornell College; University of
California, Santa Cruz; Hendrix College; Lake Forest College; Monash University; Mount Holyoke
College; New York University;Occidental College; Princeton University; Ursinus College;
and Washington and Lee University. Government is the term used for this field by Bowdoin
College; Colby College; Cornell University; Dartmouth College; Georgetown University; Harvard
University; Smith College; Wesleyan University; the College of William and Mary; the University of
Sydney; the University of Texas at Austin; the University of Ulster; the University of Essex; Victoria
University of Wellington, which has both a "School of Government" and a separate "Political Science and
International Relations Programme"; and the London School of Economics and Political Science. Politics
and government is the term used by the University of Puget Sound. Government and politics is used by
the University of Maryland, College Park.
7. Vernardakis, George (1998). Graduate education in government. University Press of America. p. 77.
"...existing practices at Harvard University, the University of California at Berkeley, and the University of
Michigan."
8. Druckman, James; Green, Donald; Kuklinski, James et al., eds. (2011). Cambridge Handbook of
Experimental Political Science. New York: Cambridge University Press.
9. Lowell, A. Lawrence. 1910. "The Physiology of Politics." American Political Science Review 4: 1-15.
10. Political Science in Russia: Institutionalization of the Discipline and Development of the Professional
Community
11. Chronicle of Higher Education 2001
12. Michael Bang Petersen. "The evolutionary psychology of mass politics". In Roberts, S. C. (2011). Applied
Evolutionary Psychology. Oxford University Press.
13. APSA Organized Sections | APSA
14. Aabriel Abraham (2002). Ventures in political science. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 29. "Polybius attributes
the remarkable growth and power of Rome to its political institutions."
15. Muhsin, Mahdi (2001). Alfarabi and the foundation of Islamic political philosophy. p. 35.
16.Lane, Ruth (1996). Political science in theory and practice: the 'politics' model. M. E. Sharpe. p. 89.
17.Gay, Peter (1996). The enlightenment 2. W. W. Norton & Co. p. 448. "The men of the Enlightenment sensed
that they could realize their social ideals only by political means."
18. Herbert Baxter Adams (1883). The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
p. 12.
19. Seymour Martin Lipsett, ed., Politics and the Social Sciences (1969) pp 1-3
20. Glenn Hastedt, "Woodrow Wilson and Literature on Political Science," White House Studies (2011) 10#4 pp
451-458
21. Richard K. Fleischman and R. Penny Marquette, "Chapters in Ohio Progressivism: The Cincinnati and
Dayton Bureaus of Municipal Research and Accounting Reform," Ohio History (1988) 98#1 pp 133-
144. online
GLOSSARIES
ภาคคำาศัพท์อธิบายที่แทรกอยู่ในหนังสือ
GENRAL POLITICAL SCIENCE GLOSSARY](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-14-2048.jpg)
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Cognitive Biases:
A cognitive bias is a pattern of deviation in judgment, whereby inferences of other people and situations
may be drawn in an illogical fashion.[1]
Individuals create their own “subjective social reality” from their
perception of the input.[2]
An individual’s construction of social reality, not the objective input, may dictate their
behavior in the social world.[3]
Thus, cognitive biases may sometimes lead to perceptual distortion, inaccurate
judgment, illogical interpretation, or what is broadly called irrationality.[4][5][6]
Some cognitive biases are presumably adaptive. Cognitive biases may lead to more effective actions in
a given context.[7]
Furthermore, cognitive biases enable faster decisions when timeliness is more valuable than
accuracy, as illustrated in heuristics.[8]
Other cognitive biases are a “by-product” of human processing
limitations,[9]
resulting from a lack of appropriate mental mechanisms (bounded rationality), or simply from a
limited capacity for information processing.[10]
A continually evolving list of cognitive biases has been identified over the last six decades of research
on human judgment and decision-making in cognitive science, social psychology, and behavioral economics.
Cognitive biases are important to study because “systematic errors” highlight the “psychological processes that
underlie perception and judgement” (Tversky & Kahneman,1999, p. 582). Moreover, Kahneman and Tversky
(1996) argue cognitive biases have efficient practical implications for areas including clinical judgment.[11]
Common 6 Cognitive Biases
1. The Fundamental attribution error (FAE), also known as the correspondence bias
(Baumeister & Bushman, 2010) is the tendency for people to over-emphasize personality-based explanations for
behaviours observed in others. At the same time, individuals under-emphasizie the role and power of situational
influences on the same behaviour. Jones and Harris’ (1967)[12]
classic study illustrates the FAE. Despite being
made aware that the target’s speech direction (pro-Castro/anti-Castro) was assigned to the writer, participants
ignored the situational pressures and attributed pro-Castro attitudes to the writer when the speech represented
such attitudes.
2. The Confirmation bias is the tendency to search for or interpret information in a way that
confirms one's preconceptions. In addition, individuals may discredit information that does not support their
views.[13]
The confirmation bias is related to the concept of cognitive dissonance. Whereby, individuals may
reduce inconsistency by searching for information which re-confirms their views (Jermias, 2001, p. 146).[14]
3. Self-serving bias is the tendency to claim more responsibility for successes than failures. It
may also manifest itself as a tendency for people to evaluate ambiguous information in a way beneficial to their
interests.
4. Belief bias is when one's evaluation of the logical strength of an argument is biased by their
belief in the truth or falsity of the conclusion.
5. Framing by using a too-narrow approach and description of the situation or issue.
6. Hindsight bias, sometimes called the "I-knew-it-all-along" effect, is the inclination to see past
events as being predictable.
A 2012 Psychological Bulletin article suggests that at least 8 seemingly unrelated biases can be
produced by the same information-theoretic generative mechanism.[15]
It is shown that noisy deviations in the
memory-based information processes that convert objective evidence (observations) into subjective estimates
(decisions) can produce regressive conservatism, the conservatism (Bayesian), illusory correlations, better-than-
average effect and worse-than-average effect, subadditivity effect, exaggerated expectation, overconfidence, and
the hard–easy effect.
Notes
1. Haselton, M. G., Nettle, D., & Andrews, P. W. (2005). The evolution of cognitive bias. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of
Evolutionary Psychology: Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc. pp. 724–746.
2.Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology
Press. p. 2.
3. Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology
Press.
4. Kahneman, D.; Tversky, A. (1972). "Subjective probability: A judgment of representativeness". Cognitive Psychology 3 (3): 430–
454. doi:10.1016/0010-0285(72)90016-3.
5.Baron, J. (2007). Thinking and deciding (4th ed.). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
6. Ariely, D. (2008). Predictably irrational: The hidden forces that shape our decisions. New York, NY: HarperCollins.
7.For instance: Gigerenzer, G. & Goldstein, D. G. (1996). "Reasoning the fast and frugal way: Models of bounded
rationality.". Psychological Review 103: 650–669.
8.Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1974). "Judgement under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases.". Sciences 185: 1124–1131.
9. Haselton, M. G., Nettle, D., & Andrews, P. W. (2005). The evolution of cognitive bias. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of
Evolutionary Psychology: Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc. pp. 724–746.
10. Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology
Press.
11.Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1996). "On the reality of cognitive illusions". Psychological Review 103 (3): 582–591.
12. Jones, E. E., & Harris, V. A (1967). "The attribution of attitudes". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 3: 1–24.
13. Mahoney, M. J. (1977). "Publication prejudices: An experimental study of confirmatory bias in the peer review system". Cognitive
Therapy and Research, 1 (2): 161–175.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-15-2048.jpg)
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14. Jermias, J. (2001). "Cognitive dissonance and resistance to change: The influence of commitment confirmation and feedback on
judgement usefulness of accounting systems". Accounting, Organizations and Society 26: 141–160.
15. Martin Hilbert (2012) "Toward a synthesis of cognitive biases: How noisy information processing can bias human decision making".
Psychological Bulletin, 138(2), 211–237; free access to the study here: martinhilbert.net/HilbertPsychBull.pdf
Comparative politics
Comparative politics is a field and a method used in political science, characterized by
an empirical approach based on the comparative method. In other words comparative politics is the study of the
domestic politics, political institutions, and conflicts of countries. It often involves comparisons among countries
and through time within single countries, emphasizing key patterns of similarity and difference. Arend
Lijphart argues that comparative politics does not have a substantive focus in itself, but rather
a methodological one: it focuses on "the how but does not specify the what of the analysis."[1]
In other words,
comparative politics is not defined by the object of its study, but rather by the method it applies to study political
phenomena. Peter Mair and Richard Rose advance a slightly different definition, arguing that comparative
politics is defined by a combination of a substantive focus on the study of countries' political systems and
a method of identifying and explaining similarities and differences between these countries using common
concepts.[2][3]
Rose states that, on his definition: "The focus is explicitly or implicitly upon more than one
country, thus following familiar political science usage in excluding within-nation comparison.
Methodologically, comparison is distinguished by its use of concepts that are applicable in more than one
country."[3]
When applied to specific fields of study, comparative politics may be referred to by other names, such
as for example comparative government (the comparative study of forms of government) or comparative foreign
policy (comparing the foreign policies of different States in order to establish general empirical connections
between the characteristics of the State and the characteristics of its foreign policy).
Sometimes, especially in the United States, the term "comparative politics" is used to refer to "the
politics of foreign countries." This usage of the term, however, is often considered incorrect.[4][5]
"Comparative political science" as a general term for an area of study, as opposed to a methodology of
study, can be seen as redundant. The political only shows as political when either an overt or tacit comparison is
being made. A study of a single political entity, whether a society, subculture or period, would show the political
as simple brute reality without comparison with another society, subculture, or period.
The highest award in the discipline of Comparative Politics is the Karl Deutsch award, awarded by the
International Political Science Association. So far, it has been given to Juan Linz (2003), Charles Tilly (2006),
Giovanni Sartori (2009: Parties and party systems), and Alfred Stephan (2012: Arguing Comparative Politics).
Notes
1. Lijphart, Arend (1971). "Comparative politics and the comparative method". American Political Science Review 65 (3): 682–
693. doi:10.2307/1955513. JSTOR 1955513.
2. Mair, Peter (1996). "Comparative politics: An introduction to comparative.overview". In Goodin, Robert E.; Klingemann, Hans-Dieter. A
New Handbook of Political Science. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 309–335.
3. Rose, Richard; MacKenzie, W. J. M. (1991). "Comparing forms of comparative analysis". Political Studies 39 (3): 446–
462. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.1991.tb01622.x.
4. Hopkin, J. [2002 (1995)] "Comparative Methods", in Marsh, D. and G. Stoker (ed.) Theory and Methods in Political Science, Palgrave
Macmillan, pp. 249-250
5. van Biezen, Ingrid; Caramani, Daniele (2006). "(Non)comparative politics in Britain". Politics 26 (1): 29–37. doi:10.1111/j.1467-
9256.2006.00248.x.
International Relations (IR)
International Relations (IR) is the study of relationships among countries, the roles of sovereign
states, inter-governmental organizations (IGO), international non-governmental organizations(INGO), non-
governmental organizations (NGO), and multinational corporations (MNC). International relations is
an academic and a public policy field, and so can be positive and normative, because it analyzes and formulates
the foreign policy of a given State. As political activity, international relations dates from the time of the Greek
historian Thucydides (ca. 460–395 BC), and, in the early 20th century, became a discrete academic field (No.
5901 in the 4-digit UNESCO Nomenclature) within political science. However, International Relations is an
interdisciplinary field of study (Columbia Encyclopedia (1993).
Besides political science, the field of International Relations draws intellectual materials from the
fields technology and engineering, economics, history, and international law, philosophy, geography, and social
work, sociology, anthropology, and criminology, psychology and gender studies, cultural studies and culturology
.The scope of International Relations comprehends globalization, state sovereignty, and international
security, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, and nationalism, economic development and global
finance, terrorism and organized crime, security, foreign, and human rights.
The nation state is a state that self-identifies as deriving its political legitimacy from serving as
a sovereign entity for a nation as a sovereign territorial unit.[1]
The state is a political and geopolitical entity; the
nation is a cultural and/or ethnic entity. The term "nation state" implies that the two geographically coincide.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-16-2048.jpg)
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Nation state formation took place at different times in different parts of the world, but has become the dominant
form of state organization. The concept and actuality of the nation state can be compared and contrasted with
that of the multinational state, city state,[2][3][4]
empire, confederation, and other state forms with which it may
overlap. The key distinction from the other forms is the identification of a people with a polity.
Notes
1. Such a definition is a working one: "All attempts to develop terminological consensus around nation resulted in failure",
concludesTishkov, Valery (2000). "Forget the 'nation': post-nationalist understanding of nationalism". Ethnic and Racial
Studies 23 (4): 625–650 [p. 627]. Connor, Walker (1978). "A Nation is a Nation, is a State, is an Ethnic Group, is a...". Ethnic and
Racial Studies 1: 377–400. Discusses the impresion surrounding the characters of nation, state, nation state,
andnationalism Connor, who gave the term ethnonationalism wide currency, discusses the tendency to confuse nation and state, and
to treat all states as nation states. Sheila L. Crouche, Globalization and belongingdiscusses "The Definitional Dilemma" pp85ff.
2. Peter Radan (2002). The break-up of Yugoslavia and international law. Psychology Press. p. 14. Retrieved 25 November 2010.
3. Alfred Michael Boll (2007). Multiple nationality and international law. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 67. Retrieved 25 November 2010.
4.Daniel Judah Elazar (1998). Covenant and civil society: the constitutional matrix of modern democracy. Transaction Publishers.
p. 129. ISBN 978-1-56000-311-3. Retrieved 25 November 2010.
Perestroika Movement
The Perestroika Movement is a loose-knit intellectual tendency in academic political science which
seeks to expand methodological pluralism in order to make the discipline more accessible and relevant to
laypeople and non-specialist academics. Established in 2000, the movement was organized in response to the
perceived hegemony of quantitative and mathematical methodology in the field. Such dominance breeds
academic isolation and poor scholarship, the movement's leaders contend. The Perestroika Movement began in
2000 with an anonymous e-mail message sent by one “Mr. Perestroika” to the editors of the American Political
Science Review calling for "a dismantling of the Orwellian system [2]
that we have in APSA."[1]
The message
went to seventeen recipients who quickly forwarded it to others, and within weeks the Perestroika Movement
became a force calling for change in the American political science community (Monroe 2005).
Notes
Monroe, Kristen Renwick, (ed. 2005). Perestroika!: The Raucous Rebellion in Political Science (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 2005).
1. E-mail from Mr. Perestroika, October 17, 2000.
2. "Orwellian" is an adjective describing the situation, idea, or societal condition that George Orwell identified
as being destructive to the welfare of a free and open society. It connotes an attitude and a policy of
control by propaganda, surveillance, misinformation, denial of truth, and manipulation of the past,
including the "unperson" — a person whose past existence is expunged from the public record and
memory, practiced by modern repressive governments. Often, this includes the circumstances depicted
in his novels, particularly Nineteen Eighty-Four.[1]
Nineteen Eighty-Four uses themes from life in the Soviet Union and wartime life in Great
Britain as sources for many of its motifs.[2]
Orwell's ideas about personal freedom and state authority developed when he was a British
colonial administrator in Burma. He was fascinated by the effect of colonialism on the individual,
requiring acceptance of the idea that the colonialist exists only for the good of the colonised.[citation
needed]
There has also been a great deal of discourse on the possibility that Orwell galvanized his ideas
of oppression during his experience, and his subsequent writings in the English press, in Spain. Orwell
was a member of the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) militia and suffered suppression
and escaped arrest by the Comintern (Communist International/ The Third International (1919-
1943) faction working within the Republican Government. Following his escape he made a strong case
for defending the Spanish revolution from the Communists there, and the misinformation in the press at
home. During this period he formed strong ideas about the reportage of events, and their context in his
own ideas of imperialism and democracy.
This often brought him into conflict with literary peers such as W.H. Auden and Stephen
Spender.[3]
The adjective Orwellian refers to these behaviors of The Party, especially when the Party is the
State:
• Invasion of personal privacy, either directly physically or indirectly by surveillance.
• State control of its citizens' daily life, as in a "Big Brother" society.
• Official encouragement of policies contributing to the socio-economic disintegration of the
family.
• The adoration of state leaders and their Party.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-17-2048.jpg)
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• The encouragement of "doublethink", whereby the population must learn to embrace
inconsistent concepts without dissent, e.g. giving up liberty for freedom. Similar terms used
are "doublespeak", and "newspeak".
• The revision of history in the favour of the State's interpretation of it.
• A (generally) dystopian future.
• The use of euphemism to describe an agency, program or other concept, especially when the
name denotes the opposite of what is actually occurring. E.g. a department that wages war is
called the "Ministry of Peace" or "Ministry of Defence".
Notes
1. The Oxford Companion to English Literature, Sixth Edition. University of Oxford Press: 2000. p. 726.
2. Tzouliadis, Tim (2008). The Forsaken. New York: Penguin Press. pp. 48–49.
3."I am not one of your fashionable pansies like Auden and Spender", 'Orwell in Spain' is the current compilation of Orwell's
writings on Spain. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Orwell-Spain-Penguin-Modern-Classics/dp/0141185163
Pluralism
Pluralist conception of power
The list of possibilities is virtually endless: legal authority, money, prestige, skill, knowledge, charisma,
legitimacy, free time, and experience. Pluralists also stress the differences between potential and actual power as
it stands. Actual power means the ability to compel someone to do something and is the view of power as a
causation. Dahl describes power as a "realistic relationship, such as A's capacity for acting in such a manner as to
control B's responses" [A preface to Democratic Theory]. Potential power refers to the possibility of turning
resources into actual power. Cash, one of many resources, is only a stack of bills until it is put to work. Malcolm
X, for example, was certainly not a rich person. But by using resources such as his forceful personality,
organizational skills, and especially the legitimacy of his cause, he had a greater impact on American politics
than most wealthy people. A particular resource like money cannot automatically be equated with power because
the resource can be used skillfully or clumsily, fully or partially, or not at all.
The pluralist approach to the study of power, states that nothing categorical about power can be
assumed in any community. The question then is not who runs a community, but if any group in fact does. To
determine this, pluralists study specific outcomes. The reason for this is that they believe human behavior is
governed in large part by inertia. That said, actual involvement in overt activity is a more valid marker of
leadership than simply a reputation. Pluralists also believe that there is no one particular issue or point in time at
which any group must assert itself to stay true to its own expressed values, but rather that there are a variety of
issues and points at which this is possible. There are also costs involved in taking action at all—not only losing,
but expenditure of time and effort. While a structuralist may argue that power distributions have a rather
permanent nature, this rationale says that power may in fact be tied to issues, which vary widely in duration.
Also, instead of focusing on actors within a system, the emphasis is on the leadership roles itself. By studying
these, it can be determined to what extent there is a power structure present in a society.
Three of the major tenets of the pluralist school are (1) resources and hence potential power are widely
scattered throughout society; (2) at least some resources are available to nearly everyone; and (3) at any time the
amount of potential power exceeds the amount of actual power.
Finally, and perhaps most important, no one is all-powerful unless proven so through empirical
observation. An individual or group that is influential in one realm may be weak in another. Large military
contractors certainly throw their weight around on defense matters, but how much sway do they have on
agricultural or health policies? A measure of power, therefore, is its scope, or the range of areas where it is
successfully applied as observed by a researcher. Pluralists believe that with few exceptions power holders
usually have a relatively limited scope of influence. Pluralism does leave room for an elitist situation- Should a
group A continuously exert power over multiple groups. For a pluralist to accept this notion, it must be
empirically observed and not assumed so by definition.
For all these reasons power cannot be taken for granted. One has to observe it empirically in order to
know who really governs. The best way to do this, pluralists believe, is to examine a wide range of specific
decisions, noting who took which side and who ultimately won and lost. Only by keeping score on a variety of
controversies can one begin to identify actual power holders. Pluralism was associated with behavioralism[2]
A contradiction to pluralist power is often cited from the origin of one's power. Although certain groups
may share power, people within those groups set agendas, decide issues, and take on leadership roles through
their own qualities. Some theorists argue that these qualities cannot be transferred, thus creating a system where
elitism still exists. What this theory fails to take into account is the prospect of overcoming these qualities by
garnering support from other groups. By aggregating power with other organizations, interest groups can over-
power these non-transferable qualities. In this sense, political pluralism still applies to these aspects.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-18-2048.jpg)
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Elite pluralism
There were some objections to this model of pluralism, especially by critics who argued that groups
need a high level of resources and the support of patrons to contend for influence. This observation formed the
basis for elite pluralism. This modified pluralism accounts for elements of elite theory and was advanced by
scholars such as E.E. Schattschneider, who wrote that "The flaw in the pluralist heaven is that the heavenly
chorus sings with a strong upper-class accent."[3]
Neo-pluralism
While Pluralism as a political theory of the state and policy formation gained its most traction during
the 1950s and 1960s in America, some scholars argued that the theory was too simplistic (see Connolly
(1969) The Challenge to Pluralist Theory) - leading to the formulation of neo-pluralism. Views differed about
the division of power in democratic society. Although neo-pluralism sees multiple pressure groups competing
over political influence, the political agenda is biased towards corporate power. Neo-pluralism no longer sees the
state as an umpire mediating and adjudicating between the demands of different interest groups, but as a
relatively autonomous actor (with different departments) that forges and looks after its own (sectional) interests.
Constitutional rules, which in pluralism are embedded in a supportive political culture, should be seen in the
context of a diverse, and not necessarily supportive, political culture and a system of radically uneven economic
sources. This diverse culture exists because of an uneven distribution of socioeconomic power. This creates
possibilities for some groups - while limiting others - in their political options. In the international realm, order is
distorted by powerful multinational interests and dominant states, while in classical pluralism emphasis is put on
stability by a framework of pluralist rules and free market society.
There are two significant theoretical critiques on pluralism: Corporatism and Neo-Marxism.
Notes:
1. Held, David. (2006). Models of Democracy. 3rd Edition (20 Jun 2006): Polity Press.
2. Pluralism. http://www.socialstudieshelp.com/APGOV_pluralism.htm: retrieved 18/7/2013
3. Schattschneider, E.E. (1960). The Semi-Sovereign People. New York: Holt. Rinehart and Winston, p. 35.
Politics
Politics (from Greek: politikos, meaning "of, for, or relating to citizens"), it is the practice and theory
of influencing other people on a civic or individual level. More narrowly, it refers to achieving and exercising
positions of governance — organized control over a human community, particularly a state. A variety of
methods is employed in politics, which include promoting its own political views among
people, negotiation with other political subjects, making laws, and exercising force, including warfare against
adversaries. Politics is exercised on a wide range of social levels, from clans and tribes of traditional societies,
through modern local governments, companies and institutions up to sovereign states, to international level.
Political philosophy
Political philosophy is the study of such topics as politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law, and the
enforcement of a legal code by authority: what they are, why (or even if) they are needed, what, if anything,
makes a government legitimate, what rights and freedoms it should protect and why, what form it should take
and why, what the law is, and what duties citizens owe to a legitimate government, if any, and when it may be
legitimately overthrown, if ever. In a vernacular sense, the term "political philosophy" often refers to a general
view, or specific ethic, political belief or attitude, about politics that does not necessarily belong to the technical
discipline of philosophy. In short, political philosophy is the activity, as with all philosophy, whereby the
conceptual apparatus behind such concepts as aforementioned are analyzed, in their history, intent, evolution and
the like.[(Hampton, 1997)
Hampton, Jean (1997). Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies. WestviewPress. p. xiii(13)
in Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's
University Press, 2009.
Political system
Political system is a framework which defines acceptable political methods within a given
society. History of political thought can be traced back to early antiquity, with seminal works such as Plato's
Republic, Aristotle's Politics and opus of Confucius.
Public administration
Public administration is concerned with the implementation of government policy, and is an academic
discipline that studies this implementation and prepares civil servants for working in the public service.[1]
As a
"field of inquiry with a diverse scope" its "fundamental goal... is to advance management and policies so that
government can function."[2]
Some of the various definitions which have been offered for the term are: "the
management of public programs";[3]
the "translation of politics into the reality that citizens see every day";[4]
and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-19-2048.jpg)
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"the study of government decision making, the analysis of the policies themselves, the various inputs that have
produced them, and the inputs necessary to produce alternative policies."[5]
Public administration is "centrally concerned with the organization of government policies and
programs as well as the behavior of officials (usually non-elected) formally responsible for their
conduct"[6]
Many unelected public servants can be considered to be public administrators, including heads of
city, county, regional, state and federal departments such as municipal budget directors, human resources (H.R.)
administrators, city managers, census managers, state mental health directors, and cabinet secretaries.[4]
Public
administrators are public working in public departments and agencies, at all levels of government.[4]
In the US, civil servants and academics such as Woodrow Wilson promoted American civil service
reform in the 1880s, moving public administration into academia.[7]
However, "until the mid-20th century and
the dissemination of the German sociologist Max Weber's theory of bureaucracy" there was not "much interest in
a theory of public administration."[8]
The field is multidisciplinary in character; one of the various proposals for
public administration's sub-fields sets out six pillars, including human resources, organizational theory, policy
analysis and statistics, budgeting, and ethics.[9]
Notes:
1. Random House Unabridged Dictionary
2. Handbook of Public Administration. Eds Jack Rabin, W. Bartley Hildreth, and Gerard J. Miller. 1989: Marcel Dekker, NY. p. iii
3. Robert and Janet Denhardt. Public Administration: An Action Orientation. 6th Ed. 2009: Thomson Wadsworth, Belmont CA.
4. Kettl, Donald and James Fessler. (2009). The Politics of the Administrative Process. Washington D.C.: CQ Press.
5. Jerome B. McKinney and Lawrence C. Howard.(1998). Public Administration: Balancing Power and Accountability. 2nd Ed. 1998:
Praeger Publishing, Westport, CT. p. 62
6. UN Economic and Social Council. Committee of Experts on Public Administration. Definition of basic concepts and terminologies in
governance and public administration. 2006
7. Wilson, Woodrow. (June, 1887). The Study of Administration, Political Science Quarterly 2.
8. Public administration. (2010) In Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved August 18, 2010, from Encyclopaedia Britannica Online.
9. Shafritz, J.M., A.C. Hyde.( 2007. Classics of Public Administration. Wadsworth: Boston.
Public law
Public law (lat. ius publicum) is that part of law which governs relationships between individuals and
the government, and those relationships between individuals which are of direct concern to the society (Martin,
2003). Public law comprisesconstitutional law, administrative law, tax law and criminal law,[Martin, 2003] as
well as all procedural law. In public law, mandatory rules (not optional) prevail. Laws concerning relationships
between individuals belong to private law.
The relationships public law governs are asymmetric and unequal – government bodies (central or local) can
make decisions about the rights of individuals. However, as a consequence of the rule of law doctrine, authorities
may only act within the law (secundum et intra legem). The government must obey the law. For example, a
citizen unhappy with a decision of an administrative authority can ask a court for judicial review.
Rights, too, can be divided into private rights and public rights. A paragon of a public right is the right
to welfare benefits – only a natural person can claim such payments, and they are awarded through an
administrative decision out of the government budget.
The distinction between public law and private law dates back to Roman law. It has been picked up in
the countries of civil law tradition at the beginning of the 19th century, but since then spread to common law
countries, too.
The borderline between public law and private law is not always clear in particular cases, giving rise to attempts
of theoretical understanding of its basis.
Notes
Elizabeth A. Martin (2003). Oxford Dictionary of Law (7th ed. ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press
Polity
A polity is a state or one of its subordinate civil authorities, such as
a province, prefecture, county, municipality, city, or district.[1]
It is generally understood to mean a geographic
area with a corresponding government.
Thomas Hobbes considered bodies politic in this sense in Leviathan.[2]
In previous centuries, body
politic was also understood to mean "the physical person of the sovereign:" emperor, king or dictator in
monarchies and despotisms, and the electorate in republics. In present times, it may also refer to representation
of a group, such as ones drawn along the ethnic or the gender lines. Cabinets in liberal democracies are chosen to
represent the body politics.
Notes:
1. Black's Law Dictionary, 4th ed., West Publishing Co., (1968), and Uricich v. Kolesar, 54 Ohio App. 309, 7 N.E. 2d 413.
2. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, (1651); http://www.earlymoderntexts.com/pdf/hobblev2.pdf; accessed 28 November 2008.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-20-2048.jpg)
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POLITICAL SCIENCE LEADING PHILOSOPHERS
Aristotle (Ancient Greek: Ἀριστοτέλης [aristotélɛːs], Aristotélēs) (384 BC –322 BC) [1]
Aristotle was a Greek philosopher and polymath, a student of Plato and teacher of Alexander the Great.
His writings cover many subjects including physics, metaphysics, poetry, theater, music, logic, and rhetoric. He
also wrote linguistics, politics, government, ethics, biology, and zoology. Together with Plato and Socrates ,
Plato's teacher, Aristotle is one of the most important founding figures in Western philosophy. Aristotle's
writings were the first to create a comprehensive system of Western philosophy, encompassing ethics, logic,
science, politics, aesthetics, and metaphysics.
Marcus Tullius Cicero (/ˈsɪsɨroʊ/; Classical Latin: [markʊs tul.ljʊs ˈkɪkɛroː]; 3 January 106 BC – 7
December 43 BC; sometimes anglicized as Tully[1]
)
Marcus Tullius Cicero was a Roman philosopher, statesman, lawyer, orator, political theorist, consul
and constitutionalist. He came from a wealthy municipal family of the equestrian order, and is widely considered
one of Rome's greatest orators and prose stylists.[2][3]
His influence on the Latin language was so immense that the subsequent history of prose in not only
Latin but European languages up to the 19th century was said to be either a reaction against or a return to his
style.[4]
According to Michael Grant, "the influence of Cicero upon the history of European literature and ideas
greatly exceeds that of any other prose writer in any language".[5]
Cicero introduced the Romans to the chief
schools of Greek philosophy and created a Latin philosophical vocabulary (with neologisms such
as humanitas, qualitas, quantitas, andessentia)[6]
distinguishing himself as a linguist, translator, and philosopher.
Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's letters is often credited for initiating the 14th-century Renaissance.
[7]
According to Polish historian Tadeusz Zieliński, "Renaissance was above all things a revival of Cicero, and
only after him and through him of the rest of Classical antiquity."[8]
The peak of Cicero's authority and prestige
came during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment,[9]
and his impact on leading Enlightenment thinkers such
as John Locke, David Hume, and Montesquieu was substantial.[10]
His works rank among the most influential in
European culture, and today still constitute one of the most important bodies of primary material for the writing
and revision of Roman history, especially the last days of the Roman Republic.[11]
Though he was an accomplished orator and successful lawyer, Cicero believed his political career was his
most important achievement. It was during his consulship that the Second Catilinarian Conspiracy attempted the
government overthrow through an attack on the city from outside forces, and Cicero suppressed the revolt by
executing five conspirators without due process. During the chaotic latter half of the 1st century BC marked
by civil wars and the dictatorship of Gaius Julius Caesar, Cicero championed a return to the
traditional republican government. Following Julius Caesar's death Cicero became an enemy of Mark Antony in
the ensuing power struggle, attacking him in a series of speeches. He was proscribed as an enemy of the state by
the Second Triumvirate and subsequently murdered in 43 BC.
Notes
1. H. Jones, Master Tully: Cicero in Tudor England (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1998).
2. Rawson, Elizabeth. (1975). Cicero: A Portrait (Allen Lane, Penguin Books Ltd., 1975). Revised edition: Bristol Classical Press, 1983.
American edition of revised edition: Cornell University Press, 1983. p.303
3. Haskell, H.J. (1964) This was Cicero . Alfred A. Knopf. p.300–301
4. Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of Literature, "Ciceronian period" (1995) p. 244
5. Cicero,(ed. 1971) Selected Works. Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain . pp.24
6. Conte, Gian. Bagio (1987).: "Latin Literature: a history" trans. Joseph B. Solodow. Baltimore, MA and London: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1994 p.199
7. Wooton, David. (1996). Modern political thought : readings from Machiavelli to Nietzsche. Hackett Pub. Co, Indianapolis, Ind. p.1
8. Tadeusz Zieliński.(1908, 1912). Cicero Im Wandel Der Jahrhunderte. German Ed. Nabu Press.
9. Wood, Neal (1991). Cicero's Social and Political Thought. University of California Press.
10. Nicgorski, Walter. (2011). "Cicero and the Natural Law". Natural Law, Natural Rights, and American Constitutionalism. Online at
http://www.nlnrac.org/classical/cicero
11. Miriam Griffin; John Boardman, Jasper Griffin, Oswyn Murray (15 January 2001). The Oxford Illustrated History of the Roman World.
Oxford University Press. pp. 76–.
Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (Italian: [nikkoˈlɔ makjaˈvɛlli]; 3 May 1469 – 21 June 1527)
Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli was an Italian historian, politician, diplomat,
philosopher, humanist and writer based in Florence during the Renaissance. He was for many years an official in
the Florentine Republic, with responsibilities in diplomatic and military affairs. He was a founder of
modern political science, and more specifically political ethics. He also wrote comedies, carnival songs, and
poetry. His personal correspondence is renowned in the Italian language. He was Secretary to the
Second Chancery of the Republic of Florence from 1498 to 1512, when the Medici were out of power. He wrote](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-21-2048.jpg)
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his masterpiece, The Prince, after the Medici had recovered power and he no longer held a position of
responsibility in Florence.
His moral and ethical beliefs led to the creation of the word Machiavellianism which has since been used
to describe one of the three dark triad personalities in psychology.
The Dark Triad is a group of three personality traits: narcissism, Machiavellianism and psychopathy, all
of which are interpersonally aversive.[1][2][3]
The Dark Triad refers to three theoretically distinct but empirically
overlapping personality constructs.[4][5]
The term reflects the perception that these three diagnostic categories
have at least some common underlying factors:[6][7]
• The narcissistic personality (in the clinical sense) is characterized by a grandiose self-view, a
sense of entitlement, lack of empathy, and egotism. Some theories, such as those of Heinz
Kohut, associate it with the protection of a radically weak, shamed, or damaged self.[8]
• The Machiavellian personality is characterized by manipulation and exploitation of others,
with a cynical (pessimistic, skeptical, disbelieving) disregard for morality and a focus on self-
interest and deception.[9]
• The psychopathic personality is characterized by impulsive thrill-seeking and in its "primary"
form by selfishness, callousness or indifferent, lack of personal affect, superficial charm,
and remorselessness.
He asserted that social benefits of stability and security could be achieved in the face of moral corruption.
Aside from that, Machiavelli believed that public and private morality had to be understood as two different
things in order to rule well. As a result, a ruler must be concerned not only with reputation, but also must be
positively willing to act immorally at the right times. As a political scientist, Machiavelli emphasized the
occasional need for the methodical exercise of brute force or deceit.
Notes
1. Robert M. Regoli; John D. Hewitt; Matt DeLisi (20 April 2011). Delinquency in Society: The Essentials. Jones & Bartlett Learning. p. 99.
2. W. Keith Campbell; Joshua D. Miller (7 July 2011). The Handbook of Narcissism and Narcissistic Personality Disorder: Theoretical
Approaches, Empirical Findings, and Treatments. John Wiley & Sons. p. 154.
3. Mark R. Leary; Rick H. Hoyle (5 June 2009). Handbook of individual differences in social behavior. Guilford Press. p. 100.
4.Tomas Chamorro-Premuzic; Sophie von Stumm; Adrian Furnham (23 February 2011). The Wiley-Blackwell Handbook of Individual
Differences. John Wiley & Sons. p. 527.
5. Paulhus, D. L., Williams, K. M. (2002). "The Dark Triad of personality: narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy". Journal of
Research in Personality 36 (6): 556–563.
6. Leonard M. Horowitz; Stephen Strack, Ph.D. (14 October 2010). Handbook of Interpersonal Psychology: Theory, Research, Assessment
and Therapeutic Interventions. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 252–255. Retrieved 15 February 2012.
Plato (/ˈpleɪtoʊ/;[2]
Greek: Πλάτων, Plátōn, "broad";[3]
428/427 BC[a]
– 348/347 BC)
Plato was a philosopher in Classical Greece. He was also a mathematician, student of Socrates, writer of
philosophical dialogues, and founder of the Academy in Athens, the first institution of higher learning in
the Western world. Along with his mentor, Socrates, and his student, Aristotle, Plato helped to lay the
foundations of Western philosophy and science.[4]
In the words of A. N. Whitehead:
The safest general characterization of the European philosophical tradition is that it consists of a series of
footnotes to Plato. I do not mean the systematic scheme of thought which scholars have doubtfully extracted
from his writings. I allude to the wealth of general ideas scattered through them.[5]
Plato's sophistication as a writer is evident in his Socratic dialogues; thirty-six dialogues and thirteen letters
have been ascribed to him. Plato's writings have been published in several fashions; this has led to several
conventions regarding the naming and referencing of Plato's texts.[6]
Plato's dialogues have been used to teach a
range of subjects, including philosophy,logic, ethics, rhetoric, religion and mathematics. Plato is one of the most
important founding figures in Western philosophy.
Notes
1.St-Andrews.ac.uk, St. Andrews University
2.Jones, Daniel; Roach, Peter, James Hartman and Jane Setter, eds.Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary. 17th edition. Cambridge
UP, 2006.
3. Diogenes Laertius 3.4; p. 21, David Sedley, Plato's Cratylus, Cambridge University Press 2003; Seneca, Epistulae, VI, 58, 30: illi nomen
latitudo pectoris fecerat.
4. "Plato". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002.
5. Process and Reality p. 39
6. Irwin, T. H., "The Platonic Corpus" in Fine, G. (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Plato (Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 63–64 and 68–
70.
POLITICAL SCIENCE PHILOSOPHIES AND THEORIES](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-22-2048.jpg)
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Behavioralism
Behavioralism (or behaviouralism in Britain: พฤติก รรมนิย ม ) is an approach in political science,
which emerged in the 1930s in the United States. It represents a sharp break from previous political science. This
is because it emphasized an objective, quantified approach to explain and predict political behavior.[1][2]
It is
associated with the rise of the behavioral sciences, modeled after the natural sciences.[3]
This means that
behavioralism claims it can explain political behavior from an unbiased, neutral point of view. Behavioralism
seeks to examine the behavior, actions, and acts of individuals – rather than the characteristics of institutions
such as legislatures, executives, and judiciaries – and groups in different social settings and explain this behavior
as it relates to the political system.[4]
David Easton was the first to differentiate behavioralism from behaviorism in the 1950s.[5]
In the early
1940s, behaviorism itself was referred to as a behavioral science and later referred to as behaviorism. However,
Easton sought to differentiate between the two disciplines:[6]
Behavioralism was not a clearly defined movement for those who were thought to be behavioralists. It
was more clearly definable by those who were opposed to it, because they were describing it in terms of the
things within the newer trends that they found objectionable. So some would define behavioralism as an attempt
to apply the methods of natural sciences to human behavior. Others would define it as an excessive emphasis
upon quantification. Others as individualistic reductionism. From the inside, the practitioners were of different
minds as what it was that constituted behavioralism. [...] And few of us were in agreement.[7]
With this in mind, behavioralism resisted a single definition. Dwight Waldo emphasized that behavioralism
itself is unclear, calling it "complicated" and "obscure."[8]
Easton agreed, stating, "every man puts his own
emphasis and thereby becomes his own behavioralist" and attempts to completely define behavioralism are
fruitless.[9]
From the beginning, behavioralism was a political, not a scientific concept. Moreover, since
behavioralism is not a research tradition, but a political movement, definitions of behavioralism follow what
behavioralists wanted.[6
Therefore, most introductions to the subject emphasize value-free research. This is
evidenced by Easton’s eight “intellectual foundation stones” of behavioralism:[10][11]
1. Regularities – The generalization and explanation of regularities.
2. Commitment to Verification – The ability to verify ones generalizations.
3. Techniques – An experimental attitude toward techniques.
4. Quantification – Express results as numbers where possible or meaningful.
5. Values – Keeping ethical assessment and empirical explanations distinct.
6. Systemization – Considering the importance of theory in research.
7. Pure Science – Deferring to pure science rather than applied science.
8. Integration – Integrating social sciences and value.
Subsequently, much of the behavioralist approach has been challenged by the emergence
of postpositivism in political (particularly international relations) theory.
Notes
1. Guy, James John (2000-08-01). People, Politics and Government: A Canadian Perspective. Pearson Education Canada. .p. 58
2. Petro, Nicolai (1995). The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture. Harvard University Press. P. 6
3. Guy, James John (2000-08-01). People, Politics and Government: A Canadian Perspective. Pearson Education Canada. .p 58
4. Walton, Hanes (1985). Invisible Politics. SUNY Press., pp 1–2
5. Easton, David (1953). The Political System. An Inquiry into the State of Political Science. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p 151
6. Berndtson. "Behavioralism: Origins of the Concept". Archived from the original on 14 May 2009. Retrieved 2009-04-20.
7. David Easton in Baer, Michael A. (1991). Jewell, Malcom E. and Lee Sigelman (eds), ed. Political Science in America: Oral Histories of a
Discipline. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky.p 207
8. Waldo, Dwight (1975). "Political Science: Tradition, Discipline, Profession, Science, Enterprise". In Greenstein, Fred; Polsby,
Nelson. Handbook of Political Science. Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley., p 58
9. Easton, David (1962). "Introduction: The Current Meaning of "Behavioralism". In Charlesworth, James. Political Science. Philadelphia:
American Academy of Political and Social Science, p 9
10. "Introduction to Political Science. Exam 2 Study guide". Retrieved 2008-01-18.
11. Riemer, Neal (1997). The New World of Politics: An Introduction to Political Science. Rowman & Littlefield, p. 50
Enlightenment thought
POLITICAL THOUGHT
Like the French Revolution, the Enlightenment has long been hailed as the foundation of modern Western
political and intellectual culture.[1] It has been frequently linked to the French Revolution of 1789. However, as
Roger Chartier points out, it was perhaps the Revolution that "invented the Enlightenment by attempting to root
its legitimacy in a corpus of texts and founding authors reconciled and united ... by their preparation of a rupture
with the old world".[2]
In other words, the revolutionaries elevated to heroic status those philosophers, such
as Voltaire and Rousseau, who could be used to justify their radical break with the Ancien Régime. In any case,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-23-2048.jpg)
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two 19th-century historians of the Enlightenment, Hippolyte Taine and Alexis de Tocqueville, did much to
solidify this link of Enlightenment causing revolution and the intellectual perception of the Enlightenment itself.
As an alternative perspective to revolutionaries using the works philosophers such as Voltaire and Rousseau
as excuses and justifications for engaging in revolution is the more plausible perspective that the Government
Philosophy of "Consent of the Governed" as delineated by Locke in Two Treatises of Government (1689)
represented a paradigm shift from the old Governance Paradigm under Feudalism known as the "Divine Right of
Kings" The more correct perspective of what caused the revolutions of from the late 1700s to the early 1800s
was this governance paradigm shift that often could not be resolved peacefully and therefore, violent revolution
was the result. Clearly a Governance philosophy where the king was never wrong was in direct conflict with a
Governance Philosophy where by Citizens by Natural Law had to consent to the acts and rulings of their
government[CynicalPatriot]
In his l Régime (1876), Hippolyte Taine traced the roots of the French Revolution back to French
Classicism. However, this was not without the help of the scientific view of the world [of the Enlightenment],
which wore down the "monarchical and religious dogma of the old regime".[3] In other words then, Taine was
only interested in the Enlightenment insofar as it advanced scientific discourse and transmitted what he
perceived to be the intellectual legacy of French classicism.
Alexis de Tocqueville painted a more elaborate picture of the Enlightenment in L'Ancien Régime et la
Révolution (1850). For de Tocqueville, the Revolution was the inevitable result of the radical opposition created
in the 18th century between the monarchy and the men of letters of the Enlightenment. These men of letters
constituted a sort of "substitute aristocracy that was both all-powerful and without real power". This illusory
power came from the rise of "public opinion", born when absolutist centralization removed the nobility and the
bourgeosie from the political sphere. The "literary politics" that resulted promoted a discourse of equality and
was hence in fundamental opposition to the monarchical regime.[4]
De Tocqueville "clearly designates ... the cultural effects of transformation in the forms of the exercise of
power".[5.] Nevertheless, it took another century before cultural approach became central to the historiography,
as typified by Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment: A Publishing History of the Encyclopédie, 1775–
1800 (1979).
De Dijn argues that Peter Gay, in The Enlightenment: An Interpretation (1966), first formulated the
interpretation that the Enlightenment brought political modernization to the West, in terms of introducing
democratic values and institutions and the creation of modern, liberal democracies. While the thesis has many
critics it has been widely accepted by Anglophone scholars and has been reinforced by the large-scale studies
by Robert Darnton, Roy Porter and most recently by Jonathan Israel.[6]
Notes
1. Daniel Brewer. (2008). The Enlightenment Past: reconstructing eighteenth--century French thought. p. 1
2. Roger Chartier, (1991). The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution, p 5.
3. From Taine's letter to Boutmy of 31 July 1874, taken from Chartier, 8.
4. ………Chartier, 8. See also Alexis de Tocqueville, L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution, 1850, Book Three, Chapter One.
5. …….Chartier, 13.
6. Annelien De Dijn, "The Politics of Enlightenment: From Peter Gay to Jonathan Israel," Historical Journal (2012) 55#3 pp 785–805.
Hellenic Thoughts (by era order)
The beliefs, assumptions and the concepts of GRECISM , of devotion to or imitation of ancient Greek
thought, customs, or styles, of the Greek civilization especially as modified in the Hellenistic period by
influences from southwestern Asia, and of a body of humanistic and classical ideals associated with ancient
Greece and including reason, the pursuit of knowledge and the arts, moderation, civic responsibility, and bodily
development. (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/hellenism)
HELLENISTIC SCHOOLS OF POLITICAL THOUGHT
Pythagoreanism –
Pythagoreanism is the name given to the system of philosophy and science developed by Pythagoras,
which influenced nearly all the systems of Hellenistic philosophy that followed. Two schools of Pythagorean
thought eventually developed, one based largely on mathematics and continuing his line of scientific work, the
other focusing on his more esoteric (จำำกัดวง) teachings, though each shared a part of the other.
Philosophers: Pythagoras of Croton (570-495 BCE); Hippasus (5th century BCE)
Sophism – Sophists and democracy
The sophists' rhetorical techniques were extremely useful for any young nobleman looking for public
office. The societal roles the Sophists filled had important ramifications for the Athenian political system at
large. The historical context provides evidence for their considerable influence, as Athens became more and
more democratic during the period in which the Sophists were most active.[1]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-24-2048.jpg)
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The Sophists certainly were not directly responsible for Athenian democracy, but their cultural and
psychological contributions played an important role in its growth. They contributed to the new democracy in
part by espousing expertise in public deliberation, since this was the foundation of decision-making, which
allowed and perhaps required a tolerance of the beliefs of others. This liberal attitude would naturally have
precipitated into the Athenian assembly as Sophists acquired increasingly high-powered clients.[2]
Continuous
rhetorical training gave the citizens of Athens "the ability to create accounts of communal possibilities through
persuasive speech".[3]
This was extremely important for the democracy, as it gave disparate and sometimes
superficially unattractive views a chance to be heard in the Athenian assembly.
In addition, Sophists had great impact on the early development of law, as the sophists were the first
lawyers in the world. Their status as lawyers was a result of their extremely developed argumentation skills.[4]
Philosophers: Protagoras (490-420 BCE), Gorgias (485-380 BCE); and Antiphon (480-411 BCE)
Notes
1. Blackwell, Christopher (2003, 2007). Demos: Classical Athenian Democracy. 28 February 2003. The Stoa: a Consortium for Scholarly
Publication in the Humanities. 25 April 2007.
2. Sprague, Rosamond Kent,(2010) The Older Sophists. Hacker Publishing Company (May 11, 2010), p. 32
3. Jarratt, Susan C. (1991). Rereading the Sophists: Classical Rhetoric Refigured. Carbon Dale and Edwards ville: Southern Illinois
University Press, , p. 98
4. Martin, Richard.(1988). Seven Sages as Performers of Wisdom: Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece. New York: Oxford, pp. 108–130.
Cynicism –
The Cynics were an ascetic (ผู้ถือสันโดษ/ผู้บำำ เพ็ญตบะ self-denial) sect of philosophers beginning
with Antisthenes in the 4th century BCE and continuing until the 5th century CE. They believed that one should
live a life of Virtue in agreement with Nature. This meant rejecting all conventional desires
for wealth, power, health, or fame, and living a life free from possessions. The purpose of life was to live
in virtue, in agreement with nature. As reasoning creatures, people could gain happiness by rigorous training and
by living in a way which was natural for humans, rejecting all conventional desires for wealth, power, sex, and
fame. Instead, they were to lead a simple life free from all possessions.
Modern cynicism has been defined as an attitude of distrust toward claimed ethical and social values
and a rejection of the need to be socially involved.[1]
It is pessimistic in regards to the capacity of human beings
to make the correct ethical choice, and one antonym is naiveté.[2]
Modern cynicism is sometimes regarded as a
product of mass society, especially in those circumstances where the individual believes there is a conflict
between society's stated motives and goals and actual motives and goals.[3][4]
Unlike mere depression, cynicism can be said to be more active; in his bestselling Critique of Cynical
Reason, Peter Sloterdijk defined modern cynics as "borderline melancholics, who can keep their symptoms of
depression under control and yet retain the ability to work, whatever might happen ... indeed, this is the essential
point in modern cynicism: the ability of its bearers to work - in spite of anything that might happen."[5]
One
active aspect of cynicism is the desire to expose hypocrisy and to point out the gulf between society's ideals and
its practices.[6]
This may be best stated by George Bernard Shaw, who said: "The power of accurate observation
is often called cynicism, by those who don't have it".
Social cynicism results from excessively high expectations concerning society, institutions and
authorities: unfulfilled expectations leads to disillusionment, which releases feelings of disappointment
and betrayal.[7]
In organizations, cynicism manifests itself as a general or specific attitude, characterized by
frustration, hopelessness, disillusionment and distrust in regard to economic or governmental
organizations, managers and/or other aspects of work.[8]
Philosophers: Antisthenes (445-365 BCE), Diogenes of Sinope (412-323 BCE), Crates of Thebes (365-285
BCE), Menippus (c. 275 BCE), and Demetrius (10-80 CE)
Notes:
1. Luis E. Navia, (1999). The Adventure of Philosophy. Praeger (July 30, 1999) p. 141.
2. Encarta.msn.com. Retrieved 17/7/2013
3. Jeffrey C. Goldfarb, (1991). The Cynical Society: The Culture of Politics and the Politics of Culture in American Life. University of
Chicago Press, p. 30.
4. Timothy Bewes, (1997), Cynicism and Postmodernity. Verso page 3.
5. Peter Sloterdijk, (1987), Critique of Cynical Reason, p. 5
6. Mary Midgley. (1998). The problem of humbug, in Matthew Kieran, Media Ethics, , Routledge, p. 37
7. Donald L. Kanter and Philip H. Mirvis, (1989). The Cynical Americans - Living and Working in an Age of Discontent and Disillusion. San
Francisco
8. Andersson, L. M.; Bateman, T. S. (1997). "Cynicism in the workplace: some causes and effects". Journal of Organizational Behavior 18:
449–469.
Cyrenaicism –
The Cyrenaics were an ultra-hedonist school of philosophy founded in the 4th century BC, by Aristippus of
Cyrene. They held that pleasure was the supreme good, especially immediate gratifications. The school was
replaced within a century by the more moderate doctrine of Epicureanism. The Cyrenaics were hedonists and
held that pleasure was the supreme good in life, especially physical pleasure, which they thought more intense](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-25-2048.jpg)
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and more desirable than mental pleasures.[2]
Pleasure is the only good in life and pain is the only
evil. Socrates had held that virtue was the only human good, but he had also accepted a limited role for its
utilitarian side, allowing happiness to be a secondary goal of moral action.[1][3]
Aristippus and his followers
seized upon this, and made happiness the primary factor in existence, denying that virtue had any intrinsic value.
The later Cyrenaics, Anniceris, Hegesias, and Theodorus, all developed variations on the standard Cyrenaic
doctrine. For Anniceris, pleasure is achieved through individual acts of gratification which are sought for the
pleasure that they produce, [5]
but Anniceris laid great emphasis on the love of family, country, friendship and
gratitude, which provide pleasure even when they demand sacrifice.[6]
Hegesias believed that happiness is
impossible to achieve,[5]
and hence the goal of life becomes the avoidance of pain and sorrow.[4]
Conventional
values such as wealth, poverty, freedom, and slavery are all indifferent and produce no more pleasure than pain.
[7]
For Hegesias, Cyrenaic hedonism was simply the least irrational strategy for dealing with the pains of life.
[5]
For Theodorus, the goal of life is mental pleasure not bodily pleasure,[8]
and he placed greater emphasis on the
need for moderation and justice.[9]
He was also famous for being an atheist.[8]
To some extent these philosophers
were all trying to meet the challenge laid down by Epicureanism,[7]
and the success of Epicurus was in
developing a system of philosophy which would prove to be more comprehensive and sophisticated than its
rivals.[10]
Philosophers: Aristippus of Cyrene (435-360 BCE)
Notes
1. Copleston, Frederick Charles (2003), A History of Philosophy: Book 1, Continuum International, p. 121
2. Annas, Julia (1995), The Morality of Happiness, Oxford University Press, p.231
3. Reale, Giovanni; Catan, John R. (1986), A History of Ancient Philosophy: From the Origins to Socrates, SUNY Press, p.271
4. Copleston, Frederick Charles (2003), A History of Philosophy: Book 1, Continuum International, p. 122 -13
5. Annas, Julia (1995), The Morality of Happiness, Oxford University Press, p. 233-14
6. Copleston, Frederick Charles (2003), A History of Philosophy: Book 1, Continuum International, p. 123 -15
7. Annas, Julia (1995), The Morality of Happiness, Oxford University Press, pp. 232 -16
8. Annas, Julia (1995). The Morality of Happiness, Oxford University Press, pp. 235 -17
9. Long, A. A. (2005). The Socratic Legacy. in Algra, Keimpe; Barnes, Jonathon; Mansfeld, Jaap et al., The Cambridge History of
Hellenistic Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, pp.637-18
10. Long, A. A. (2005). The Socratic Legacy. in Algra, Keimpe; Barnes, Jonathon; Mansfeld, Jaap et al., The Cambridge History of
Hellenistic Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, p. 639
Platonism –
Platonism is the name given to the philosophy of Plato, which was maintained and developed by his
followers. The central concept was the theory of Forms: the transcendent, perfect archetypes, of which objects in
the everyday world are imperfect copies. The highest form was the Form of the Good, the source of being, which
could be known by reason. In the 3rd century BCE, Arcesilaus adopted skepticism, which became a central tenet
of the school until 90 BCE when Antiochus added Stoic elements, rejecting skepticism. With the adoption of
oriental mysticism in the 3rd century CE, Platonism evolved into Neoplatonism.
Philosophers: Speusippus (407-339 BCE), Xenocrates (396-314 BCE), Arcesilaus (316-232 BCE),
Carneades (214-129 BCE), Antiochus of Ascalon (130-68 BCE), and Plutarch (46-120 CE)
Peripateticism –
The Peripatetics was the name given to the philosophers who maintained and developed the philosophy
of Aristotle. They advocated examination of the world to understand the ultimate foundation of things. The goal
of life was the happiness which originated from virtuous actions, which consisted in keeping the mean between
the two extremes of the too much and the too little. The doctrines of the Peripatetic school are the doctrines laid
down by Aristotle, and henceforth maintained by his followers.
Whereas Plato had sought to explain things with his theory of Forms, Aristotle preferred to start from the
facts given by experience. Philosophy to him meant science, and its aim was the recognition of the "why" in all
things. Hence he endeavored to attain to the ultimate grounds of things by induction; that is to say, by a
posteriori conclusions from a number of facts to a universal.[1]
Logic either deals with appearances, and is then
called dialectics; or of truth, and is then called analytics.[2]
All change or motion takes place in regard to substance, quantity, quality and place.[2]
There are three kinds
of substances – those alternately in motion and at rest, as the animals; those perpetually in motion, as the sky;
and those eternally stationary. The last, in themselves immovable and imperishable, are the source and origin of
all motion. Among them there must be one first being, unchangeable, which acts without the intervention of any
other being. All that is proceeds from it; it is the most perfect intelligence – God.[2]
The immediate action of
this prime mover – happy in the contemplation of itself – extends only to the heavens; the other inferior
spheres are moved by other incorporeal and eternal substances, which the popular belief adores as gods. The
heavens are of a more perfect and divine nature than other bodies. In the centre of the universe is the Earth,
round and stationary. The stars, like the sky, beings of a higher nature, but of grosser matter, move by the
impulse of the prime mover.[2]
For Aristotle, matter is the basis of all that exists; it comprises the potentiality of everything, but of itself is
not actually anything.[1]
A determinate thing only comes into being when the potentiality in matter is converted](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-26-2048.jpg)
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into actuality. This is achieved by form, the idea existent not as one outside the many, but as one in the many, the
completion of the potentiality latent in the matter.[1]
The soul is the principle of life in the organic body, and is inseparable from the body. As faculties of the
soul, Aristotle enumerates the faculty of reproduction and nutrition; of sensation, memory and recollection; the
faculty of reason, or understanding; and the faculty of desiring, which is divided into appetite or
desire and volition or willpower.[2]
By the use of reason conceptions, which are formed in the soul by external
sense-impressions, and may be true or false, are converted into knowledge.[1]
For reason alone can attain to truth
either in understanding or action.[1]
The best and highest goal is the happiness which originates from virtuous actions.[2]
Aristotle did not, with
Plato, regard virtue as knowledge pure and simple, but as founded on nature, habit, and reason.[1]
Virtue consists
in acting according to nature: that is, keeping the mean between the two extremes of the too much and the too
little.[2]
Thus valor, in his view the first of virtues, is a mean between cowardice and recklessness; temperance is
the mean in respect to sensual enjoyments and the total avoidance of them.[2]
Philosophers: Aristotle (384-322 BCE), Theophrastus (371-287 BCE), Strato of Lampsacus (335-269
BCE), and Alexander of Aphrodisias (c. 200 CE)
Notes
1. Seyffert, Oskar (1895), A Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. "Greek Philosophy" entry in Seyffert 1895, p. 482
2. Lieber, Francis; Wigglesworth, Edward; Bradford, T. G. (1832), Encyclopedia Americana 10. "Peripatetic philosophy" entry in Lieber,
Wigglesworth & Bradford 1832, p. 22
Pyrrhonism –
Pyrrhonism, or Skepticism, was a school of skepticism beginning with Pyrrho in the 3rd
century BCE, and
further advanced by Aenesidemus in the 1st
century BCE. It advocated total philosophical skepticism about the
world in order to attain "ataraxia" or a tranquil mind, maintaining that nothing could be proved to be true so we
must suspend judgment.
Philosophers:Pyrrho (365-275 BCE), Timon (320-230 BCE), Aenesidemus (1st century BCE), and Sextus
Empiricus (2nd century CE)
Epicureanism –
Epicureanism was founded by Epicurus in the 3rd
century BCE. It viewed the universe as being ruled
by chance, with no interference from gods. It regarded absence of pain as the greatest pleasure, and advocated a
simple life. It was the main rival to Stoicism until both philosophies died out in the 3rd century CE.
Philosophers: Epicurus (341-270 BCE), Metrodorus (331-278 BCE), Zeno of Sidon (1st century BCE),
Philodemus (110-40 BCE), and Lucretius (99-55 BCE)
Stoicism –
Stoicism was founded by Zeno of Citium in the 3rd century BCE. Based on the ethical ideas of the Cynics,
it taught that the goal of life was to live in accordance with Nature. It advocated the development of self-control
and fortitude as a means of overcoming destructive emotions. It was the most successful school of philosophy
until it died out in the 3rd century CE. For the Stoics, 'reason' meant not only using logic, but also understanding
the processes of nature—the logos, or universal reason, inherent in all things. Living according to reason and
virtue, they held, is to live in harmony with the divine order of the universe, in recognition of the common reason
and essential value of all people. The four cardinal virtues of the Stoic philosophy
are wisdom (Sophia), courage (Andreia), justice (Dikaiosyne), and temperance(Sophrosyne), a classification
derived from the teachings of Plato.
Following Socrates, the Stoics held that unhappiness and evil are the results of human ignorance of the
reason in nature. If someone is unkind, it is because they are unaware of their own universal reason, which leads
to the conclusion of kindness. The solution to evil and unhappiness then, is the practice of Stoic philosophy—to
examine one's own judgments and behavior and determine where they diverge from the universal reason of
nature. The Stoics accepted that suicide was permissible for the wise person in circumstances that might prevent
them from living a virtuous life.[1]
Plutarch held that accepting life under tyranny would have
compromised Cato's self-consistency (constantia) as a Stoic and impaired his freedom to make the honorable
moral choices.[2]
Suicide could be justified if one fell victim to severe pain or disease,[1]
but otherwise suicide
would usually be seen as a rejection of one's social duty.[3]
Philosophers: Zeno of Citium (333-263 BCE), Cleanthes (331-232 BCE), Chrysippus (280-207 BCE),
Panaetius (185-110 BCE), Posidonius (135-51 BCE), Seneca (4 BCE-65 CE), Epictetus (55-135 CE), and
Marcus Aurelius (121-180 CE)
Notes
1. Don E. Marietta, (1998), Introduction to ancient philosophy. Sharpe pages 153-4.
2. Cato's suicide in Plutarch AV Zadorojnyi. The Classical Quarterly. 2007
3. William Braxton Irvine, (2009), A guide to the good life: the ancient art of Stoic joy. Oxford University Press page 200.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-27-2048.jpg)
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Historical institutionalism (HI) is a social science method that uses institutions in order to find
sequences of social, political, economic behavior and change across time. It is a comparative approach to the
study of all aspects of humanorganizations and does so by relying heavily on case studies. Borrowing
from Charles Tilly, historical institutionalism is a method apt for measuring "big structures, large processes, and
[making] huge comparisons".[1]
Historical Institutionalism has generated some of the most important books in the
fields of sociology, political science and economics. In fact, some of these studies have inspired policy and its
scholars have received numerous awards. Although historical institutionalism proper is fairly new (circa 1979), it
identifies with the great traditions in history, philosophy, politics, sociology and economics.
Notes:
Charles Tilly. (1984). Big structures, Large Processes, and Huge Comparisons. University of Michigan: Russell Sage Foundation, P. 64
Normative Political science
Power and persuasion reach deep into the nature of politics. They also generate normative concern. Power
is frequently deployed in ways that people decry as profoundly unjust. Efforts designed to persuade provoke
objections that they aim merely to produce agreement, failing to afford people the respect they deserve. Studies
of power and persuasion are also pivotal to numerous traditions and approaches in political theory. The
combination of these factors produces an abundance of opportunities for fruitful discussion under the rubric of
the 2013 conference theme.
“Power and Persuasion” elicits a number of provocative questions and issues for normative political
theory. These include the following: In what ways is power implicated in normative considerations of
justification or legitimacy? How should power be viewed in the context of deliberation and decision-making?
Does power infiltrate ethical standards or underlie norms, and are normative or ethical understandings of power
hampered by current discourses of rights and liberties? A related set of questions pertains to persuasion and its
links to rhetoric, demagogy, emotion, and judgment. Do better or worse forms of political persuasion exist, and,
if so, what standards might be employed to identify or to gauge them? What boundaries, if any, ought state
institutions to observe when exercising their expressive powers? Should information control or propaganda count
as undesirable manifestations of power or persuasion? Might certain manifestations of power or persuasion have
troublesome implications for minorities or marginalized members of democratic societies, or for vulnerable
individuals or subgroups otherwise?
The forms of power and persuasion that state officials employ in interstate negotiations, or during conflict
and wartime decision-making, seem especially pressing. Also calling for careful normative consideration are the
persuasive capabilities and powers of supranational entities and institutions. We welcome proposals addressing
topics such as these, along with submissions seeking new ways to think about power and persuasion in
nondemocratic forms, or as they are understood in non-Western traditions.
Notes
Lucas Swaine,
Dartmouth College, lucas.swaine@dartmouth.edu
Copyright 2013 American Political Science Association (APSA)
1527 New Hampshire Ave, NW Washington, DC 20036-1206
Ph: (202) 483-2512 Fx: (202) 483-2657 E-Mail: apsa@apsanet.org
Positive Political Science
The Rochester approach to political science, which Riker called positive political theory, and which in
contemporary parlance is a variant of rational choice theory, has two essential elements. First, it upholds a
methodological commitment to placing political science on the same foundation as other scientific disciplines,
such as the physical sciences or economics. Thus, it holds that political theory should be comprised of statements
deduced from basic principles that accurately describe the world of political events. The goal of positive political
theorists is to make positive statements about political phenomena, or descriptive generalizations that can be
subjected to empirical verification. This commitment to scientifically explaining political processes involves the
use of formal language, including set theory, mathematical models, statistical analysis, game theory, and
decision theory, as well as historical narrative and experiments.
Second, positive political theory looks to individual decision making as the source of collective political
outcomes and postulates that the individual functions according to the logic of rational self-interest. Individuals
are thought to rank their preferences consistently over a set of possible outcomes, taking risk and uncertainty into
consideration and acting to maximize their expected payoffs (Austen-Smith & Banks 1998). Through the
assumptions of rational self-interest, positive political theory postulates a specific motivational foundation for
behavior. Interests, as opposed to attitudes, which are the subject of study in much behavioral research, are
thought to be the well-spring of action.
The goal of positive political theorists is to build models that predict how individuals’ self-oriented
actions combine to yield collective outcomes. This method is applied to political processes (such as elections and
the platform formation of political parties), legislative behavior (such as coalition formation and bargaining),](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-29-2048.jpg)
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public goods (such as the .tragedy of the commons. and the .free rider.), and treaty formation and diplomatic
strategy in international relations. Using game theory and formal models, positive political theorists strive to
determine whether these complex, strategic political interactions have predictable, law-like outcomes that exhibit
stability. Stable outcomes, referred to as equilibria, signify that agents’ actions combine in such a way that, given
the collective social outcome of agents’ self-oriented actions, no individual could achieve a greater (expected)
payoff if he had unilaterally selected an alternative course of action. Equilibria are significant to positive political
theorists because they indicate that the political processes under investigation result in predictable, stable social
outcomes that best serve individuals’ constituent interests, given the constraints imposed by the situation. The
sequence of strategic choices that form an equilibrium and that imply specific outcome events constitutes the
core of a predictive science of politics. The motivation to maximize expected payoffs provides the explanation of
political action and provides the basis for predictions about processes that lead to outcomes.
Notes
Max Simontowitz, on November 29th, 2010: http://international-agora.net/wp/2010/11/positive-political-science-in-a-nuttshell/retereived
19/7/2013
Positivism
Positivism (ปฏิฐำนนิยม) is a philosophy of science based on the view that information derived from
logical and mathematical treatments and reports of sensory experience is the exclusive source of all
authoritative knowledge,[1]
and that there is valid knowledge (truth) only in scientific knowledge.[2]
Verified data
received from the senses are known as empirical evidence.[1]
This view holds that society, like the physical world, operates according to
general laws. Introspective and intuitive knowledge is rejected. Although the positivist approach has been a
recurrent theme in the history of Western thought,[3]
the modern sense of the approach was developed by the
philosopher and founding sociologist Auguste Comte in the early 19th century.[4]
Comte argued that, much as the
physical world operates according to gravity and other absolute laws, so also does society.[5]
Notes:
1. John J. Macionis, Linda M. Gerber, Sociology, Seventh Canadian Edition, Pearson Canada
2. Jorge Larrain (1979) The Concept of Ideology p.197, quotation:
one of the features of positivism is precisely its postulate that scientific knowledge is the paradigm of valid knowledge, a postulate
that indeed is never proved nor intended to be proved.
3. Cohen, Louis; Maldonado, Antonio (2007). "Research Methods In Education". British Journal of Educational Studies (Routledge) 55 (4):
9.
4. "Auguste Comte". Sociology Guide.
5. Macionis, John J. (2012). Sociology 14th Edition. Boston: Pearson. p. 11.
Rational Choice Theory
Rational Choice Theory, also known as Choice Theory or Rational Action Theory,(ทฤษฎีคิดก่อน
ทำำ )is a framework for understanding and often formally modeling social and economic behavior.[1]
Rationality,
interpreted as "wanting more rather than less of a good", is widely used as an assumption of the behavior of
individuals in microeconomic models and analysis and appears in almost all economics textbook treatments of
human decision-making. It is also central to some of modern political science,[2]
sociology,[3]
and philosophy. It
attaches "wanting more" to instrumental rationality, which involves seeking the most cost-effective means to
achieve a specific goal without reflecting on the worthiness of that goal. Gary Becker was an early proponent of
applying rational actor models more widely.[4]
He won the 1992 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for
his studies of discrimination, crime, and human capital.
The "rationality" described by rational choice theory is different from the colloquial and most
philosophical use of the word. Typically, "rationality" means "sane" or "in a thoughtful clear-headed manner,."
Rational choice theory uses a specific and narrower definition of "rationality" simply to mean that an individual
acts as if balancing costs against benefits to arrive at action that maximizes personal advantage.[5]
In rational
choice theory, all decisions, crazy or sane, are postulated as mimicking such a "rational" process. Thus
rationality is seen as a property of patterns of choices, rather than of individual choices: there is nothing
irrational in preferring fish to meat the first time, but there is something irrational in preferring fish to
meat and preferring meat to fish, regularly.
Notes
1. Lawrence E. Blume and David Easley (2008). "rationality," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics , 2nd Edition. Abstract." by
Abstract] & pre-publication copy
Amartya Sen (2008). "rational behaviour," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract.
2. Susanne Lohmann (2008). "rational choice and political science,"The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition.Abstract.
3. Peter Hedström and Charlotta Stern (2008). "rational choice and sociology," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd
Edition. Abstract.
4. Gary S. Becker (1976). The Economic Approach to Human Behavior. Chicago. Description and scroll to chapter-preview links.
5. Milton Friedman (1953), Essays in Positive Economics, pp. 15, 22, 31.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-30-2048.jpg)
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Structuralism,
Structuralism, in critical theory, is a theoretical paradigm emphasizing that elements of human culture
must be understood in terms of their relationship to a larger, overarching system or structure. It works to uncover
the structures that underlie all the things that humans do, think, perceive, and feel. Alternately, as summarized by
philosopher Simon Blackburn, Structuralism is "the belief that phenomena of human life are not intelligible
except through their interrelations. These relations constitute a structure, and behind local variations in the
surface phenomena there are constant laws of abstract culture".[1]
Structuralism originated in the early 1900s, in the structural linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure and
the subsequent Prague,[2]
Moscow[2]
and Copenhagen schools of linguistics. In the late 1950s and early '60s,
when structural linguistics was facing serious challenges from the likes of Noam Chomsky and thus fading in
importance, an array of scholars in the humanities borrowed Saussure's concepts for use in their respective fields
of study. French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss was arguably the first such scholar, sparking a widespread
interest in Structuralism.[1]
The structuralist mode of reasoning has been applied in a diverse range of fields,
including anthropology, sociology, psychology, literary criticism, economics and architecture. The most
prominent thinkers associated with structuralism include Lévi-Strauss, linguist Roman Jakobson,
and psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan. As an intellectual movement, structuralism was initially presumed to be the
heir apparent to existentialism. However, by the late 1960s, many of structuralism's basic tenets came under
attack from a new wave of predominantly French intellectuals such as the philosopher and historian Michel
Foucault, the philosopher and social commentator Jacques Derrida, the Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser, and
the literary critic Roland Barthes.[2]
Though elements of their work necessarily relate to structuralism and are
informed by it, these theorists have generally been referred to as post-structuralists.
In the 1970s, structuralism was criticized for its rigidity and ahistoricism. Despite this, many of
structuralism's proponents, such as Jacques Lacan, continue to assert an influence on continental philosophy and
many of the fundamental assumptions of some of structuralism's post-structuralist critics are a continuation of
structuralism.[3]
Notes
1. Blackburn, Simon (2008). Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy, second edition revised. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2. Deleuze, Gilles. 2002. "How Do We Recognise Structuralism?" In Desert Islands and Other Texts 1953-1974. Trans. David Lapoujade.
Ed. Michael Taormina. Semiotext(e) Foreign Agents ser. Los Angeles and New York: Semiotext(e), 2004. 170–192. p. 170.
3.John Sturrock (1979), Structuralism and since: from Lévi Strauss to Derrida, Introduction.
Post-structuralism
Post-structuralism is a label formulated by American academics to denote the heterogeneous or
different works of a series of mid-20th-century French and continental philosophers and critical theorists who
came to international prominence in the 1960s and '70s.[1][2][3]
A major theme of poststructuralism is instability in
the human sciences, due to the complexity of humans themselves and the impossibility of fully escaping
structures in order to study them.
Post-structuralism is a response to structuralism. Structuralism is an intellectual movement developed in
Europe from the early to mid-20th century. It argued that human culture may be understood by means of a
structure—modeled on language (i.e., structural linguistics)—that differs from concrete reality and from abstract
ideas—a "third order" that mediates between the two.[4]
Post-structuralist authors all present different critiques of
structuralism, but common themes include the rejection of the self-sufficiency of the structures that structuralism
posits and an interrogation of the binary oppositions that constitute those structures.[5]
Writers whose work is
often characterized as post-structuralist include Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze, Judith
Butler, Jacques Lacan,Jean Baudrillard, and Julia Kristeva, although many theorists who have been called "post-
structuralist" have rejected the label.[6]
The movement is closely related to postmodernism. As with structuralism, antihumanism is often a
central tenet. Existential phenomenology is a significant influence; Colin Davis has argued that post-
structuralists might just as accurately be called "post-phenomenologists".[7]
Some commentators have criticized
poststructuralism for being radically relativistic or nihilistic; others have objected to its extremity and linguistic
complexity. Others see it as a threat to traditional values or professional scholarly standards.
Notes
1.Bensmaïa, Réda Poststructuralism, article published in Kritzman, Lawrence (ed.) The Columbia History of Twentieth-Century French
Thought, Columbia University Press, 2005, pp.92-93
2. Mark Poster (1988) Critical theory and poststructuralism: in search of a context, section Introduction: Theory and the problem of Context,
pp.5-6
3. Merquior, J.G. (1987). Foucault (Fontana Modern Masters series), University of California Press,
4. Deleuze, Gilles. 2002. "How Do We Recognise Structuralism?" In Desert Islands and Other Texts 1953-1974. Trans. David Lapoujade.
Ed. Michael Taormina. Semiotext(e) Foreign Agents ser. Los Angeles and New York: Semiotext(e), 2004. 170-192. p.171-173.
5. Craig, Edward, ed. 1998. Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Vol. 7 (Nihilism to Quantum mechanics). London and New York:
Routledge.. p.597.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-31-2048.jpg)
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6.Harrison, Paul; 2006; "Post-structuralist Theories"; pp122-135 in Aitken, S. and Valentine, G. (eds); 2006; Approaches to Human
Geography; Sage, London
7.Davis, Colin; "Levinas: An Introduction"; p8; 2006; Continuum, London.
Realism
Realism (Contemporary philosophical) is the belief that our reality, or some aspect of it,
is ontologically independent of our conceptual schemes, linguistic practices, beliefs, etc. Realism may be spoken
of with respect to other minds, the past, the future, universals, mathematical entities (such as natural
numbers), moral categories, the material world, and thought. Realism can also be promoted in an unqualified
sense, in which case it asserts the mind-independent existence of a visible world, as opposed
to idealism, skepticism, and solipsism. Philosophers who profess realism state that truth consists in the
mind's correspondence to reality.[1]
Realists tend to believe that whatever we believe now is only an approximation of reality and that every
new observation brings us closer to understanding reality.[2]
In its Kantian sense, realism is contrasted
with idealism. In a contemporary sense, realism is contrasted with anti-realism, primarily in the philosophy of
science.
Notes
1. The statement veritas est adaequatio rei et intellectus ("truth is the equation of thought and thing") was ascribed by Thomas Aquinas to a
10th-century Jewish philosopher, Isaac Israëli. (Summa, I, Q.16, A.2)
2. Blackburn, Simon (2005). Truth: A Guide. Oxford University Press, Inc. p. 188
Pi Sigma Alpha: The national honor society for college and university students of government and politics in
the United States is Pi Sigma Alpha.
Humanities
The humanities (สำขำวิขำมนุษย์ศำสตร์) are academic disciplines that study human culture, using
methods that are primarily analytical, critical, or speculative, and having a significant historical element,(Oxford
English Dictionary, 2003)
as distinguished from the mainly empirical approaches of the natural sciences. The
humanities include ancient and modern languages, literature, philosophy, religion, and visual and performing
arts such as music and theatre. The humanities that are also sometimes regarded as social
sciences include history, anthropology, area studies, communication studies, cultural studies, law and linguistics.
Scholars working in the humanities are sometimes described as "humanists".(Oxford English dictionary,
2003) However, that term also describes the philosophical position of humanism, which some "antihumanist"
scholars in the humanities reject. Some secondary schools offer humanities classes, usually consisting
of English literature, global studies, and art.
Anthropology
Anthropology /ænθrɵˈpɒlədʒi/ (สำขำวิขำมนุษย์วิทยำ) is the "science of humanity." [1]
It has origins in
the humanities, the natural sciences, and the social sciences.[2]
The term "anthropology" is from
the Greekanthrōpos (ἄνθρωπος), "man", understood to mean humankind or humanity, and -logia (-λογos),
"word" or "study."
Since the work of Franz Boas and Bronisław Malinowski in the late 19th and early 20th centuries,
anthropology has been distinguished from other social sciences by its emphasis on in-depth examination of
context, cross-cultural comparisons, and the importance it places on participant-observation, or long-term,
experiential immersion in the area of research. Cultural anthropology in particular has emphasized cultural
relativism, holism, and the use of findings to frame cultural critiques.[3]
This has been particularly prominent in
the United States, from Boas's arguments against 19th-century racial ideology, through Margaret Mead's
advocacy for gender equality and sexual liberation, to current criticisms of post-colonial oppression and
promotion of multiculturalism.Ethnography is one of its primary methods as well as the text that is generated
from anthropological fieldwork.[4][5][6]
In the United States, the discipline is traditionally divided into four fields: cultural
anthropology, archaeology, linguistic anthropology, and biological anthropology. In Europe, the discipline
originated asethnology and was originally defined as the study of social organization in non-state societies. It
was later renamed social anthropology. It is now sometimes referred to as sociocultural anthropology in most of
Europe, the Commonwealth, and in the parts of the world that were influenced by the European tradition.[7]
Notes
(1)"anthropology" at Britannica Online Encyclopedia;
(2) Wolf, Eric (1994) Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People. Current Anthropology 35: 1-7. p.227;
(3) Hylland Eriksen, Thomas. (2004) "What is Anthropology" Pluto. London. p. 79.;
(4)Tim Ingold (1994). "Introduction to culture". In Tim Ingold.Companion Encyclopedia of Anthropology. p. 331.;](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-32-2048.jpg)
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(5)On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) "Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and
Relativism with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason," in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro.
Edited by B. Kilborne and L. L. Langness, pp. 32-58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.;
(6) Heyck, Thomas William; Stocking, George W.; Goody, Jack (1997). "After Tylor: British Social Anthropology 1888-1951.". The
American Historical Review 102 (5): 1486–1488. ;
(7) Layton, Robert (1998) An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Social Science
Social science refers to the academic disciplines concerned with the society and the relationships of
individuals within a society, which primarily rely on empirical approaches. It is commonly used as an umbrella
term to refer to anthropology, economics, psychology and sociology. In a wider sense, it may often
include humanities[1]
such as archaeology, area studies, communication studies, cultural studies, folkloristics,
history, law, linguistics, political science, and rhetoric. The term may however be used in the specific context of
referring to the original science of society, established in 19th century, sociology (Latin: socius,
"companion"; Greek λόγος, lógos, "word", "knowledge", "study."). Émile Durkheim, Karl Marx and Max
Weber are typically cited as the principal architects of modern social science by this definition.[2]
Positivist social scientists use methods resembling those of the natural sciences as tools for understanding
society, and so define science in its stricter modern sense. Interpretivist social scientists, by contrast, may use
social critique or symbolic interpretation rather than constructing empirically falsifiable theories, and thus treat
science in its broader sense. In modern academic practice, researchers are often eclectic, using
multiple methodologies (for instance, by combining the quantitative and qualitative techniques). The term social
research has also acquired a degree of autonomy as practitioners from various disciplines share in its aims and
methods.
ADDITIONAL FIELDS OF STUDY
Additional applied or interdisciplinary fields related to the Social Sciences include:
Archaeology is the science that studies human cultures through the recovery, documentation, analysis, and
interpretation of material remains and environmental data, including architecture, artifacts, features, biofacts, and
landscapes.
Area studies are interdisciplinary fields of research and scholarship pertaining to particular geographical,
national/federal, or cultural regions.
Behavioral science is a term that encompasses all the disciplines that explore the activities of and
interactions among organisms in the natural world.
Demography is the statistical study of all human populations.
Development studies a multidisciplinary branch of social science which addresses issues of concern to
developing countries.
Environmental social science is the broad, transdisciplinary study of interrelations between humans and
the natural environment.
Environmental studies integrate social, humanistic, and natural science perspectives on the relation
between humans and the natural environment.
Information science is an interdisciplinary science primarily concerned with the collection, classification,
manipulation, storage, retrieval and dissemination of information.
International studies covers both International relations (the study of foreign affairs and global issues
among states within the international system) and International education (the comprehensive approach that
intentionally prepares people to be active and engaged participants in an interconnected world).
Journalism is the craft of conveying news, descriptive material and comment via a widening spectrum of
media.
Legal management is a social sciences discipline that is designed for students interested in the study of
State and Legal elements.
Library science is an interdisciplinary field that applies the practices, perspectives, and tools of
management, information technology, education, and other areas to libraries; the collection, organization,
preservation and dissemination of information resources; and the political economy of information.
Management in all business and human organization activity is simply the act of getting people together to
accomplish desired goals and objectives.
Marketing the identification of human needs and wants, defines and measures their magnitude for demand
and understanding the process of consumer buying behavior to formulate products and services, pricing,
promotion and distribution to satisfy these needs and wants through exchange processes and building long term
relationships.
Political economy is the study of production, buying and selling, and their relations with law, custom, and
government.
Notes
1. "humanity" 2.b, Oxford English Dictionary 3rd Ed. (2003)
2. Max Weber - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (online)](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-33-2048.jpg)
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Sociology
Sociology is the scientific study of human social behavior and its origins, development, organizations,
and institutions.[1]
It is a social science which uses various methods of empirical investigation[2]
and critical
analysis[3]
to develop a body of knowledge about human social actions, social structure and functions. A goal for
many sociologists is to conduct research which may be applied directly to social policy and welfare, while others
focus primarily on refining the theoretical understanding of social processes. Subject matter ranges from
the micro level of individual agency and interaction to the macro level of systems and the social structure.[4]
The traditional focuses of sociology include social stratification, social class, culture, race and
ethnicity, gender and sexuality, social mobility, religion, secularization, law, and deviance. As all spheres of
human activity are affected by the interplay between social structure and individual agency, sociology has
gradually expanded its focus to further subjects, such as health, medical,military and penal institutions, the
Internet, environmental sociology, political economy and the role of social activity in the development
of scientific knowledge.
The range of social scientific methods has also expanded. Social researchers draw upon a variety
of qualitative and quantitative techniques. The linguistic and cultural turns of the mid-twentieth century led to
increasingly interpretative, hermeneutic, and philosophic approaches to the analysis of society. Conversely,
recent decades have seen the rise of new analytically,mathematically and computationally rigorous techniques,
such as agent-based modelling and social network analysis.[5][6]
Sociology should not be confused with various general social studies courses which bear little relation
to sociological theory or social science research methodology.
AREAS OF SOCIOLOGY
Social organization is the study of the various institutions, social groups, social stratification, social
mobility, bureaucracy, ethnic groups and relations, and other similar subjects such as education, politics,
religion, economy and so forth.
Social psychology is the study of human nature as an outcome of group life, social attitudes, collective
behavior, and personality formation. It deals with group life and the individual's traits, attitudes, beliefs as
influenced by group life, and it views man with reference to group life.
Social change and disorganization is the study of the change in culture and social relations and the
disruption that may occur in society, and it deals with the study of such current problems in society such as
juvenile delinquency, criminality, drug addiction, family conflicts, divorce, population problems, and other
similar subjects.
Human ecology deals with the nature and behavior of a given population and its relationships to the group's
present social institutions. For instance, studies of this kind have shown the prevalence of mental illness,
criminality, delinquencies, prostitution, and drug addiction in urban centers and other highly developed places.
Population or demography is the study of population number, composition, change, and quality as they
influence the economic, political, and social system.
Sociological theory and method is concerned with the applicability and usefulness of the principles and
theories of group life as bases for the regulation of man's environment, and includes theory building and testing
as bases for the prediction and control of man's social environment.
Applied sociology utilizes the findings of pure sociological research in various fields such as criminology,
social work, community development, education, industrial relations, marriage, ethnic relations, family
counseling, and other aspects and problems of daily life.[7]
Notes
1. Sociology. (n.d.). The American Heritage® Science Dictionary. Retrieved July 13, 2013, from Dictionary.com
website:http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/sociology
2. Ashley D, Orenstein DM (2005). Sociological theory: Classical statements (6th ed.). Boston, Massachusetts, USA: Pearson Education.
pp. 3–5, 32–36.
3. Ashley D, Orenstein DM (2005). Sociological theory: Classical statements (6th ed.). Boston, Massachusetts, USA: Pearson Education.
pp. 3–5, 38–40.
4. a b Giddens, Anthony, Duneier, Mitchell, Applebaum, Richard. (2007). Introduction to Sociology. Sixth Edition. New York: W.W. Norton
and Company. Chapter 1.
5. Macy, Michael; Willer, Robb (2002). "From Factors to Actors: Computational Sociology and Agent-Based Modeling". Annual Review of
Sociology 28: 143–66.
6. Lazer, David; Pentland, Alex; Adamic, L; Aral, S; Barabasi, AL; Brewer, D; Christakis, N; Contractor, N et al. (February 6,
2009). "Computational Social Science". Science 323 (5915): 721–723.
7."What Is Applied Sociology?" Applied Sociology. Web. 17/7/2013. <http://www.appliedsoc.org/applied-sociology/>.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-34-2048.jpg)
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• Give solution to the problem (if any)
• Compare or contrast with other idea
• Opinion/comment with reasons
So, a classic paragraph structure contains.
1. Topic Statement (TS)
2. Main Point Idea ( defining TS)
3. Reason 1 with an example (taken from the passage/ theory)
4. Reason 2 with an example (taken from the passage/ theory)
5. Reason 3 with an example (taken from the passage/ theory)
6. How to do it (TS) and when to do it (TS)
7. Comments/Recommendation
Example: Anatomizing a paragraph “A Paragraph about Clear and Concise Wording”
S.1. TS
Effective communications need to choose clear and concise wording.)
S.2. Main Idea
Clear and concise wording is an unambiguous and sharp expression which is, [SR.1]
plain and concrete, [SR.2] no clutter and sparing qualifiers, [SR.3] specific and
active, [SR.4] verb-based, less jargon and less clichés.(Northey and McKibbin, 2011:
36-41)
S.3. SR.1.ex
First, A plain and concrete word is free from Latinate and complex words, e.g.
Using ‘finish’ rather than ’finalize’ Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 37).
S.4. SR.2.ex
Second, Using no clutter and sparing qualifier is to avoid cluttering phase and
avoiding repetition, such as, using ‘now’ rather than ‘at this point of time’ or using
only ‘effective’ rather than ‘quite effective’ (Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 38)
S.5. SR.3.ex
Third, specific and using active verb is to avoid readers to guess, of example, our
extra effort pleased our clients. (Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 39))
4.6. SR.4.ex
Finally , Using verb-based, less jargon and less clichés is more dynamic, common
and not exaggerating, like, “Please contact , rev. Bro. Bancha Saenghiran, Rector if
you have any questions about how the new policy will affect your Department.
( Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 41)
S.7. How and When?..
Effective communication is a MUST in business when one has to run a company.
S.8. Opinion
Poor communication in managing a company could interfere the good flow of its
business affairs because it is hard to understand; employees have guess and
misunderstand orders.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-38-2048.jpg)
![MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 39
Effective communications need to choose clear and concise wording. Clear and
concise wording is an unambiguous and sharp expression which is, [SR.1]
plain and concrete,
[SR.2]
no clutter and sparing qualifiers, [SR.3]
specific and active, [SR.4]
verb-based, less jargon and
less clichés.(Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 36-41). First, a plain and concrete word is free
from Latinate and complex words, e.g. Using ‘finish’ rather than ’finalize’ Northey and
McKibbin, 2011: 37). Second, using no clutter and sparing qualifier is to avoid cluttering
phase and avoiding repetition, such as, using ‘now’ rather than ‘at this point of time’ or
using only ‘effective’ rather than ‘quite effective’ (Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 38). Third,
specific and using active verb is to avoid readers to guess, of example, our extra effort
pleased our clients. (Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 39). Finally, using verb-based, less jargon
and less clichés is more dynamic, common and not exaggerating, like, “Please contact , rev.
Bro. Bancha Saenghiran, Rector if you have any questions about how the new policy will
affect your Department. ( Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 41). Effective communication is a
MUST in business when one has to run a company. My opinion is; poor communication in
managing a company could interfere the good flow of its business affairs because it is hard to
understand; employees have guess and misunderstand orders.
First = originally, the highest point, chiefly, primarily, initially, to begin with……
Second = next, further, more, additionally, besides, also, as well as, along with…..
Third = also, again, in particular, in addition to ……….
Finally = lastly, ultimately, eventually, absolutely………..](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-39-2048.jpg)
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4. REFUTATION PARAGRAPH
This is where the opposing claims are presented or acknowledged, and then addressed
accordingly. In most cases, counter-examples are best used as counter-arguments for
the opposing claims. This is also the part of the classical argument where the
speaker/writer anticipates possible objection to his claim and addresses them
appropriately.
DISAGREE/ ATTACK
o I will begin by...
o Before I say what is wrong with this argument, I want to quote
/cite/recite/repeat
o These passages suggest that...
o I will now defend this claim...
o Further support for this claim comes from...
o For example...
An Example of a Toulmin Argument:
You should stop smoking [Claim] because studies of Siriraj Hospital (2012, p. 19)
show that almost [Qualifier] 80% of smokers can develop lung cancer [Data/Ground].
Stopping a bad habit can help reduce the occurrence of its bad consequences [Warrant, *can
be stated or left unstated]. Life expectancy is lengthened if habits bad to one's health are
stopped [Backing Statement]. Smoking can deadly affect the womb and the baby in the
womb (Ramadhibordi Hospital 2011, p.17; 2012, p.27) [Backing Statement].. Although it is
not always the case that people who smoke will suffer from lung cancer, the risks are higher
for those who smoke routinely [Rebuttal-classic argument].
5. SUGGESTIONS/ RECOMMENDATIONS
Rec. 1: from the findings in the article (solution to one or more of weakness)
Rec. 2: from the student him/herself (solution for the greater common good)
A Recommendation Paragraph structure contains
• TS
• MI (definition of TS+SR.1,2 &3........n)
• SR.1.ex (First,… from theories)
• SR.2.ex (Second,… from expert)
• SR.3.ex (Finally,… from the specialist)
• How and When?
• Reassurance](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-43-2048.jpg)
![MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 45
EPILOGUE - I
A language-game (Sprachspiel - German) is a famous philosophical concept developed
by Ludwig Wittgenstein (1942 and 1953), referring to simple examples of language use and
the actions into which the language is woven.
In his work, Philosophical Investigations, Ludwig Wittgenstein regularly referred to the
concept of language games.[1]
Wittgenstein rejected the idea that language has a direct
connection to reality and argued that concepts do not need to be so clearly defined to be
meaningful.[2]
Wittgenstein used the term "language-game" to designate forms of language
simpler than the entirety of a language itself, "consisting of language and the actions into
which it is woven" (PI 7), and connected by family resemblance (Familienähnlichkeit). The
concept was intended "to bring into prominence the fact that the speaking of language is part
of an activity, or a form of life" (PI 23).
The term 'language game' is used to refer to:
1). Fictional examples of language use that are simpler than our own everyday language. (e.g. PI 2)
2). Simple uses of language with which children are first taught language (training in language).
3). Specific regions of our language with their own grammars and relations to other language-games.
4). All of a natural language seen as comprising a family of language-games.
These meanings are not separated from each other by sharp boundaries, but blend into one
another (as suggested by the idea of family resemblance). The concept is based on the
following analogy: The rules of language are analogous to the rules of games; thus saying
something in a language is analogous to making a move in a game. The analogy between a
language and a game brings out the fact that only in the various and multiform activities of
human life do words have meaning. (The concept is not meant to suggest that there is
anything trivial about language, or that language is 'just a game', quite the contrary.)
Examples
The classic example of a language-game is the so-called "builder's language"
introduced in §2 of the Philosophical Investigations:
“ The language is meant to serve for communication between a builder A and an
assistant B. A is building with building-stones: there are blocks, pillars, slabs
and beams. B has to pass the stones, in the order in which A needs them. For this
purpose they use a language consisting of the words "block", "pillar" "slab",
"beam". A calls them out; — B brings the stone which he has learnt to bring at
such-and-such a call. Conceive this as a complete primitive language. (PI 2.)[3]
”
Later "this" and "there" are added (with functions analogous to the function these
words have in natural language), and "a, b, c, d" as numerals. An example of its use: builder A
says "d — slab — there" and points, and builder B counts four slabs, "a, b, c, d..." and moves
them to the place pointed to by A. The builder's language is an activity into which is woven
something we would recognize as language, but in a simpler form. This language-game](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-45-2048.jpg)
![MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 54
caretaker and benefactor-while neglecting its authoritarian tendencies, its patterns of
lethargy/indifference, and the inclination of professional politicians to use their control of state
power to insulate themselves from public accountability; and invent the institutions of
representative democracy and establish the principle that the state is properly responsible for
the well-being of the whole (Korten, 1999, pp.143-144).
The economic liberals advocate a more elitist ideal
of one dollar one vote; assign public will and economic
priorities to market; favor to privatize all common
property and public services; distrust state power and
seek to weaken the state in nearly all roles except that of
protecting property rights and enforcing contract; give
more weight to the importance of economic incentives;
believe that in a market economy a person’s wealth is an
accurate measure of his contribution to society and therefore, whether large or small, is no
more or less than what he/she deserves; prone to be overly trustful of unregulated markets and
corporations as arbiters/judges of the public goods –neglecting the market’s bias toward the
wealthy and its tendency to transmogrify or transform into an antimarket capitalism in which
powerful corporations suppress competition, externalize their costs, and create an alliance
with the state in support of the global extension of corporate empire; and believe in the
potentials of self-organizing systems that minimize the need for hierarchy(Gross, 1980, and
Korten, 1999, pp.143-144).
Both political liberals and economic liberals claim to mantle freedom and democracy
but both fail to eliminate oppressive institutional hierarchy, elite rule, majority exclusion, and
suppression of the self-organizing potentials of living communities. They claim that their
positive contribution is they can replace monarchy still they equally oppress and
unaccountable. They don’t want to realize that there can be no freedom without individual
responsibility. The capacity for civic responsibility is innate or inborn to life, and human
being can choose to create societies that nurture and honor responsibility.
1.3.4. Paradox of Freedom
Freedom is precious and elusive precisely because it stands in a region between
order and chaos – there can be no freedom in the absence of a coherent ordered social system;
and yet there is no freedom that order is rigid and coerced. Its paradox is in its existence in the
arena where chaos and order meet in special balance. Christopher Langton (cited in Waldrop,
1992, p.12) notes about the edge of chaos that
….. It is a place where the elements of a system never likely lock in to place but never
dissolve into turbulence. The edge of chaos is where new ideas and innovative genotypes [all
components of individual genes] are forever nibbling away at the edges of the status quo, and where
life has enough stability to sustain itse4lf and enough creativity to deserve the name of life. The
edge of chaos is where centuries of slavery and segregation [separation] suddenly give way to the
civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s; where seventy years of the Soviet Communism
suddenly give way to political turmoil and ferment [provocation]; where eons or eras of
evolutionary stability suddenly give way to wholesale species transformation…..
M. Mitchell Waldrop, 1992, p.12](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-54-2048.jpg)
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The liberals have generally sought to achieve human freedom within the constraints of
Hobbesian worldview (liberal interpretation of law: leave people free to do whatever the law
does not explicitly forbid [Manet, 1994, pp 20-38]... the right of individuals have rights or
license to everything in this world) which precludes its embrace of the ennobling Aristotelian
ideal of a civil society. It is within our means to create a conscious civilization comprising
politically and spiritually self-aware civil societies which each citizen is called to participate
actively in the definition and creation of a public good like individual cells of human being
participate in creating a healthy whole body. Freedom for the psychologically and socially
mature individual is neither license to self-indulge nor permission to pursue personal
advantage in disregard for the wellbeing of the whole. It is an opportunity to function freely
and responsibly as a member of a coherent and fully functioning society (Korten, 1999,
pp.146).
Mindful living is a key to freeing
ourselves from the imposed order of coercive
institutions which constraint life’s creative power.
Developing our capacity for mindful living may,
certainly prove to be the most revolutionary act in
human history. Everything else follows such as the
kind of work we do, how we balance our lives
between paid and unpaid work, what we choose to
consume, where we live, and how we participate in
the life of the community of place. These are the
paradoxes of freedom. To be truly free, all must
learn to practice a mindful self-restraint in the use
of freedom.
1.4. Democratic Economy (Korten, 1999, pp.163-182).
The central problem of global capitalism
could be described in terms of institutional
relationship which concentrates the power of
ownership in the hands of some economic
aristocrats who delink form community interests
(gains) and are unaccountable. But economic
democracy seeks broad participation in the
ownership of productive assets and the strong
linkage of those ownership rights to people who
live in the communities where those assets are
Philippines: Testimony of Motorcycle
Maker’s Quality
Reuter/Erik de Castro: Dec.2012
located. This is to secure the rights of each individual and to secure adequate means of
livelihood while encouraging mindfulness on the use of economic resources by linking
decision-making power to the consequences of the decision. Democratic economy so works
to secure our freedom, to fulfill the needs of our mind and body and to encourage our
responsibility that is exactly what any proper system of ownership rights must do.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-55-2048.jpg)
![MCU-FSS: Wat Raikhing Campus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 62
1.6.2. Culture Shift
Although the culture of materialism has been created by the most sophisticated
and highly paid propagandists, it is at its core a falsified, manufactured, and non-consensual
culture. If material acquisition was truly the dominant value of the human species, then surely
capitalism would find it unnecessary to spend $450 billion a year to propagate it throughout
the world. Nor would so many of the advertising messages and images that promote these
desires be designed to appeal to our longing for acceptance, love, and contact with nature.
Successful as capitalism has been in creating a mass consumer culture, the fact remains that
its values are largely alien to our basic nature.
Our longing for life is finding new expression in a deep worldwide culture shift
unprecedented in human history in its speed, magnitude, and implications. A number of
important values surveys provide compelling evidence that contrary to outward appearances,
the modernist culture that underpins the spread of global capitalism is actually in deep trouble.
[26]
1.6.3. Life Choices
Perhaps the solution to our present collective predicament remains illusive for
the very reason that it is so obvious and familiar. We are not being called to step off the edge
of some cliff into a dark and vast unknown. Our experience of what lies ahead may prove
more like a returning home after a long trip that has opened our eyes to new possibilities in
the deeply familiar. That which in our more mindful moments we really want, we can have, if
we but muster the will to make healthful choices for ourselves and our societies that bond us
with life's creative regenerative processes. In this chapter we will review some of those
important choices. [28]
1.6.4. Engaging the Future
Our task is no longer one of creating counter cultures, engaging in political
protest, and pursuing economic alternatives. To create a just, sustainable, and compassionate
post-corporate world we must face up to the need to create a new core culture, a new political
center, and a new economic mainstream. Such a bold agenda requires millions of people with
widely varied expertise working at many levels of society -- personal and household,
community, national, and global. It requires breaking the bonds of individual isolation that
leave us feeling marginalized when, in fact, we may represent the new majority. There are
thousands of useful tasks to be undertaken. The following are illustrative of the possibilities.
[29]
1.6.5. What is life then in the post corporate world?
"Life is matter that chooses." The mainstream science yet pursues to toil under
the venture “to clarify a definitely non-mechanistic reality in mechanistic terms"(Korten,
1999, p.100). But picture the scope of change possible by reinterpreting the way we connect
each other and the Earth which feeds and sustains human beings by shaping an economic](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/407313-140813063023-phpapp02/75/407-313-62-2048.jpg)
Uploaded byYota Bhikkhu
รหัสวิชา 407 313 ภาษาอังกฤษสำหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์
This document provides an overview of the course "English for Political Scientists" at Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalaya University in Thailand. It outlines the course objectives, which are to help students learn political science vocabulary, structures of English phrases and sentences, and to develop their reading, writing, and discussion skills in English on political science topics. It also provides a teaching plan covering topics like introductions to political science and comparative politics over the first two weeks. Vocabulary related to political science terms is defined. An overview explains that political scientists study matters of power and governance, and seek to understand and advise on political issues and policies through various social scientific methods.
![Isomers [compatibility mode]](https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/isomerscompatibilitymode-111120224154-phpapp02-thumbnail.jpg?width=640&height=640&fit=bounds)
![Advance english 1[1]](https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/advanceenglish11-140813062138-phpapp02-thumbnail.jpg?width=640&height=640&fit=bounds)
![Advance english 5[1]](https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/advanceenglish51-130611060010-phpapp01-thumbnail.jpg?width=640&height=640&fit=bounds)
![Advance english 3[1]](https://cdn.slidesharecdn.com/ss_thumbnails/advanceenglish31-140813062307-phpapp02-thumbnail.jpg?width=640&height=640&fit=bounds)
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รหัสวิชา 407 313 ภาษาอังกฤษสำหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์
- 1. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 1 EN 407 313 English for Political Scientists (ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์) (Temporal Experimental Edition) In Partial Fulfillment of the Course of Political Science Department of Public Administration Revised on 2013 Mahachulalongkornrajavidhyalaya University Academic Service Center: Faculty of Social Science Wat Raikhing, Sampran , Nakhonpathom Thailand รหัสวิชา 407 317 ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์ (EN 407 313: English for Political Scientists)
- 2. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 2 คำาอธิบายรายวิชา ศึกษาโครงสร้าง คำาศัพท์และสำานวนที่ใช้กัน มากในสาขาวิชารัฐศาสตร์ และการฝึกใช้คำาศัพท์ สำานวนเหล่านั้นในการเขียนการอ่านและพูดทาง รัฐศาสตร์ การตีความหมายจากบริบท ศึกษาวิธีการอ่าน ภาษาอังกฤษโดยเรียนรู้โครงสร้างและส่วนประกอบที่ เป็นลักษณะเฉพาะของภาษาอังกฤษและโครงสร้าง หน้าที่ของกลุ่มคำา เพื่อช่วยในการอ่านเชิงวิเคราะห์ การ เรียงความและอภิปรายเป็นภาษาอังกฤษในเรื่องเกี่ยวกับ รัฐศาสตร์ Course Descriptions A study of structure, lexicon and the common terms of English for political science, of practices on using the glossary and the terms in writing, reading and speaking about political science; of interpretation from the context, and to study methods of reading English through learning its structures, its specific compound and roles of its phrases helpful to analytical reading, essay writing, and discussion in English for political science วัตถุประสงค์ของรายวิชา : เมื่อนักศึกษา เรียนรายวิชานี้แล้ว นักศึกษามีสมรรถนะที่ต้องการใน ด้านต่าง ๆ ดังนี้ 1.1 วัตถุประสงค์เชิงพฤติกรรม 1.1.1 เชิงพุทธพิสัย: ผู้เรียนรู้คำาศัพท์และเข้าใจ ความหมายของคำาศัพท์เฉพาะทางรัฐศาสตร์ 1.1.2 เชิงจิตพิสัย: ผู้เรียนมีความสนใจใคร่รู้ ขยัน ตั้งใจเรียนและส่งงานที่มอบหมายอย่างสมำ่าเสมอ 1.1.3: เชิงทักษะพิสัย: ผู้เรียนสามารถเขียนและ อ่านคำาศัพท์ทางรัฐศาสตร์ได้ สามารถอธิบายโครงสร้าง และหน้าที่ของกลุ่มคำาและประโยคภาษาอังกฤษขั้นพื้น ฐานได้ สามารถอ่านข่าวและบทความภาษาอังกฤษเชิง รัฐศาสตร์ได้เข้าใจ และสามารถอภิปรายได้ Course Objectives : upon learning, students are enables on the following capability:- 1.1. Behavioral Objectives 1.1.1. Cognitive Domain: knowing the meaning and understanding the political science lexicon 1.1.2. Affective Domain: being enthusiastic to know, diligent, attentive and regularly submit assignments 1.1.3. Psychomotor Domain: being enabled to write and read the political science glossary; to explain structures and roles of basic English phrases and sentences; to read, understand and discuss news and articles of the political science English 1.2 คุณลักษณะบัณฑิตที่พึงประสงค์ 1.2.1.ความฉลาดและความสามารถในการเรียนรู้ ความจริง ได้แก่ ฉันทะและความสามารถในการเรียนรู้ด้วย ตนเองตลอดชีวิต ความสามารถในการวิเคราะห์อย่างเป็นระบบ ความสามารถในการสื่อสาร (การพูด การ เขียน ทั้งภาษาไทย ภาษาต่างประเทศ และ คอมพิวเตอร์) ความสามารถในการมองไปข้างหน้าและการ ตัดสินใจ ความสามารถในการคิดริเริ่มสร้างสรรค์ 1.2. Desirable Attributes of the Graduates 1.2.1. Ingenuity and competence to learn the truth, i.e. - contentment and competence of lifelong self- study -competence of systematic analysis - competence to communicate (speaking and writing in Thai, English and computer) - competence to foresee and decide - competence to draw initiative and creativity 1.2.2. ความฉลาดทางอารมณ์ ได้แก่ มีสติรู้ตัวรู้หน้าที่ เห็นอกเห็นใจผู้อื่น มีความพอและพอดี ขยัน อดทน อดกลั้น ซื่อสัตย์ กตัญญู เที่ยงธรรม มีความมุ่งมั่นที่จะทำาให้สำาเร็จ มีนำ้าใจ เห็นแก่ประโยชน์ส่วนรวม สุภาพ อ่อนน้อมถ่อมตน รู้จักกาลเทศะ 1.2.2. EQ (Emotional Intelligence), i.e. - self-consciousness and dutifulness - compassion - sufficiency and moderation - diligence, patience and tolerance - honesty, gratefulness, and fairness - determination for success - having goodwill and for the common good - politeness, humility and tactfulness 1.2.3 ใจกว้าง รับฟังความคิดเห็นที่แตกต่างได้ 1.2.3. open-mindedness to diverse thoughts TEACHING PLANNING
- 3. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 3 Weeks Descriptions Lect-Hrs. Practicum Teaching Techniques Evaluations Lecturer 1 Course Introduction Lesson 1 Introduction to Political Science 3 0 1. Inquiries 2. Lectures 3. Individual Approach 4. Seminar Teaching Aids – power point, e-learning 1. Portfolio 2. Interpretation 3. Observation 4. Subjective Test พระมหา โยตะ ปยุตฺโต 2 Lesson 1 Introduction to Political Science 3 0 5. Inquiries 6. Lectures 7. Individual Approach 8. Seminar Teaching Aids – power point, e-learning 1. Interviews 2. Portfolio 3. Interpretation 4. Observation 5. Subjective Test พระมหา โยตะ ปยุตฺโต Introduction of English for Political Scientists
- 4. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 4 ก้าวสู่ภาษาอังกฤษสำาหรับนักรัฐศาสตร์ Phramaha Yota Payutto Ph.D. (D.C.) (Doctor of Philosophy) Political Science is a social science discipline concerned with the study of the state, nation, government, and politics and policies of government. Aristotle defined it as the study of the state.[1] It deals extensively with the theory and practice of politics, and the analysis of political systems and political behavior, culture. Political scientists "see themselves engaged in revealing the relationships underlying political events and conditions, and from these revelations they attempt to construct general principles about the way the world of politics works."[2] Political science intersects with other fields; including economics, law, sociology, history, anthropology, public administration, public policy, national politics, international relations, comparative politics, psychology, political organization, and political theory. Although it was codified in the 19th century, when all the social sciences were established, political science has ancient roots; indeed, it originated almost 2,500 years ago with the works of Plato and Aristotle.[3] Political science is commonly divided into five distinct sub-disciplines which together constitute the field: • political theory • comparative politics • public administration • international relations • public law Political theory is more concerned with contributions of various classical thinkers such as Aristotle, Niccolò Machiavelli, Cicero, Plato and many others. Comparative politics is the science of comparison and teaching of different types of constitutions, political actors, legislature and associated fields, all of them from an intrastate perspective. International relations deal with the interaction between nation-states as well as intergovernmental and transnational organizations. VOCABULARIES NOUNS adversary ปรปักษ์ anthropology มนุษย์วิทยา antiquity สมัย/ยุคโบราณ behavior พฤติกรรม clan วงศ์ตระกูล comparative politics การเมืองเปรียบเทียบ discipline สาขาวิชา economics เศรษฐศาสตร์ force กองกำาลัง-กองทัพ governance ระบบการปกครอง -ธรรมาภิบาล history ประวัติศาสตร์ influence (v) อิทธิพล international relations ความสัมพันธ์ระหว่าง ประเทศ law กฎหมาย national politics การเมืองระดับประเทศ negotiation การเจรจา political organization องค์กรการเมือง political theory ทฤษฎีการเมือง principles หลักการ psychology จิตวิทยา public administration รัฐประสาสนศาสตร์ public policy นโยบายภาครัฐ social science สังคมศาสตร์ sociology สังคมวิทยา system ระบบ tribes เผ่าพันธุ์ warfare การทำาสงคราม ADJECTIVES civic เกี่ยวกับพลเรือน distinct แตกต่างชัดเจน political ทางการเมือง seminal สามารถพัฒนาได้ ADVERBS extensively ครอบคลุม VERBS attempt พยายาม codify จัดเป็นหมวดหมู่/ ประมวล constitute ประกอบด้วย /บัญญัติ/ก่อตั้ง construct สร้าง define ให้คำาจำากัดความ engage ผูกมัด establish สร้าง intersect ตัดผ่าน/พาดผ่าน originate ก่อให้เกิด reveal เปิดเผย
- 5. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 5 Political science is methodologically diverse and appropriates many methods originating in social research. Approaches include • positivism, • interpretivism, • rational choice theory, • behavioralism, • structuralism, • poststructuralism, • realism, • institutionalism, and • pluralism Political science, as one of the social sciences, uses methods and techniques that relate to the kinds of inquiries sought: primary sources such as historical documents and official records, secondary sources such as scholarly journal articles, survey research, statistical analysis, case studies, experimental research and model building. OVERVIEW Political scientists study matters concerning the allocation and transfer of power in decision making, the roles and systems of governance including governments and international organizations, political behavior and public policies. They measure the success of governance and specific policies by examining many factors, including stability, justice, material wealth, and peace. Some political scientists seek to advance positive (attempt to describe how things are, as opposed to how they should be) theses by analyzing politics. Others advance normative theses, by making specific policy recommendations. Political scientists provide the frameworks from which journalists, special interest groups, politicians, and the electorate analyze issues. According to Chaturvedy, "...Political scientists may serve as advisers to specific politicians, or even run for office as politicians themselves. Political scientists can be found working in governments, in political parties or as civil servants. They may be NOUNS allocation การจัดสรร approach (v)วิธีการ associated field ส่วน / งานที่เกี่ยวข้อง behavioralism พฤติกรรมนิยม capacity ความสามารถ case study กรณีศึกษา civil servant ข้าราชการ comparison การเปรียบเทียบ constitutional แห่งรัฐธรรมนูญ contribution ความเอื้อเฟื้อ corporation / firm บริษัท election การเลือกตั้ง electorate ประชาชนผู้มีสิทธิเลือกตั้งทั้งหมด/ เขตเลือกตั้งของผู้มีสิทธิเลือกตั้ง experimental research การวิจัยเชิงทดลอง expertise ความชำานาญ factor ปัจจัย fault-line แนวเส้นที่ขยับปรับเปลี่ยนได้ตลอด เวลา framework กรอบ historical document เอกสารเชิงประวัติศาสตร์ inquiry การสอบสวน/ การตรวจสอบ institutionalism สถาบันนิยม interaction การปฏิสัมพันธ์ interpretivism คตินิยมแนวการตีความ justice ความยุติธรรม legislature สภานิติบัญญัติ/ หน่วยนิติกรของ รัฐ material wealth ความมั่งคั่งทางวัตถุ measurement การวัด measures มาตรการ model building การสร้างแบบจำาลอง modernity ความทันสมัย NGO (non-governmental organization) องค์กรอิสระ normative theses ข้อสมมติเชิงจริยศาสตร์ official records บันทึกส่วนราชการ per se (ภาษาละติน)โดยตัวของมันเอง) perspective ทรรศนะ pluralism พหุนิยม political actor นักเล่นการเมือง political movement ความเคลื่อนไหวทางการ เมือง positivism ปฏิฐานนิยม post-structuralism ภาวะหลังโครงสร้างนิยม primary sources ข้อมูลปฐมภูมิ Private enterprises วิสาหกิจเอกชน public opinion ความเห็นจากสาธรณชน rational choice theory ทฤษฏีคิดก่อนทำา realism สัจนิยม recommendation การเสนอแนะ scholarly journal article บทความวารสารทาง วิชาการ secondary sources ข้อมูลทุติภูมิ social research การวิจัยเชิงสังคม social security reform การปฏิรูปงานประกัน สังคม stability ความมีเสถียรภาพ statistical analysis การวิเคราะห์ทางสถิติ structuralism โครงสร้างนิยม Supreme Court ศาลสูง survey research การวิจัยเชิงสำารวจ terminology คำาศัพท์ think-tank ระดับมันสมอง transfer (v) การโยกย้าย value คุณค่า variety ความหลากหลาย
- 6. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 6 involved with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or political movements. In a variety of capacities, people educated and trained in political science can add value and expertise to corporations. Private enterprises such as think tanks, research institutes, polling and public relations firms often employ political scientists." In the United States, political scientists known as "Americanists look at a variety of data including constitutional development, elections, public opinion and public policy such as Social Security reform, foreign policy, US Congressional Committees, and the US Supreme Court — to name only a few issues. "As a discipline" political science, possibly like the social sciences as a whole, "lives on the fault line between the 'two cultures' in the academy, the sciences and the humanities."[4] Thus, in some American colleges where there is no separate School or College of Arts and Sciences per se, political science may be a separate department housed as part of a division or school of Humanities or Liberal Arts.[5] Whereas classical political philosophy is primarily defined by a concern for Hellenic and Enlightenment thought, political scientists are also marked by a great concern for "modernity" and the contemporary nation state, along with the study of classical thought, and as such share a greater deal of terminology with sociologists (e.g. structure and agency). ADJECTIVES classical ชั้นแนวหน้า/ ดีเด่น congressional แห่งรัฐสภา contemporary ร่วมสมัย diverse หลากหลาย intergovernmental ความร่วมมือจากรัฐบาล ประเทศต่างๆ intrastate เกี่ยวกับหรือที่มีอยู่ภายในรัฐ positive เชิงบวก primarily เบื้องต้น transnational ข้ามประเทศ/ เหนือผลประโยชน์ของประเทศ ADVERBS methodologically โดยทางวิธีการ possibly เป็นไปได้ VERBS add เพิ่ม advance เดินหน้า allocate จดสรร analyze วิเคราะห์ appropriate วางให้เหมาะสม compare เปรียบเทียบ (is) concerned เกี่ยวข้อง contribute เอื้อเฟื้อ deal จัดการ/ ดำาเนินการ define ให้คำานิยาม/ คำาจำากัดความ employ ว่าจ้าง examine ตรวจสอบ interact มีปฏิกิริยาต่อ involve เกี่ยวข้อง may serve as ทำางานในฐานะ measure ชั่ง-ตวง-วัด recommend แนะนำา run for office ลงสมัครเลือกตั้ง Modern political science Because political science is essentially a study of human behavior, in all aspects of politics, observations in controlled environments are often challenging to reproduce or duplicate, though experimental methods are increasingly common (see experimental political science). [8] Citing this difficulty, former American Political Science Association President Lawrence Lowell once said "We are limited by the impossibility of experiment. Politics is an observational, not an experimental science."[9] Because of this, political scientists have historically observed political elites, institutions, and individual or group behavior in order to identify patterns, draw generalizations, and build theories of politics. Like all social sciences, political science faces the NOUNS advent การเกิด/ การปรากฏ aspects ลักษณะ/รูปร่างหน้าตา/รูปการ/หลัก เกณฑ์/ทิศทาง complexity ความซับซ้อน designation การตั้งชื่อ/ การแต่งตั้ง/ การ กำาหนด doctorate ดุษฎีบัณฑิต/ ปริญญาเอก elite บุคคลชั้นแนวหน้า/ กลุ่มอิทธิพล environment สิ่งแวดล้อม generalization หลักการหรือกฎเกณฑ์ทั่วไป impact ผลกระทบกระเทือน impossibility ความเป็นไปได้ยาก object วัตถุ observation การสังเกต organism สิ่งมีชีวิต pattern รูปแบบ phenomena (phenomenon)ปรากฏการณ์/ ข้อ เท็จจริง/ สิ่งที่ประทับใจ/ บุคคลที่ประทับใจ pluralism พหุนิยม predecessor ผู้อยู่ในตำาแหน่งคนก่อน/ บรรพบุรุษ scholars นักวิชาการ/ ผู้เชี่ยวชาญ
- 7. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 7 difficulty of observing human actors that can only be partially observed and who have the capacity for making conscious choices unlike other subjects such as non-human organisms in biology or inanimate objects as in physics. Despite the complexities, contemporary political science has progressed by adopting a variety of methods and theoretical approaches to understanding politics and methodological pluralism is a defining feature of contemporary political science. Often in contrast with national media, political science scholars seek to compile long-term data and research on the impact of political issues, producing in-depth articles breaking down the issues The advent of political science as a university discipline was marked by the creation of university departments and chairs with the title of political science arising in the late 19th century. In fact, the designation "political scientist" is typically for those with a doctorate in the field. Integrating political studies of the past into a unified discipline is ongoing, and the history of political science has provided a rich field for the growth of both normative and positive political science, with each part of the discipline sharing some historical predecessors. The American Political Science Association was founded in 1903 and the American Political Science Review was founded in 1906 in an effort to distinguish the study of politics from economics and other social phenomena. ADJECTIVES conscious มีสติ inanimate ไม่มีชีวิต normative ในแนวทางปฏิบัติ/ ด้านบรรทัดฐาน observational จากการสังเกต ongoing ดำาเนินต่อไป/ ต่อเนื่อง ADVERBS despite/ though/ although/ even though แม้ว่า essentially ซึ่งขาดไม่ได้/ อย่างจำาเป็น in contrast ในทางตรงกันข้าม increasingly มากยิ่งขึ้น partially บางส่วน typically เป็นตัวอย่าง/ เป็นแบบฉบับ VERBS adopt รับเอา challenge ท้าทาย cite อ้างอิง compile รวบรวมและเรียบเรียง control บังคับ distinguish จำาแนก duplicate ทำาสำาเนา/จำาลองแบบ face เผชิญหน้า identify ชี้ตัว/ระบุ integrate บูรณาการ/ ควบรวม progress ก้าวหน้า reproduce ผลิตใหม่อีกครั้ง unify ทำาให้เป็นหน่วยเดียวกัน/รวมกัน/ทำาให้ เป็นแบบเดียวกัน/ทำาให้สอดคล้องกัน Behavioral revolution and new institutionalism In the 1950s and the 1960s, a behavioral revolution stressing the systematic and rigorously scientific study of individual and group behavior swept the discipline. A focus on studying political behavior, rather than institutions or interpretation of legal texts, characterized early behavioral political science, including work by Robert Dahl, Philip Converse, and in the collaboration between sociologist Paul Lazarsfeld and public opinion scholar Bernard Berelson. The late 1960s and early 1970s witnessed a take off in the use of deductive, game theoretic formal modeling techniques aimed at generating a more analytical corpus of NOUNS collaboration การร่วมมือกัน colleague เพื่อนร่วมงาน corpus ร่างกาย/ศพ/ รวมเรื่องเขียนขนาดใหญ่ proponent ผู้สนับสนุน/ผู้เสนอ revolution การเปลี่ยนแปลงอย่างขนานใหญ่/ การปฏิวัติ shift การเปลี่ยนแปลง surge ลักษณะขึ้นๆลงๆแบบรุนแรง take-off การเริ่มดำาเนินการ/ เครื่องบินบินขึ้น texts ตำารา ADJECTIVES deductive เป็นการอนุมาน/ เป็นการลงความ เห็นจากหลักทั่วไปเพื่อสู่เรื่องเฉพาะ formal เป็นทางการ legal ชอบด้วยกฎหมาย/ตามกฎหมาย systematic เป็นระบบ ADVERBS legally โดยนิตินัย rigorously
- 8. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 8 knowledge in the discipline. This period saw a surge of research that borrowed theory and methods from economics to study political institutions, such as the United States Congress, as well as political behavior, such as voting. William H. Riker and his colleagues and students at the University of Rochester were the main proponents of this shift. VERBS borrow ยืม characterize บอก หรือระบุคุณสมบัติหรือ ลักษณะเฉพาะ/ สร้างลักษณะพิเศษเฉพาะ stress เน้น sweep-swept-swept เก็บกวาด/ ขจัด witness เป็นพยาน Political science in the Soviet Union In the Soviet Union, political studies were carried out under the guise of some other disciplines like theory of state and law, area studies, international relations, studies of labor movement, "critique of bourgeois theories" etc. Soviet scholars were represented at the International Political Science Association (IPSA) since 1955 (since 1960 by the Soviet Association of Political and State Studies). In 1979 11th World Congress of IPSA took place in Moscow. Until the late years of the Soviet Union, political science as a field was subjected to tight control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and was thus subjected to distrust. Anti-communists accused political scientists of being "false" scientists and of having served the old regime.[10] After the fall of the Soviet Union, two of the major institutions dealing with political science - the Institute of Contemporary Social Theories and the Institute of International Affairs - were disbanded, and most of their members were left without jobs. These institutes were victims of the first wave of anti-communist euphoria and of in many ways unfounded ideological attacks, despite many of the people working in these institutes being competent scientists with a proficient knowledge of political science, and some of them having played an important role in reforming the Communist Party.[10] Today the Russian Political Science Association unites professionals-political scientists from Russia itself. NOUNS guise หน้ากาก/ เครื่องบังหน้า bourgeois คนที่เป็นชั้นกลาง/พ่อค้า/ นักธุรกิจ/ distrust ไม่ไว้วางใจ regime ระบบการปกครอง affairs กิจการ victim เหยื่อ/ ผู้รับกรรม euphoria ความรู้สึกสบาย ADJECTIVES tight เข้มงวด false หลอกลวง major สำาคัญ ideological เกี่ยวกับมโนคติ proficient เชี่ยวชาญ ADVERBS VERBS carry out ดำาเนินการ represent เป็นตัวแทน take place เกิดขึ้นที่/ จัดงานที่ (is) subjected บังคับ accuse กล่าวหา disband ปลดประจำาการ/ ปลดออกจากงาน (lay-off) Recent developments In 2000, the Perestroika Movement in political science was introduced as a reaction against what supporters of the movement called the mathematicization of political science. Those who identified with the NOUNS reaction ปฏิกิริยา relevance ความสอดคล้องและสัมพันธ์กันและ กัน mechanism กลไก mathematicization ทำาให้เป็นระบบ คณิตศาสตร์ evolution วิวัฒนาการ features หน้าตา/โฉมหน้า/ สารคดีพิเศษ
- 9. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 9 movement argued for a plurality of methodologies and approaches in political science and for more relevance of the discipline to those outside of it.[11] Evolutionary psychology theories argue that humans have evolved a highly developed set of psychological mechanisms for dealing with politics. However, these mechanisms evolved for dealing with the small group politics that characterized the ancestral environment and not the much larger political structures in today's world. This is argued to explain many important features and systematic cognitive biases of current politics. [12] cognitive bias การขาดสติในการตัดสินใจ/ ความเบี่ยงเบนทางสติปัญญา conference การประชุมวิขาการ scholarship ทุนการศึกษา ADJECTIVES psychological เชิงจิตวิทยา evolutionary เชิงวิวัฒนาการ ancestral ที่ตกทอด/เกี่ยวกับบรรพบุรุษ current เป็นปัจจุบัน domestic ภายในประเทศ particular โดยเฉพาะ thematic หัวข้อ/ หัวเรื่องในการอภิปราย หรือ การประชุใหรือการทำางาน ADVERBS broadly โดยกว้างๆ VERBS introduce แนะนำา argue ถกเถียง/ แย้ง evolve วิวัฒนาการ organize จัดการองค์กร emphasize เน้น address ดำาเนินการเพื่อจัดการประเด็นปัญหา Most Political Scientists work broadly in one or more of the following five areas: • Comparative politics, including area studies • International relations • Political philosophy and theories • Public administration • Public law Some political science departments also classify methodology as well as scholarship on the domestic politics of a particular country as distinct sub fields. In the United States, American politics is often treated as a separate subfield. In contrast to this traditional classification, some academic departments organize scholarship into thematic categories, including political philosophy, political behavior (including public opinion, collective action, and identity), and political institutions (including legislatures and international organizations). Political science conferences and journals often emphasize scholarship in more specific categories. The American Political Science Association, for example, has 42 organized sections that address various methods and topics of political inquiry.[13] History of Political Science Political science as a separate field is a relatively late arrival in terms of social sciences. However, the term "political science" was not always distinguished from political philosophy, and the modern discipline has a clear set of antecedents including also moral philosophy, political economy, political theology, history, and other fields concerned
- 10. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 10 with normative determinations of what ought to be and with deducing the characteristics and functions of the ideal state. Ancient The antecedents of Western politics can be traced back to the Socratic political philosophers, Plato (427–347 BC), Xenophon (c. 430–354 BC), and Aristotle ("The Father of Political Science") (384–322 BC). These authors, in such works asThe Republic and Laws by Plato, and The Politics and Nicomachean Ethics by Aristotle, analyzed political systems philosophically, going beyond earlier Greek poetic and historical reflections which can be found in the works of epic poets like Homer and Hesiod, historians like Herodotus and Thucydides, and dramatists such as Sophocles, Aristophanes, and Euripides. During the height of the Roman Empire, famous historians such as Polybius, Livy and Plutarch documented the rise of the Roman Republic, and the organization and histories of other nations, while statesmen like Julius Caesar, Cicero and others provided us with examples of the politics of the republic and Rome's empire and wars. The study of politics during this age was oriented toward understanding history, understanding methods of governing, and describing the operation of governments. Nearly a thousand years elapsed, from the foundation of the city of Rome in 753 BC to the fall of the Roman Empire or the beginning of the Middle Ages. In the interim, there is a manifest translation of Hellenic culture into the Roman sphere. The Greek gods become Romans and Greek philosophy in one way or another turns into Roman law e.g. Stoicism. The Stoic was committed to preserving proper hierarchical roles and duties in the state so that the state as a whole would remain stable. Among the best known Roman Stoics were philosopher Seneca and the emperor Marcus Aurelius. Seneca, a wealthy Roman patrician, is often criticized by some modern commentators for failing to adequately live by his own precepts. The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, on the other hand, can be best thought of as the philosophical reflections of an emperor divided between his philosophical aspirations and the duty he felt to defend the Roman Empire from its external enemies through his various military campaigns. According to Polybius, Roman institutions were the backbone of the empire but Roman law is the medulla.[14] Medieval Europe With the fall of the Western Roman Empire, there arose a more diffuse arena for political studies. The rise of monotheism and, particularly for the Western tradition, Christianity, brought to light a new space for politics and political action. Works such as Augustine of Hippo's The City of God synthesized current philosophies and political traditions with those of Christianity, redefining the borders between what was religious and what was political. During the Middle Ages, the study of politics was widespread in the churches and courts. Most of the political questions surrounding the relationship between church and state were clarified and contested in this period. The Arabs lost sight of Aristotle's political science but continued to study Plato's Republic which became the basic text of Judeo-Islamic political philosophy as in the works of Alfarabi and Averroes; this did not happen in the Christian world, where Aristotle's
- 11. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 11 Politics was translated in the 13th century and became the basic text as in the works of Saint Thomas Aquinas.[15] Renaissance During the Italian Renaissance, Niccolò Machiavelli established the emphasis of modern political science on direct empirical observation of political institutions and actors. Machiavelli was also a realist, arguing that even evil means should be considered if they help to create and preserve a desired regime. Machiavelli therefore also argues against the use of idealistic models in politics, and has been described as the father of the "politics model" of political science.[16] Later, the expansion of the scientific paradigm during the Enlightenment further pushed the study of politics beyond normative determinations. Enlightenment The works of the French philosophers Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot to name a few are paragon for political analysis, social science, social and political critic. Their influence leading to the French revolution has been enormous in the development of modern democracy throughout the world. Like Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, well known for his theory of the social contract, believed that a strong central power, such as a monarchy, was necessary to rule the innate selfishness of the individual but neither of them believed in thedivine right of kings. John Locke, on the other hand, who gave us Two Treatises of Government and who did not believe in the divine right of kings either, sided with Aquinas and stood against both Machiavelli and Hobbes by accepting Aristotle's dictum that man seeks to be happy in a state of social harmony as a social animal. Unlike Aquinas' preponderant view on the salvation of the soul from original sin, Locke believed man comes into this world with a mind that is basically a tabula rasa. According to Locke, an absolute ruler as proposed by Hobbes is unnecessary, for natural law is based on reason and equality, seeking peace and survival for man. The new Western philosophical foundations that emerged from the pursuit of reason during the Enlightenment era helped pave the way for policies that emphasized a need for a separation of church and state. Principles similar to those that dominated the material sciences could be applied to society as a whole, originating the social sciences. Politics could be studied in a laboratory as it were, the social milieu. In 1787, Alexander Hamilton wrote: "...The science of politics like most other sciences has received great improvement." (The Federalist Papers Number 9 and 51). Both the marquis d'Argenson and the abbé de Saint- Pierre described politics as a science; d'Argenson was a philosopher and de Saint-Pierre an allied reformer of the enlightenment.[17] Other important figures in American politics who participated in the Enlightenment were Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson. 19th Century
- 12. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 12 The Darwinian models of evolution and natural selection exerted considerable influence in the late 19th century. Society seemed to be evolving every upward, a belief that was shattered by World War I. "History is past politics and politics present history" was the motto of the first generation of American political scientists, 1882-1900. The motto had been coined by the Oxford professor Edward Augustus Freeman, and was enshrined on the wall of the seminar room at Johns Hopkins University where the first large-scale training of America and political scientists began.[18] The founding professors of the field included Herbert Baxter Adams at Johns Hopkins, John Burgessand William Dunning at Columbia, Woodrow Wilson at Princeton, and Albert Bushnell Hart at Harvard. Their graduate seminars had a thick historical cast, which typically reflected their experience in German University seminars. However, succeeding generations of scholars progressively cut back on the history and deliberate fashion. The second generation wanted to model itself on the physical sciences.[19] In the Progressive Era in the United States (1890s-1920s), political science became not only a prestigious university curriculum but also an applied science that was welcomed as a way to apply expertise to the problems of governance. Among the most prominent applied political scientists were Woodrow Wilson,[20] Charles A. Beard, and Charles E. Merriam. Many cities and states set up research bureau to apply the latest results.[21] The Thai Government Ministries English Thai Since Office of the Prime Minister สำานักนายกรัฐมนตรี 1932 Ministry of Defense กระทรวงกลาโหม 1887 Ministry of Finance กระทรวงการคลัง 1873 Ministry of Foreign Affairs กระทรวงการต่างประเทศ 1875 Ministry of Tourism and Sports กระทรวงการท่องเที่ยวและกีฬา 2002 Ministry of Social Development and Human Security กระทรวงการพัฒนาสังคมและความมั่นคง ของมนุษย์ 2002 Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives กระทรวงเกษตรและสหกรณ์ 1892 Ministry of Transport กระทรวงคมนาคม 1912 Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment กระทรวงทรัพยากรธรรมชาติและสิ่ง แวดล้อม 2002 Ministry of Information and Communication Technology กระทรวงเทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศและการ สื่อสาร 2002 Ministry of Energy กระทรวงพลังงาน 2002 Ministry of Commerce กระทรวงพาณิชย์ 1892 Ministry of Interior กระทรวงมหาดไทย 1892 Ministry of Justice กระทรวงยุติธรรม 1891 Ministry of Labor กระทรวงแรงงาน 1993 Ministry of Culture กระทรวงวัฒนธรรม 2002 Ministry of Science and Technology กระทรวงวิทยาศาสตร์และเทคโนโลยี 1979
- 13. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 13 Ministry of Education กระทรวงศึกษาธิการ 1892 Ministry of Public Health กระทรวงสาธารณสุข 1942 Ministry of Industry กระทรวงอุตสาหกรรม 1942 References 1. Oxford Dictionary of Politics: political science 2. Political Science. The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (1999-02-22). Retrieved on 7/19/2013-. 3. Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: political science 4. Stoner, J. R. (22 February 2008). "Political Science and Political Education". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA Teaching and Learning Conference (APSA), San José Marriott, San José,
- 14. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 14 California. Retrieved 7/19/2013 "... although one might allege the same for social science as a whole, political scientists receive funding from and play an active role in both the National Science Foundation and the National Endowment for the Humanities [in the United States]." <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p245585_index.html>. 5. See, e.g., the department of Political Science at Marist College, part of a Division of Humanities before that division became the School of Liberal Arts (c. 2000). 6. Politics is the term used to refer to this field by Brandeis University; Cornell College; University of California, Santa Cruz; Hendrix College; Lake Forest College; Monash University; Mount Holyoke College; New York University;Occidental College; Princeton University; Ursinus College; and Washington and Lee University. Government is the term used for this field by Bowdoin College; Colby College; Cornell University; Dartmouth College; Georgetown University; Harvard University; Smith College; Wesleyan University; the College of William and Mary; the University of Sydney; the University of Texas at Austin; the University of Ulster; the University of Essex; Victoria University of Wellington, which has both a "School of Government" and a separate "Political Science and International Relations Programme"; and the London School of Economics and Political Science. Politics and government is the term used by the University of Puget Sound. Government and politics is used by the University of Maryland, College Park. 7. Vernardakis, George (1998). Graduate education in government. University Press of America. p. 77. "...existing practices at Harvard University, the University of California at Berkeley, and the University of Michigan." 8. Druckman, James; Green, Donald; Kuklinski, James et al., eds. (2011). Cambridge Handbook of Experimental Political Science. New York: Cambridge University Press. 9. Lowell, A. Lawrence. 1910. "The Physiology of Politics." American Political Science Review 4: 1-15. 10. Political Science in Russia: Institutionalization of the Discipline and Development of the Professional Community 11. Chronicle of Higher Education 2001 12. Michael Bang Petersen. "The evolutionary psychology of mass politics". In Roberts, S. C. (2011). Applied Evolutionary Psychology. Oxford University Press. 13. APSA Organized Sections | APSA 14. Aabriel Abraham (2002). Ventures in political science. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 29. "Polybius attributes the remarkable growth and power of Rome to its political institutions." 15. Muhsin, Mahdi (2001). Alfarabi and the foundation of Islamic political philosophy. p. 35. 16.Lane, Ruth (1996). Political science in theory and practice: the 'politics' model. M. E. Sharpe. p. 89. 17.Gay, Peter (1996). The enlightenment 2. W. W. Norton & Co. p. 448. "The men of the Enlightenment sensed that they could realize their social ideals only by political means." 18. Herbert Baxter Adams (1883). The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science. p. 12. 19. Seymour Martin Lipsett, ed., Politics and the Social Sciences (1969) pp 1-3 20. Glenn Hastedt, "Woodrow Wilson and Literature on Political Science," White House Studies (2011) 10#4 pp 451-458 21. Richard K. Fleischman and R. Penny Marquette, "Chapters in Ohio Progressivism: The Cincinnati and Dayton Bureaus of Municipal Research and Accounting Reform," Ohio History (1988) 98#1 pp 133- 144. online GLOSSARIES ภาคคำาศัพท์อธิบายที่แทรกอยู่ในหนังสือ GENRAL POLITICAL SCIENCE GLOSSARY
- 15. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 15 Cognitive Biases: A cognitive bias is a pattern of deviation in judgment, whereby inferences of other people and situations may be drawn in an illogical fashion.[1] Individuals create their own “subjective social reality” from their perception of the input.[2] An individual’s construction of social reality, not the objective input, may dictate their behavior in the social world.[3] Thus, cognitive biases may sometimes lead to perceptual distortion, inaccurate judgment, illogical interpretation, or what is broadly called irrationality.[4][5][6] Some cognitive biases are presumably adaptive. Cognitive biases may lead to more effective actions in a given context.[7] Furthermore, cognitive biases enable faster decisions when timeliness is more valuable than accuracy, as illustrated in heuristics.[8] Other cognitive biases are a “by-product” of human processing limitations,[9] resulting from a lack of appropriate mental mechanisms (bounded rationality), or simply from a limited capacity for information processing.[10] A continually evolving list of cognitive biases has been identified over the last six decades of research on human judgment and decision-making in cognitive science, social psychology, and behavioral economics. Cognitive biases are important to study because “systematic errors” highlight the “psychological processes that underlie perception and judgement” (Tversky & Kahneman,1999, p. 582). Moreover, Kahneman and Tversky (1996) argue cognitive biases have efficient practical implications for areas including clinical judgment.[11] Common 6 Cognitive Biases 1. The Fundamental attribution error (FAE), also known as the correspondence bias (Baumeister & Bushman, 2010) is the tendency for people to over-emphasize personality-based explanations for behaviours observed in others. At the same time, individuals under-emphasizie the role and power of situational influences on the same behaviour. Jones and Harris’ (1967)[12] classic study illustrates the FAE. Despite being made aware that the target’s speech direction (pro-Castro/anti-Castro) was assigned to the writer, participants ignored the situational pressures and attributed pro-Castro attitudes to the writer when the speech represented such attitudes. 2. The Confirmation bias is the tendency to search for or interpret information in a way that confirms one's preconceptions. In addition, individuals may discredit information that does not support their views.[13] The confirmation bias is related to the concept of cognitive dissonance. Whereby, individuals may reduce inconsistency by searching for information which re-confirms their views (Jermias, 2001, p. 146).[14] 3. Self-serving bias is the tendency to claim more responsibility for successes than failures. It may also manifest itself as a tendency for people to evaluate ambiguous information in a way beneficial to their interests. 4. Belief bias is when one's evaluation of the logical strength of an argument is biased by their belief in the truth or falsity of the conclusion. 5. Framing by using a too-narrow approach and description of the situation or issue. 6. Hindsight bias, sometimes called the "I-knew-it-all-along" effect, is the inclination to see past events as being predictable. A 2012 Psychological Bulletin article suggests that at least 8 seemingly unrelated biases can be produced by the same information-theoretic generative mechanism.[15] It is shown that noisy deviations in the memory-based information processes that convert objective evidence (observations) into subjective estimates (decisions) can produce regressive conservatism, the conservatism (Bayesian), illusory correlations, better-than- average effect and worse-than-average effect, subadditivity effect, exaggerated expectation, overconfidence, and the hard–easy effect. Notes 1. Haselton, M. G., Nettle, D., & Andrews, P. W. (2005). The evolution of cognitive bias. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology: Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc. pp. 724–746. 2.Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. p. 2. 3. Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. 4. Kahneman, D.; Tversky, A. (1972). "Subjective probability: A judgment of representativeness". Cognitive Psychology 3 (3): 430– 454. doi:10.1016/0010-0285(72)90016-3. 5.Baron, J. (2007). Thinking and deciding (4th ed.). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. 6. Ariely, D. (2008). Predictably irrational: The hidden forces that shape our decisions. New York, NY: HarperCollins. 7.For instance: Gigerenzer, G. & Goldstein, D. G. (1996). "Reasoning the fast and frugal way: Models of bounded rationality.". Psychological Review 103: 650–669. 8.Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1974). "Judgement under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases.". Sciences 185: 1124–1131. 9. Haselton, M. G., Nettle, D., & Andrews, P. W. (2005). The evolution of cognitive bias. In D. M. Buss (Ed.), The Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology: Hoboken, NJ, US: John Wiley & Sons Inc. pp. 724–746. 10. Bless, H., Fiedler, K., & Strack, F. (2004). Social cognition: How individuals construct social reality. Hove and New York: Psychology Press. 11.Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1996). "On the reality of cognitive illusions". Psychological Review 103 (3): 582–591. 12. Jones, E. E., & Harris, V. A (1967). "The attribution of attitudes". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 3: 1–24. 13. Mahoney, M. J. (1977). "Publication prejudices: An experimental study of confirmatory bias in the peer review system". Cognitive Therapy and Research, 1 (2): 161–175.
- 16. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 16 14. Jermias, J. (2001). "Cognitive dissonance and resistance to change: The influence of commitment confirmation and feedback on judgement usefulness of accounting systems". Accounting, Organizations and Society 26: 141–160. 15. Martin Hilbert (2012) "Toward a synthesis of cognitive biases: How noisy information processing can bias human decision making". Psychological Bulletin, 138(2), 211–237; free access to the study here: martinhilbert.net/HilbertPsychBull.pdf Comparative politics Comparative politics is a field and a method used in political science, characterized by an empirical approach based on the comparative method. In other words comparative politics is the study of the domestic politics, political institutions, and conflicts of countries. It often involves comparisons among countries and through time within single countries, emphasizing key patterns of similarity and difference. Arend Lijphart argues that comparative politics does not have a substantive focus in itself, but rather a methodological one: it focuses on "the how but does not specify the what of the analysis."[1] In other words, comparative politics is not defined by the object of its study, but rather by the method it applies to study political phenomena. Peter Mair and Richard Rose advance a slightly different definition, arguing that comparative politics is defined by a combination of a substantive focus on the study of countries' political systems and a method of identifying and explaining similarities and differences between these countries using common concepts.[2][3] Rose states that, on his definition: "The focus is explicitly or implicitly upon more than one country, thus following familiar political science usage in excluding within-nation comparison. Methodologically, comparison is distinguished by its use of concepts that are applicable in more than one country."[3] When applied to specific fields of study, comparative politics may be referred to by other names, such as for example comparative government (the comparative study of forms of government) or comparative foreign policy (comparing the foreign policies of different States in order to establish general empirical connections between the characteristics of the State and the characteristics of its foreign policy). Sometimes, especially in the United States, the term "comparative politics" is used to refer to "the politics of foreign countries." This usage of the term, however, is often considered incorrect.[4][5] "Comparative political science" as a general term for an area of study, as opposed to a methodology of study, can be seen as redundant. The political only shows as political when either an overt or tacit comparison is being made. A study of a single political entity, whether a society, subculture or period, would show the political as simple brute reality without comparison with another society, subculture, or period. The highest award in the discipline of Comparative Politics is the Karl Deutsch award, awarded by the International Political Science Association. So far, it has been given to Juan Linz (2003), Charles Tilly (2006), Giovanni Sartori (2009: Parties and party systems), and Alfred Stephan (2012: Arguing Comparative Politics). Notes 1. Lijphart, Arend (1971). "Comparative politics and the comparative method". American Political Science Review 65 (3): 682– 693. doi:10.2307/1955513. JSTOR 1955513. 2. Mair, Peter (1996). "Comparative politics: An introduction to comparative.overview". In Goodin, Robert E.; Klingemann, Hans-Dieter. A New Handbook of Political Science. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 309–335. 3. Rose, Richard; MacKenzie, W. J. M. (1991). "Comparing forms of comparative analysis". Political Studies 39 (3): 446– 462. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.1991.tb01622.x. 4. Hopkin, J. [2002 (1995)] "Comparative Methods", in Marsh, D. and G. Stoker (ed.) Theory and Methods in Political Science, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 249-250 5. van Biezen, Ingrid; Caramani, Daniele (2006). "(Non)comparative politics in Britain". Politics 26 (1): 29–37. doi:10.1111/j.1467- 9256.2006.00248.x. International Relations (IR) International Relations (IR) is the study of relationships among countries, the roles of sovereign states, inter-governmental organizations (IGO), international non-governmental organizations(INGO), non- governmental organizations (NGO), and multinational corporations (MNC). International relations is an academic and a public policy field, and so can be positive and normative, because it analyzes and formulates the foreign policy of a given State. As political activity, international relations dates from the time of the Greek historian Thucydides (ca. 460–395 BC), and, in the early 20th century, became a discrete academic field (No. 5901 in the 4-digit UNESCO Nomenclature) within political science. However, International Relations is an interdisciplinary field of study (Columbia Encyclopedia (1993). Besides political science, the field of International Relations draws intellectual materials from the fields technology and engineering, economics, history, and international law, philosophy, geography, and social work, sociology, anthropology, and criminology, psychology and gender studies, cultural studies and culturology .The scope of International Relations comprehends globalization, state sovereignty, and international security, ecological sustainability, nuclear proliferation, and nationalism, economic development and global finance, terrorism and organized crime, security, foreign, and human rights. The nation state is a state that self-identifies as deriving its political legitimacy from serving as a sovereign entity for a nation as a sovereign territorial unit.[1] The state is a political and geopolitical entity; the nation is a cultural and/or ethnic entity. The term "nation state" implies that the two geographically coincide.
- 17. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 17 Nation state formation took place at different times in different parts of the world, but has become the dominant form of state organization. The concept and actuality of the nation state can be compared and contrasted with that of the multinational state, city state,[2][3][4] empire, confederation, and other state forms with which it may overlap. The key distinction from the other forms is the identification of a people with a polity. Notes 1. Such a definition is a working one: "All attempts to develop terminological consensus around nation resulted in failure", concludesTishkov, Valery (2000). "Forget the 'nation': post-nationalist understanding of nationalism". Ethnic and Racial Studies 23 (4): 625–650 [p. 627]. Connor, Walker (1978). "A Nation is a Nation, is a State, is an Ethnic Group, is a...". Ethnic and Racial Studies 1: 377–400. Discusses the impresion surrounding the characters of nation, state, nation state, andnationalism Connor, who gave the term ethnonationalism wide currency, discusses the tendency to confuse nation and state, and to treat all states as nation states. Sheila L. Crouche, Globalization and belongingdiscusses "The Definitional Dilemma" pp85ff. 2. Peter Radan (2002). The break-up of Yugoslavia and international law. Psychology Press. p. 14. Retrieved 25 November 2010. 3. Alfred Michael Boll (2007). Multiple nationality and international law. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 67. Retrieved 25 November 2010. 4.Daniel Judah Elazar (1998). Covenant and civil society: the constitutional matrix of modern democracy. Transaction Publishers. p. 129. ISBN 978-1-56000-311-3. Retrieved 25 November 2010. Perestroika Movement The Perestroika Movement is a loose-knit intellectual tendency in academic political science which seeks to expand methodological pluralism in order to make the discipline more accessible and relevant to laypeople and non-specialist academics. Established in 2000, the movement was organized in response to the perceived hegemony of quantitative and mathematical methodology in the field. Such dominance breeds academic isolation and poor scholarship, the movement's leaders contend. The Perestroika Movement began in 2000 with an anonymous e-mail message sent by one “Mr. Perestroika” to the editors of the American Political Science Review calling for "a dismantling of the Orwellian system [2] that we have in APSA."[1] The message went to seventeen recipients who quickly forwarded it to others, and within weeks the Perestroika Movement became a force calling for change in the American political science community (Monroe 2005). Notes Monroe, Kristen Renwick, (ed. 2005). Perestroika!: The Raucous Rebellion in Political Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). 1. E-mail from Mr. Perestroika, October 17, 2000. 2. "Orwellian" is an adjective describing the situation, idea, or societal condition that George Orwell identified as being destructive to the welfare of a free and open society. It connotes an attitude and a policy of control by propaganda, surveillance, misinformation, denial of truth, and manipulation of the past, including the "unperson" — a person whose past existence is expunged from the public record and memory, practiced by modern repressive governments. Often, this includes the circumstances depicted in his novels, particularly Nineteen Eighty-Four.[1] Nineteen Eighty-Four uses themes from life in the Soviet Union and wartime life in Great Britain as sources for many of its motifs.[2] Orwell's ideas about personal freedom and state authority developed when he was a British colonial administrator in Burma. He was fascinated by the effect of colonialism on the individual, requiring acceptance of the idea that the colonialist exists only for the good of the colonised.[citation needed] There has also been a great deal of discourse on the possibility that Orwell galvanized his ideas of oppression during his experience, and his subsequent writings in the English press, in Spain. Orwell was a member of the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) militia and suffered suppression and escaped arrest by the Comintern (Communist International/ The Third International (1919- 1943) faction working within the Republican Government. Following his escape he made a strong case for defending the Spanish revolution from the Communists there, and the misinformation in the press at home. During this period he formed strong ideas about the reportage of events, and their context in his own ideas of imperialism and democracy. This often brought him into conflict with literary peers such as W.H. Auden and Stephen Spender.[3] The adjective Orwellian refers to these behaviors of The Party, especially when the Party is the State: • Invasion of personal privacy, either directly physically or indirectly by surveillance. • State control of its citizens' daily life, as in a "Big Brother" society. • Official encouragement of policies contributing to the socio-economic disintegration of the family. • The adoration of state leaders and their Party.
- 18. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 18 • The encouragement of "doublethink", whereby the population must learn to embrace inconsistent concepts without dissent, e.g. giving up liberty for freedom. Similar terms used are "doublespeak", and "newspeak". • The revision of history in the favour of the State's interpretation of it. • A (generally) dystopian future. • The use of euphemism to describe an agency, program or other concept, especially when the name denotes the opposite of what is actually occurring. E.g. a department that wages war is called the "Ministry of Peace" or "Ministry of Defence". Notes 1. The Oxford Companion to English Literature, Sixth Edition. University of Oxford Press: 2000. p. 726. 2. Tzouliadis, Tim (2008). The Forsaken. New York: Penguin Press. pp. 48–49. 3."I am not one of your fashionable pansies like Auden and Spender", 'Orwell in Spain' is the current compilation of Orwell's writings on Spain. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Orwell-Spain-Penguin-Modern-Classics/dp/0141185163 Pluralism Pluralist conception of power The list of possibilities is virtually endless: legal authority, money, prestige, skill, knowledge, charisma, legitimacy, free time, and experience. Pluralists also stress the differences between potential and actual power as it stands. Actual power means the ability to compel someone to do something and is the view of power as a causation. Dahl describes power as a "realistic relationship, such as A's capacity for acting in such a manner as to control B's responses" [A preface to Democratic Theory]. Potential power refers to the possibility of turning resources into actual power. Cash, one of many resources, is only a stack of bills until it is put to work. Malcolm X, for example, was certainly not a rich person. But by using resources such as his forceful personality, organizational skills, and especially the legitimacy of his cause, he had a greater impact on American politics than most wealthy people. A particular resource like money cannot automatically be equated with power because the resource can be used skillfully or clumsily, fully or partially, or not at all. The pluralist approach to the study of power, states that nothing categorical about power can be assumed in any community. The question then is not who runs a community, but if any group in fact does. To determine this, pluralists study specific outcomes. The reason for this is that they believe human behavior is governed in large part by inertia. That said, actual involvement in overt activity is a more valid marker of leadership than simply a reputation. Pluralists also believe that there is no one particular issue or point in time at which any group must assert itself to stay true to its own expressed values, but rather that there are a variety of issues and points at which this is possible. There are also costs involved in taking action at all—not only losing, but expenditure of time and effort. While a structuralist may argue that power distributions have a rather permanent nature, this rationale says that power may in fact be tied to issues, which vary widely in duration. Also, instead of focusing on actors within a system, the emphasis is on the leadership roles itself. By studying these, it can be determined to what extent there is a power structure present in a society. Three of the major tenets of the pluralist school are (1) resources and hence potential power are widely scattered throughout society; (2) at least some resources are available to nearly everyone; and (3) at any time the amount of potential power exceeds the amount of actual power. Finally, and perhaps most important, no one is all-powerful unless proven so through empirical observation. An individual or group that is influential in one realm may be weak in another. Large military contractors certainly throw their weight around on defense matters, but how much sway do they have on agricultural or health policies? A measure of power, therefore, is its scope, or the range of areas where it is successfully applied as observed by a researcher. Pluralists believe that with few exceptions power holders usually have a relatively limited scope of influence. Pluralism does leave room for an elitist situation- Should a group A continuously exert power over multiple groups. For a pluralist to accept this notion, it must be empirically observed and not assumed so by definition. For all these reasons power cannot be taken for granted. One has to observe it empirically in order to know who really governs. The best way to do this, pluralists believe, is to examine a wide range of specific decisions, noting who took which side and who ultimately won and lost. Only by keeping score on a variety of controversies can one begin to identify actual power holders. Pluralism was associated with behavioralism[2] A contradiction to pluralist power is often cited from the origin of one's power. Although certain groups may share power, people within those groups set agendas, decide issues, and take on leadership roles through their own qualities. Some theorists argue that these qualities cannot be transferred, thus creating a system where elitism still exists. What this theory fails to take into account is the prospect of overcoming these qualities by garnering support from other groups. By aggregating power with other organizations, interest groups can over- power these non-transferable qualities. In this sense, political pluralism still applies to these aspects.
- 19. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 19 Elite pluralism There were some objections to this model of pluralism, especially by critics who argued that groups need a high level of resources and the support of patrons to contend for influence. This observation formed the basis for elite pluralism. This modified pluralism accounts for elements of elite theory and was advanced by scholars such as E.E. Schattschneider, who wrote that "The flaw in the pluralist heaven is that the heavenly chorus sings with a strong upper-class accent."[3] Neo-pluralism While Pluralism as a political theory of the state and policy formation gained its most traction during the 1950s and 1960s in America, some scholars argued that the theory was too simplistic (see Connolly (1969) The Challenge to Pluralist Theory) - leading to the formulation of neo-pluralism. Views differed about the division of power in democratic society. Although neo-pluralism sees multiple pressure groups competing over political influence, the political agenda is biased towards corporate power. Neo-pluralism no longer sees the state as an umpire mediating and adjudicating between the demands of different interest groups, but as a relatively autonomous actor (with different departments) that forges and looks after its own (sectional) interests. Constitutional rules, which in pluralism are embedded in a supportive political culture, should be seen in the context of a diverse, and not necessarily supportive, political culture and a system of radically uneven economic sources. This diverse culture exists because of an uneven distribution of socioeconomic power. This creates possibilities for some groups - while limiting others - in their political options. In the international realm, order is distorted by powerful multinational interests and dominant states, while in classical pluralism emphasis is put on stability by a framework of pluralist rules and free market society. There are two significant theoretical critiques on pluralism: Corporatism and Neo-Marxism. Notes: 1. Held, David. (2006). Models of Democracy. 3rd Edition (20 Jun 2006): Polity Press. 2. Pluralism. http://www.socialstudieshelp.com/APGOV_pluralism.htm: retrieved 18/7/2013 3. Schattschneider, E.E. (1960). The Semi-Sovereign People. New York: Holt. Rinehart and Winston, p. 35. Politics Politics (from Greek: politikos, meaning "of, for, or relating to citizens"), it is the practice and theory of influencing other people on a civic or individual level. More narrowly, it refers to achieving and exercising positions of governance — organized control over a human community, particularly a state. A variety of methods is employed in politics, which include promoting its own political views among people, negotiation with other political subjects, making laws, and exercising force, including warfare against adversaries. Politics is exercised on a wide range of social levels, from clans and tribes of traditional societies, through modern local governments, companies and institutions up to sovereign states, to international level. Political philosophy Political philosophy is the study of such topics as politics, liberty, justice, property, rights, law, and the enforcement of a legal code by authority: what they are, why (or even if) they are needed, what, if anything, makes a government legitimate, what rights and freedoms it should protect and why, what form it should take and why, what the law is, and what duties citizens owe to a legitimate government, if any, and when it may be legitimately overthrown, if ever. In a vernacular sense, the term "political philosophy" often refers to a general view, or specific ethic, political belief or attitude, about politics that does not necessarily belong to the technical discipline of philosophy. In short, political philosophy is the activity, as with all philosophy, whereby the conceptual apparatus behind such concepts as aforementioned are analyzed, in their history, intent, evolution and the like.[(Hampton, 1997) Hampton, Jean (1997). Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies. WestviewPress. p. xiii(13) in Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy, Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009. Political system Political system is a framework which defines acceptable political methods within a given society. History of political thought can be traced back to early antiquity, with seminal works such as Plato's Republic, Aristotle's Politics and opus of Confucius. Public administration Public administration is concerned with the implementation of government policy, and is an academic discipline that studies this implementation and prepares civil servants for working in the public service.[1] As a "field of inquiry with a diverse scope" its "fundamental goal... is to advance management and policies so that government can function."[2] Some of the various definitions which have been offered for the term are: "the management of public programs";[3] the "translation of politics into the reality that citizens see every day";[4] and
- 20. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 20 "the study of government decision making, the analysis of the policies themselves, the various inputs that have produced them, and the inputs necessary to produce alternative policies."[5] Public administration is "centrally concerned with the organization of government policies and programs as well as the behavior of officials (usually non-elected) formally responsible for their conduct"[6] Many unelected public servants can be considered to be public administrators, including heads of city, county, regional, state and federal departments such as municipal budget directors, human resources (H.R.) administrators, city managers, census managers, state mental health directors, and cabinet secretaries.[4] Public administrators are public working in public departments and agencies, at all levels of government.[4] In the US, civil servants and academics such as Woodrow Wilson promoted American civil service reform in the 1880s, moving public administration into academia.[7] However, "until the mid-20th century and the dissemination of the German sociologist Max Weber's theory of bureaucracy" there was not "much interest in a theory of public administration."[8] The field is multidisciplinary in character; one of the various proposals for public administration's sub-fields sets out six pillars, including human resources, organizational theory, policy analysis and statistics, budgeting, and ethics.[9] Notes: 1. Random House Unabridged Dictionary 2. Handbook of Public Administration. Eds Jack Rabin, W. Bartley Hildreth, and Gerard J. Miller. 1989: Marcel Dekker, NY. p. iii 3. Robert and Janet Denhardt. Public Administration: An Action Orientation. 6th Ed. 2009: Thomson Wadsworth, Belmont CA. 4. Kettl, Donald and James Fessler. (2009). The Politics of the Administrative Process. Washington D.C.: CQ Press. 5. Jerome B. McKinney and Lawrence C. Howard.(1998). Public Administration: Balancing Power and Accountability. 2nd Ed. 1998: Praeger Publishing, Westport, CT. p. 62 6. UN Economic and Social Council. Committee of Experts on Public Administration. Definition of basic concepts and terminologies in governance and public administration. 2006 7. Wilson, Woodrow. (June, 1887). The Study of Administration, Political Science Quarterly 2. 8. Public administration. (2010) In Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved August 18, 2010, from Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. 9. Shafritz, J.M., A.C. Hyde.( 2007. Classics of Public Administration. Wadsworth: Boston. Public law Public law (lat. ius publicum) is that part of law which governs relationships between individuals and the government, and those relationships between individuals which are of direct concern to the society (Martin, 2003). Public law comprisesconstitutional law, administrative law, tax law and criminal law,[Martin, 2003] as well as all procedural law. In public law, mandatory rules (not optional) prevail. Laws concerning relationships between individuals belong to private law. The relationships public law governs are asymmetric and unequal – government bodies (central or local) can make decisions about the rights of individuals. However, as a consequence of the rule of law doctrine, authorities may only act within the law (secundum et intra legem). The government must obey the law. For example, a citizen unhappy with a decision of an administrative authority can ask a court for judicial review. Rights, too, can be divided into private rights and public rights. A paragon of a public right is the right to welfare benefits – only a natural person can claim such payments, and they are awarded through an administrative decision out of the government budget. The distinction between public law and private law dates back to Roman law. It has been picked up in the countries of civil law tradition at the beginning of the 19th century, but since then spread to common law countries, too. The borderline between public law and private law is not always clear in particular cases, giving rise to attempts of theoretical understanding of its basis. Notes Elizabeth A. Martin (2003). Oxford Dictionary of Law (7th ed. ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press Polity A polity is a state or one of its subordinate civil authorities, such as a province, prefecture, county, municipality, city, or district.[1] It is generally understood to mean a geographic area with a corresponding government. Thomas Hobbes considered bodies politic in this sense in Leviathan.[2] In previous centuries, body politic was also understood to mean "the physical person of the sovereign:" emperor, king or dictator in monarchies and despotisms, and the electorate in republics. In present times, it may also refer to representation of a group, such as ones drawn along the ethnic or the gender lines. Cabinets in liberal democracies are chosen to represent the body politics. Notes: 1. Black's Law Dictionary, 4th ed., West Publishing Co., (1968), and Uricich v. Kolesar, 54 Ohio App. 309, 7 N.E. 2d 413. 2. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, (1651); http://www.earlymoderntexts.com/pdf/hobblev2.pdf; accessed 28 November 2008.
- 21. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 21 POLITICAL SCIENCE LEADING PHILOSOPHERS Aristotle (Ancient Greek: Ἀριστοτέλης [aristotélɛːs], Aristotélēs) (384 BC –322 BC) [1] Aristotle was a Greek philosopher and polymath, a student of Plato and teacher of Alexander the Great. His writings cover many subjects including physics, metaphysics, poetry, theater, music, logic, and rhetoric. He also wrote linguistics, politics, government, ethics, biology, and zoology. Together with Plato and Socrates , Plato's teacher, Aristotle is one of the most important founding figures in Western philosophy. Aristotle's writings were the first to create a comprehensive system of Western philosophy, encompassing ethics, logic, science, politics, aesthetics, and metaphysics. Marcus Tullius Cicero (/ˈsɪsɨroʊ/; Classical Latin: [markʊs tul.ljʊs ˈkɪkɛroː]; 3 January 106 BC – 7 December 43 BC; sometimes anglicized as Tully[1] ) Marcus Tullius Cicero was a Roman philosopher, statesman, lawyer, orator, political theorist, consul and constitutionalist. He came from a wealthy municipal family of the equestrian order, and is widely considered one of Rome's greatest orators and prose stylists.[2][3] His influence on the Latin language was so immense that the subsequent history of prose in not only Latin but European languages up to the 19th century was said to be either a reaction against or a return to his style.[4] According to Michael Grant, "the influence of Cicero upon the history of European literature and ideas greatly exceeds that of any other prose writer in any language".[5] Cicero introduced the Romans to the chief schools of Greek philosophy and created a Latin philosophical vocabulary (with neologisms such as humanitas, qualitas, quantitas, andessentia)[6] distinguishing himself as a linguist, translator, and philosopher. Petrarch's rediscovery of Cicero's letters is often credited for initiating the 14th-century Renaissance. [7] According to Polish historian Tadeusz Zieliński, "Renaissance was above all things a revival of Cicero, and only after him and through him of the rest of Classical antiquity."[8] The peak of Cicero's authority and prestige came during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment,[9] and his impact on leading Enlightenment thinkers such as John Locke, David Hume, and Montesquieu was substantial.[10] His works rank among the most influential in European culture, and today still constitute one of the most important bodies of primary material for the writing and revision of Roman history, especially the last days of the Roman Republic.[11] Though he was an accomplished orator and successful lawyer, Cicero believed his political career was his most important achievement. It was during his consulship that the Second Catilinarian Conspiracy attempted the government overthrow through an attack on the city from outside forces, and Cicero suppressed the revolt by executing five conspirators without due process. During the chaotic latter half of the 1st century BC marked by civil wars and the dictatorship of Gaius Julius Caesar, Cicero championed a return to the traditional republican government. Following Julius Caesar's death Cicero became an enemy of Mark Antony in the ensuing power struggle, attacking him in a series of speeches. He was proscribed as an enemy of the state by the Second Triumvirate and subsequently murdered in 43 BC. Notes 1. H. Jones, Master Tully: Cicero in Tudor England (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1998). 2. Rawson, Elizabeth. (1975). Cicero: A Portrait (Allen Lane, Penguin Books Ltd., 1975). Revised edition: Bristol Classical Press, 1983. American edition of revised edition: Cornell University Press, 1983. p.303 3. Haskell, H.J. (1964) This was Cicero . Alfred A. Knopf. p.300–301 4. Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of Literature, "Ciceronian period" (1995) p. 244 5. Cicero,(ed. 1971) Selected Works. Penguin Books Ltd, Great Britain . pp.24 6. Conte, Gian. Bagio (1987).: "Latin Literature: a history" trans. Joseph B. Solodow. Baltimore, MA and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994 p.199 7. Wooton, David. (1996). Modern political thought : readings from Machiavelli to Nietzsche. Hackett Pub. Co, Indianapolis, Ind. p.1 8. Tadeusz Zieliński.(1908, 1912). Cicero Im Wandel Der Jahrhunderte. German Ed. Nabu Press. 9. Wood, Neal (1991). Cicero's Social and Political Thought. University of California Press. 10. Nicgorski, Walter. (2011). "Cicero and the Natural Law". Natural Law, Natural Rights, and American Constitutionalism. Online at http://www.nlnrac.org/classical/cicero 11. Miriam Griffin; John Boardman, Jasper Griffin, Oswyn Murray (15 January 2001). The Oxford Illustrated History of the Roman World. Oxford University Press. pp. 76–. Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli (Italian: [nikkoˈlɔ makjaˈvɛlli]; 3 May 1469 – 21 June 1527) Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli was an Italian historian, politician, diplomat, philosopher, humanist and writer based in Florence during the Renaissance. He was for many years an official in the Florentine Republic, with responsibilities in diplomatic and military affairs. He was a founder of modern political science, and more specifically political ethics. He also wrote comedies, carnival songs, and poetry. His personal correspondence is renowned in the Italian language. He was Secretary to the Second Chancery of the Republic of Florence from 1498 to 1512, when the Medici were out of power. He wrote
- 22. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 22 his masterpiece, The Prince, after the Medici had recovered power and he no longer held a position of responsibility in Florence. His moral and ethical beliefs led to the creation of the word Machiavellianism which has since been used to describe one of the three dark triad personalities in psychology. The Dark Triad is a group of three personality traits: narcissism, Machiavellianism and psychopathy, all of which are interpersonally aversive.[1][2][3] The Dark Triad refers to three theoretically distinct but empirically overlapping personality constructs.[4][5] The term reflects the perception that these three diagnostic categories have at least some common underlying factors:[6][7] • The narcissistic personality (in the clinical sense) is characterized by a grandiose self-view, a sense of entitlement, lack of empathy, and egotism. Some theories, such as those of Heinz Kohut, associate it with the protection of a radically weak, shamed, or damaged self.[8] • The Machiavellian personality is characterized by manipulation and exploitation of others, with a cynical (pessimistic, skeptical, disbelieving) disregard for morality and a focus on self- interest and deception.[9] • The psychopathic personality is characterized by impulsive thrill-seeking and in its "primary" form by selfishness, callousness or indifferent, lack of personal affect, superficial charm, and remorselessness. He asserted that social benefits of stability and security could be achieved in the face of moral corruption. Aside from that, Machiavelli believed that public and private morality had to be understood as two different things in order to rule well. As a result, a ruler must be concerned not only with reputation, but also must be positively willing to act immorally at the right times. As a political scientist, Machiavelli emphasized the occasional need for the methodical exercise of brute force or deceit. Notes 1. Robert M. Regoli; John D. Hewitt; Matt DeLisi (20 April 2011). Delinquency in Society: The Essentials. Jones & Bartlett Learning. p. 99. 2. W. Keith Campbell; Joshua D. Miller (7 July 2011). The Handbook of Narcissism and Narcissistic Personality Disorder: Theoretical Approaches, Empirical Findings, and Treatments. John Wiley & Sons. p. 154. 3. Mark R. Leary; Rick H. Hoyle (5 June 2009). Handbook of individual differences in social behavior. Guilford Press. p. 100. 4.Tomas Chamorro-Premuzic; Sophie von Stumm; Adrian Furnham (23 February 2011). The Wiley-Blackwell Handbook of Individual Differences. John Wiley & Sons. p. 527. 5. Paulhus, D. L., Williams, K. M. (2002). "The Dark Triad of personality: narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy". Journal of Research in Personality 36 (6): 556–563. 6. Leonard M. Horowitz; Stephen Strack, Ph.D. (14 October 2010). Handbook of Interpersonal Psychology: Theory, Research, Assessment and Therapeutic Interventions. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 252–255. Retrieved 15 February 2012. Plato (/ˈpleɪtoʊ/;[2] Greek: Πλάτων, Plátōn, "broad";[3] 428/427 BC[a] – 348/347 BC) Plato was a philosopher in Classical Greece. He was also a mathematician, student of Socrates, writer of philosophical dialogues, and founder of the Academy in Athens, the first institution of higher learning in the Western world. Along with his mentor, Socrates, and his student, Aristotle, Plato helped to lay the foundations of Western philosophy and science.[4] In the words of A. N. Whitehead: The safest general characterization of the European philosophical tradition is that it consists of a series of footnotes to Plato. I do not mean the systematic scheme of thought which scholars have doubtfully extracted from his writings. I allude to the wealth of general ideas scattered through them.[5] Plato's sophistication as a writer is evident in his Socratic dialogues; thirty-six dialogues and thirteen letters have been ascribed to him. Plato's writings have been published in several fashions; this has led to several conventions regarding the naming and referencing of Plato's texts.[6] Plato's dialogues have been used to teach a range of subjects, including philosophy,logic, ethics, rhetoric, religion and mathematics. Plato is one of the most important founding figures in Western philosophy. Notes 1.St-Andrews.ac.uk, St. Andrews University 2.Jones, Daniel; Roach, Peter, James Hartman and Jane Setter, eds.Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary. 17th edition. Cambridge UP, 2006. 3. Diogenes Laertius 3.4; p. 21, David Sedley, Plato's Cratylus, Cambridge University Press 2003; Seneca, Epistulae, VI, 58, 30: illi nomen latitudo pectoris fecerat. 4. "Plato". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002. 5. Process and Reality p. 39 6. Irwin, T. H., "The Platonic Corpus" in Fine, G. (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Plato (Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 63–64 and 68– 70. POLITICAL SCIENCE PHILOSOPHIES AND THEORIES
- 23. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 23 Behavioralism Behavioralism (or behaviouralism in Britain: พฤติก รรมนิย ม ) is an approach in political science, which emerged in the 1930s in the United States. It represents a sharp break from previous political science. This is because it emphasized an objective, quantified approach to explain and predict political behavior.[1][2] It is associated with the rise of the behavioral sciences, modeled after the natural sciences.[3] This means that behavioralism claims it can explain political behavior from an unbiased, neutral point of view. Behavioralism seeks to examine the behavior, actions, and acts of individuals – rather than the characteristics of institutions such as legislatures, executives, and judiciaries – and groups in different social settings and explain this behavior as it relates to the political system.[4] David Easton was the first to differentiate behavioralism from behaviorism in the 1950s.[5] In the early 1940s, behaviorism itself was referred to as a behavioral science and later referred to as behaviorism. However, Easton sought to differentiate between the two disciplines:[6] Behavioralism was not a clearly defined movement for those who were thought to be behavioralists. It was more clearly definable by those who were opposed to it, because they were describing it in terms of the things within the newer trends that they found objectionable. So some would define behavioralism as an attempt to apply the methods of natural sciences to human behavior. Others would define it as an excessive emphasis upon quantification. Others as individualistic reductionism. From the inside, the practitioners were of different minds as what it was that constituted behavioralism. [...] And few of us were in agreement.[7] With this in mind, behavioralism resisted a single definition. Dwight Waldo emphasized that behavioralism itself is unclear, calling it "complicated" and "obscure."[8] Easton agreed, stating, "every man puts his own emphasis and thereby becomes his own behavioralist" and attempts to completely define behavioralism are fruitless.[9] From the beginning, behavioralism was a political, not a scientific concept. Moreover, since behavioralism is not a research tradition, but a political movement, definitions of behavioralism follow what behavioralists wanted.[6 Therefore, most introductions to the subject emphasize value-free research. This is evidenced by Easton’s eight “intellectual foundation stones” of behavioralism:[10][11] 1. Regularities – The generalization and explanation of regularities. 2. Commitment to Verification – The ability to verify ones generalizations. 3. Techniques – An experimental attitude toward techniques. 4. Quantification – Express results as numbers where possible or meaningful. 5. Values – Keeping ethical assessment and empirical explanations distinct. 6. Systemization – Considering the importance of theory in research. 7. Pure Science – Deferring to pure science rather than applied science. 8. Integration – Integrating social sciences and value. Subsequently, much of the behavioralist approach has been challenged by the emergence of postpositivism in political (particularly international relations) theory. Notes 1. Guy, James John (2000-08-01). People, Politics and Government: A Canadian Perspective. Pearson Education Canada. .p. 58 2. Petro, Nicolai (1995). The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture. Harvard University Press. P. 6 3. Guy, James John (2000-08-01). People, Politics and Government: A Canadian Perspective. Pearson Education Canada. .p 58 4. Walton, Hanes (1985). Invisible Politics. SUNY Press., pp 1–2 5. Easton, David (1953). The Political System. An Inquiry into the State of Political Science. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p 151 6. Berndtson. "Behavioralism: Origins of the Concept". Archived from the original on 14 May 2009. Retrieved 2009-04-20. 7. David Easton in Baer, Michael A. (1991). Jewell, Malcom E. and Lee Sigelman (eds), ed. Political Science in America: Oral Histories of a Discipline. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky.p 207 8. Waldo, Dwight (1975). "Political Science: Tradition, Discipline, Profession, Science, Enterprise". In Greenstein, Fred; Polsby, Nelson. Handbook of Political Science. Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley., p 58 9. Easton, David (1962). "Introduction: The Current Meaning of "Behavioralism". In Charlesworth, James. Political Science. Philadelphia: American Academy of Political and Social Science, p 9 10. "Introduction to Political Science. Exam 2 Study guide". Retrieved 2008-01-18. 11. Riemer, Neal (1997). The New World of Politics: An Introduction to Political Science. Rowman & Littlefield, p. 50 Enlightenment thought POLITICAL THOUGHT Like the French Revolution, the Enlightenment has long been hailed as the foundation of modern Western political and intellectual culture.[1] It has been frequently linked to the French Revolution of 1789. However, as Roger Chartier points out, it was perhaps the Revolution that "invented the Enlightenment by attempting to root its legitimacy in a corpus of texts and founding authors reconciled and united ... by their preparation of a rupture with the old world".[2] In other words, the revolutionaries elevated to heroic status those philosophers, such as Voltaire and Rousseau, who could be used to justify their radical break with the Ancien Régime. In any case,
- 24. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 24 two 19th-century historians of the Enlightenment, Hippolyte Taine and Alexis de Tocqueville, did much to solidify this link of Enlightenment causing revolution and the intellectual perception of the Enlightenment itself. As an alternative perspective to revolutionaries using the works philosophers such as Voltaire and Rousseau as excuses and justifications for engaging in revolution is the more plausible perspective that the Government Philosophy of "Consent of the Governed" as delineated by Locke in Two Treatises of Government (1689) represented a paradigm shift from the old Governance Paradigm under Feudalism known as the "Divine Right of Kings" The more correct perspective of what caused the revolutions of from the late 1700s to the early 1800s was this governance paradigm shift that often could not be resolved peacefully and therefore, violent revolution was the result. Clearly a Governance philosophy where the king was never wrong was in direct conflict with a Governance Philosophy where by Citizens by Natural Law had to consent to the acts and rulings of their government[CynicalPatriot] In his l Régime (1876), Hippolyte Taine traced the roots of the French Revolution back to French Classicism. However, this was not without the help of the scientific view of the world [of the Enlightenment], which wore down the "monarchical and religious dogma of the old regime".[3] In other words then, Taine was only interested in the Enlightenment insofar as it advanced scientific discourse and transmitted what he perceived to be the intellectual legacy of French classicism. Alexis de Tocqueville painted a more elaborate picture of the Enlightenment in L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution (1850). For de Tocqueville, the Revolution was the inevitable result of the radical opposition created in the 18th century between the monarchy and the men of letters of the Enlightenment. These men of letters constituted a sort of "substitute aristocracy that was both all-powerful and without real power". This illusory power came from the rise of "public opinion", born when absolutist centralization removed the nobility and the bourgeosie from the political sphere. The "literary politics" that resulted promoted a discourse of equality and was hence in fundamental opposition to the monarchical regime.[4] De Tocqueville "clearly designates ... the cultural effects of transformation in the forms of the exercise of power".[5.] Nevertheless, it took another century before cultural approach became central to the historiography, as typified by Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment: A Publishing History of the Encyclopédie, 1775– 1800 (1979). De Dijn argues that Peter Gay, in The Enlightenment: An Interpretation (1966), first formulated the interpretation that the Enlightenment brought political modernization to the West, in terms of introducing democratic values and institutions and the creation of modern, liberal democracies. While the thesis has many critics it has been widely accepted by Anglophone scholars and has been reinforced by the large-scale studies by Robert Darnton, Roy Porter and most recently by Jonathan Israel.[6] Notes 1. Daniel Brewer. (2008). The Enlightenment Past: reconstructing eighteenth--century French thought. p. 1 2. Roger Chartier, (1991). The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution, p 5. 3. From Taine's letter to Boutmy of 31 July 1874, taken from Chartier, 8. 4. ………Chartier, 8. See also Alexis de Tocqueville, L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution, 1850, Book Three, Chapter One. 5. …….Chartier, 13. 6. Annelien De Dijn, "The Politics of Enlightenment: From Peter Gay to Jonathan Israel," Historical Journal (2012) 55#3 pp 785–805. Hellenic Thoughts (by era order) The beliefs, assumptions and the concepts of GRECISM , of devotion to or imitation of ancient Greek thought, customs, or styles, of the Greek civilization especially as modified in the Hellenistic period by influences from southwestern Asia, and of a body of humanistic and classical ideals associated with ancient Greece and including reason, the pursuit of knowledge and the arts, moderation, civic responsibility, and bodily development. (http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/hellenism) HELLENISTIC SCHOOLS OF POLITICAL THOUGHT Pythagoreanism – Pythagoreanism is the name given to the system of philosophy and science developed by Pythagoras, which influenced nearly all the systems of Hellenistic philosophy that followed. Two schools of Pythagorean thought eventually developed, one based largely on mathematics and continuing his line of scientific work, the other focusing on his more esoteric (จำำกัดวง) teachings, though each shared a part of the other. Philosophers: Pythagoras of Croton (570-495 BCE); Hippasus (5th century BCE) Sophism – Sophists and democracy The sophists' rhetorical techniques were extremely useful for any young nobleman looking for public office. The societal roles the Sophists filled had important ramifications for the Athenian political system at large. The historical context provides evidence for their considerable influence, as Athens became more and more democratic during the period in which the Sophists were most active.[1]
- 25. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 25 The Sophists certainly were not directly responsible for Athenian democracy, but their cultural and psychological contributions played an important role in its growth. They contributed to the new democracy in part by espousing expertise in public deliberation, since this was the foundation of decision-making, which allowed and perhaps required a tolerance of the beliefs of others. This liberal attitude would naturally have precipitated into the Athenian assembly as Sophists acquired increasingly high-powered clients.[2] Continuous rhetorical training gave the citizens of Athens "the ability to create accounts of communal possibilities through persuasive speech".[3] This was extremely important for the democracy, as it gave disparate and sometimes superficially unattractive views a chance to be heard in the Athenian assembly. In addition, Sophists had great impact on the early development of law, as the sophists were the first lawyers in the world. Their status as lawyers was a result of their extremely developed argumentation skills.[4] Philosophers: Protagoras (490-420 BCE), Gorgias (485-380 BCE); and Antiphon (480-411 BCE) Notes 1. Blackwell, Christopher (2003, 2007). Demos: Classical Athenian Democracy. 28 February 2003. The Stoa: a Consortium for Scholarly Publication in the Humanities. 25 April 2007. 2. Sprague, Rosamond Kent,(2010) The Older Sophists. Hacker Publishing Company (May 11, 2010), p. 32 3. Jarratt, Susan C. (1991). Rereading the Sophists: Classical Rhetoric Refigured. Carbon Dale and Edwards ville: Southern Illinois University Press, , p. 98 4. Martin, Richard.(1988). Seven Sages as Performers of Wisdom: Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece. New York: Oxford, pp. 108–130. Cynicism – The Cynics were an ascetic (ผู้ถือสันโดษ/ผู้บำำ เพ็ญตบะ self-denial) sect of philosophers beginning with Antisthenes in the 4th century BCE and continuing until the 5th century CE. They believed that one should live a life of Virtue in agreement with Nature. This meant rejecting all conventional desires for wealth, power, health, or fame, and living a life free from possessions. The purpose of life was to live in virtue, in agreement with nature. As reasoning creatures, people could gain happiness by rigorous training and by living in a way which was natural for humans, rejecting all conventional desires for wealth, power, sex, and fame. Instead, they were to lead a simple life free from all possessions. Modern cynicism has been defined as an attitude of distrust toward claimed ethical and social values and a rejection of the need to be socially involved.[1] It is pessimistic in regards to the capacity of human beings to make the correct ethical choice, and one antonym is naiveté.[2] Modern cynicism is sometimes regarded as a product of mass society, especially in those circumstances where the individual believes there is a conflict between society's stated motives and goals and actual motives and goals.[3][4] Unlike mere depression, cynicism can be said to be more active; in his bestselling Critique of Cynical Reason, Peter Sloterdijk defined modern cynics as "borderline melancholics, who can keep their symptoms of depression under control and yet retain the ability to work, whatever might happen ... indeed, this is the essential point in modern cynicism: the ability of its bearers to work - in spite of anything that might happen."[5] One active aspect of cynicism is the desire to expose hypocrisy and to point out the gulf between society's ideals and its practices.[6] This may be best stated by George Bernard Shaw, who said: "The power of accurate observation is often called cynicism, by those who don't have it". Social cynicism results from excessively high expectations concerning society, institutions and authorities: unfulfilled expectations leads to disillusionment, which releases feelings of disappointment and betrayal.[7] In organizations, cynicism manifests itself as a general or specific attitude, characterized by frustration, hopelessness, disillusionment and distrust in regard to economic or governmental organizations, managers and/or other aspects of work.[8] Philosophers: Antisthenes (445-365 BCE), Diogenes of Sinope (412-323 BCE), Crates of Thebes (365-285 BCE), Menippus (c. 275 BCE), and Demetrius (10-80 CE) Notes: 1. Luis E. Navia, (1999). The Adventure of Philosophy. Praeger (July 30, 1999) p. 141. 2. Encarta.msn.com. Retrieved 17/7/2013 3. Jeffrey C. Goldfarb, (1991). The Cynical Society: The Culture of Politics and the Politics of Culture in American Life. University of Chicago Press, p. 30. 4. Timothy Bewes, (1997), Cynicism and Postmodernity. Verso page 3. 5. Peter Sloterdijk, (1987), Critique of Cynical Reason, p. 5 6. Mary Midgley. (1998). The problem of humbug, in Matthew Kieran, Media Ethics, , Routledge, p. 37 7. Donald L. Kanter and Philip H. Mirvis, (1989). The Cynical Americans - Living and Working in an Age of Discontent and Disillusion. San Francisco 8. Andersson, L. M.; Bateman, T. S. (1997). "Cynicism in the workplace: some causes and effects". Journal of Organizational Behavior 18: 449–469. Cyrenaicism – The Cyrenaics were an ultra-hedonist school of philosophy founded in the 4th century BC, by Aristippus of Cyrene. They held that pleasure was the supreme good, especially immediate gratifications. The school was replaced within a century by the more moderate doctrine of Epicureanism. The Cyrenaics were hedonists and held that pleasure was the supreme good in life, especially physical pleasure, which they thought more intense
- 26. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 26 and more desirable than mental pleasures.[2] Pleasure is the only good in life and pain is the only evil. Socrates had held that virtue was the only human good, but he had also accepted a limited role for its utilitarian side, allowing happiness to be a secondary goal of moral action.[1][3] Aristippus and his followers seized upon this, and made happiness the primary factor in existence, denying that virtue had any intrinsic value. The later Cyrenaics, Anniceris, Hegesias, and Theodorus, all developed variations on the standard Cyrenaic doctrine. For Anniceris, pleasure is achieved through individual acts of gratification which are sought for the pleasure that they produce, [5] but Anniceris laid great emphasis on the love of family, country, friendship and gratitude, which provide pleasure even when they demand sacrifice.[6] Hegesias believed that happiness is impossible to achieve,[5] and hence the goal of life becomes the avoidance of pain and sorrow.[4] Conventional values such as wealth, poverty, freedom, and slavery are all indifferent and produce no more pleasure than pain. [7] For Hegesias, Cyrenaic hedonism was simply the least irrational strategy for dealing with the pains of life. [5] For Theodorus, the goal of life is mental pleasure not bodily pleasure,[8] and he placed greater emphasis on the need for moderation and justice.[9] He was also famous for being an atheist.[8] To some extent these philosophers were all trying to meet the challenge laid down by Epicureanism,[7] and the success of Epicurus was in developing a system of philosophy which would prove to be more comprehensive and sophisticated than its rivals.[10] Philosophers: Aristippus of Cyrene (435-360 BCE) Notes 1. Copleston, Frederick Charles (2003), A History of Philosophy: Book 1, Continuum International, p. 121 2. Annas, Julia (1995), The Morality of Happiness, Oxford University Press, p.231 3. Reale, Giovanni; Catan, John R. (1986), A History of Ancient Philosophy: From the Origins to Socrates, SUNY Press, p.271 4. Copleston, Frederick Charles (2003), A History of Philosophy: Book 1, Continuum International, p. 122 -13 5. Annas, Julia (1995), The Morality of Happiness, Oxford University Press, p. 233-14 6. Copleston, Frederick Charles (2003), A History of Philosophy: Book 1, Continuum International, p. 123 -15 7. Annas, Julia (1995), The Morality of Happiness, Oxford University Press, pp. 232 -16 8. Annas, Julia (1995). The Morality of Happiness, Oxford University Press, pp. 235 -17 9. Long, A. A. (2005). The Socratic Legacy. in Algra, Keimpe; Barnes, Jonathon; Mansfeld, Jaap et al., The Cambridge History of Hellenistic Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, pp.637-18 10. Long, A. A. (2005). The Socratic Legacy. in Algra, Keimpe; Barnes, Jonathon; Mansfeld, Jaap et al., The Cambridge History of Hellenistic Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, p. 639 Platonism – Platonism is the name given to the philosophy of Plato, which was maintained and developed by his followers. The central concept was the theory of Forms: the transcendent, perfect archetypes, of which objects in the everyday world are imperfect copies. The highest form was the Form of the Good, the source of being, which could be known by reason. In the 3rd century BCE, Arcesilaus adopted skepticism, which became a central tenet of the school until 90 BCE when Antiochus added Stoic elements, rejecting skepticism. With the adoption of oriental mysticism in the 3rd century CE, Platonism evolved into Neoplatonism. Philosophers: Speusippus (407-339 BCE), Xenocrates (396-314 BCE), Arcesilaus (316-232 BCE), Carneades (214-129 BCE), Antiochus of Ascalon (130-68 BCE), and Plutarch (46-120 CE) Peripateticism – The Peripatetics was the name given to the philosophers who maintained and developed the philosophy of Aristotle. They advocated examination of the world to understand the ultimate foundation of things. The goal of life was the happiness which originated from virtuous actions, which consisted in keeping the mean between the two extremes of the too much and the too little. The doctrines of the Peripatetic school are the doctrines laid down by Aristotle, and henceforth maintained by his followers. Whereas Plato had sought to explain things with his theory of Forms, Aristotle preferred to start from the facts given by experience. Philosophy to him meant science, and its aim was the recognition of the "why" in all things. Hence he endeavored to attain to the ultimate grounds of things by induction; that is to say, by a posteriori conclusions from a number of facts to a universal.[1] Logic either deals with appearances, and is then called dialectics; or of truth, and is then called analytics.[2] All change or motion takes place in regard to substance, quantity, quality and place.[2] There are three kinds of substances – those alternately in motion and at rest, as the animals; those perpetually in motion, as the sky; and those eternally stationary. The last, in themselves immovable and imperishable, are the source and origin of all motion. Among them there must be one first being, unchangeable, which acts without the intervention of any other being. All that is proceeds from it; it is the most perfect intelligence – God.[2] The immediate action of this prime mover – happy in the contemplation of itself – extends only to the heavens; the other inferior spheres are moved by other incorporeal and eternal substances, which the popular belief adores as gods. The heavens are of a more perfect and divine nature than other bodies. In the centre of the universe is the Earth, round and stationary. The stars, like the sky, beings of a higher nature, but of grosser matter, move by the impulse of the prime mover.[2] For Aristotle, matter is the basis of all that exists; it comprises the potentiality of everything, but of itself is not actually anything.[1] A determinate thing only comes into being when the potentiality in matter is converted
- 27. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 27 into actuality. This is achieved by form, the idea existent not as one outside the many, but as one in the many, the completion of the potentiality latent in the matter.[1] The soul is the principle of life in the organic body, and is inseparable from the body. As faculties of the soul, Aristotle enumerates the faculty of reproduction and nutrition; of sensation, memory and recollection; the faculty of reason, or understanding; and the faculty of desiring, which is divided into appetite or desire and volition or willpower.[2] By the use of reason conceptions, which are formed in the soul by external sense-impressions, and may be true or false, are converted into knowledge.[1] For reason alone can attain to truth either in understanding or action.[1] The best and highest goal is the happiness which originates from virtuous actions.[2] Aristotle did not, with Plato, regard virtue as knowledge pure and simple, but as founded on nature, habit, and reason.[1] Virtue consists in acting according to nature: that is, keeping the mean between the two extremes of the too much and the too little.[2] Thus valor, in his view the first of virtues, is a mean between cowardice and recklessness; temperance is the mean in respect to sensual enjoyments and the total avoidance of them.[2] Philosophers: Aristotle (384-322 BCE), Theophrastus (371-287 BCE), Strato of Lampsacus (335-269 BCE), and Alexander of Aphrodisias (c. 200 CE) Notes 1. Seyffert, Oskar (1895), A Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. "Greek Philosophy" entry in Seyffert 1895, p. 482 2. Lieber, Francis; Wigglesworth, Edward; Bradford, T. G. (1832), Encyclopedia Americana 10. "Peripatetic philosophy" entry in Lieber, Wigglesworth & Bradford 1832, p. 22 Pyrrhonism – Pyrrhonism, or Skepticism, was a school of skepticism beginning with Pyrrho in the 3rd century BCE, and further advanced by Aenesidemus in the 1st century BCE. It advocated total philosophical skepticism about the world in order to attain "ataraxia" or a tranquil mind, maintaining that nothing could be proved to be true so we must suspend judgment. Philosophers:Pyrrho (365-275 BCE), Timon (320-230 BCE), Aenesidemus (1st century BCE), and Sextus Empiricus (2nd century CE) Epicureanism – Epicureanism was founded by Epicurus in the 3rd century BCE. It viewed the universe as being ruled by chance, with no interference from gods. It regarded absence of pain as the greatest pleasure, and advocated a simple life. It was the main rival to Stoicism until both philosophies died out in the 3rd century CE. Philosophers: Epicurus (341-270 BCE), Metrodorus (331-278 BCE), Zeno of Sidon (1st century BCE), Philodemus (110-40 BCE), and Lucretius (99-55 BCE) Stoicism – Stoicism was founded by Zeno of Citium in the 3rd century BCE. Based on the ethical ideas of the Cynics, it taught that the goal of life was to live in accordance with Nature. It advocated the development of self-control and fortitude as a means of overcoming destructive emotions. It was the most successful school of philosophy until it died out in the 3rd century CE. For the Stoics, 'reason' meant not only using logic, but also understanding the processes of nature—the logos, or universal reason, inherent in all things. Living according to reason and virtue, they held, is to live in harmony with the divine order of the universe, in recognition of the common reason and essential value of all people. The four cardinal virtues of the Stoic philosophy are wisdom (Sophia), courage (Andreia), justice (Dikaiosyne), and temperance(Sophrosyne), a classification derived from the teachings of Plato. Following Socrates, the Stoics held that unhappiness and evil are the results of human ignorance of the reason in nature. If someone is unkind, it is because they are unaware of their own universal reason, which leads to the conclusion of kindness. The solution to evil and unhappiness then, is the practice of Stoic philosophy—to examine one's own judgments and behavior and determine where they diverge from the universal reason of nature. The Stoics accepted that suicide was permissible for the wise person in circumstances that might prevent them from living a virtuous life.[1] Plutarch held that accepting life under tyranny would have compromised Cato's self-consistency (constantia) as a Stoic and impaired his freedom to make the honorable moral choices.[2] Suicide could be justified if one fell victim to severe pain or disease,[1] but otherwise suicide would usually be seen as a rejection of one's social duty.[3] Philosophers: Zeno of Citium (333-263 BCE), Cleanthes (331-232 BCE), Chrysippus (280-207 BCE), Panaetius (185-110 BCE), Posidonius (135-51 BCE), Seneca (4 BCE-65 CE), Epictetus (55-135 CE), and Marcus Aurelius (121-180 CE) Notes 1. Don E. Marietta, (1998), Introduction to ancient philosophy. Sharpe pages 153-4. 2. Cato's suicide in Plutarch AV Zadorojnyi. The Classical Quarterly. 2007 3. William Braxton Irvine, (2009), A guide to the good life: the ancient art of Stoic joy. Oxford University Press page 200.
- 28. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 28 Eclecticism Eclecticism was a system of philosophy which adopted no single set of doctrines but selected from existing philosophical beliefs those doctrines that seemed most reasonable. Its most notable advocate was Cicero. Eclecticism is a conceptual approach that does not hold rigidly to a single paradigm or set of assumptions, but instead draws upon multiple theories, styles, or ideas to gain complementary insights into a subject, or applies different theories in particular cases. It can sometimes seem inelegant or lacking in simplicity, and eclectics are sometimes criticized for lack of consistency in their thinking. It is, however, common in many fields of study. For example, most psychologists accept certain aspects of behaviorism, but do not attempt to use the theory to explain all aspects of human behavior. A statistician may use frequentist techniques on one occasion and Bayesianones on another. Philosophers: Varro Reatinus (116-27 BCE), Cicero (106-43 BCE), and Seneca the Younger (4 BCE-65 CE) Hellenistic Judaism - Hellenistic Judaism was an attempt to establish the Jewish religious tradition within the culture and language of Hellenism. Its principal representative was Philo of Alexandria. Philosophers: Philo of Alexandria (30 BC-45 CE), and Josephus (37-100 CE) Neopythagoreanism - Neopythagoreanism was a school of philosophy reviving Pythagorean doctrines, which was prominent in the 1st and 2nd centuries CE. It was an attempt to introduce a religious element into Greek philosophy, worshipping God by living an ascetic life, ignoring bodily pleasures and all sensuous impulses, to purify the soul. Philosophers: Nigidius Figulus (98-45 BCE), Apollonius of Tyana (40-120 CE), and Numenius of Apamea (2nd century CE) Hellenistic Christianity Hellenistic Christianity was the attempt to reconcile Christianity with Greek philosophy, beginning in the late 2nd century. Drawing particularly on Platonism and the newly emerging Neoplatonism, figures such as Clement of Alexandriasought to provide Christianity with a philosophical framework. Philosophers:Clement of Alexandria (150-215 CE), Origen (185-254 CE), and Augustine of Hippo (354- 430 CE) Neoplatonism Neoplatonism, or Plotinism, was a school of religious and mystical philosophy founded by Plotinus in the 3rd century CE and based on the teachings of Plato and the other Platonists. The summit of existence was the One or the Good, the source of all things. In virtue and meditation the soul had the power to elevate itself to attain union with the One, the true function of human beings. It was the main rival to Christianity until dying out in the 6th century. As a form of mysticism, it contains theoretical and practical parts, the first dealing with the high origin of the human soul showing how it has departed from its first estate, and the second showing the way by which the soul may again return to the Eternal and Supreme. The system can be divided between the invisible world and the phenomenal world, the former containing the transcendent One from which emanates or arises an eternal, perfect, essence (nous), which, in turn, produces the world-soul. Philosophers: Plotinus (205-270 CE), Porphyry (233-309 CE), and Iamblichus of Chalcis (245-325 CE) Interpretivism Interpretivism (คตินิยมแนวกำรตีควำม) or Verstehenin the context of German philosophy and social sciences in general, has been used since the late 19th century – in English as in German – with the particular sense of the "interpretive or participatory" examination of social phenomena ( The Sociology of Max Weber). The term is closely associated with the work of the German sociologist, Max Weber, whose antipositivism established an alternative to prior sociological positivism and economic determinism, rooted in the analysis of social action (Anti-positivism" at Historylearningsite.co.uk). In anthropology, Verstehen has come to mean a systematic interpretive process in which an outside observer of a culture attempts to relate to it and understand others. Verstehen is now seen as a concept and a method central to a rejection of positivistic social science (although Weber appeared to think that the two could be united). Verstehen refers to understanding the meaning of action from the actor's point of view. It is entering into the shoes of the other, and adopting this research stance requires treating the actor as a subject, rather than an object of your observations. It also implies that unlike objects in the natural world human actors are not simply the product of the pulls and pushes of external forces. Individuals are seen to create the world by organizing their own understanding of it and giving it meaning. To do research on actors without taking into account the meanings they attribute to their actions or environment is to treat them like objects (the Online Dictionary of the Social Sciences). Institutionalism
- 29. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 29 Historical institutionalism (HI) is a social science method that uses institutions in order to find sequences of social, political, economic behavior and change across time. It is a comparative approach to the study of all aspects of humanorganizations and does so by relying heavily on case studies. Borrowing from Charles Tilly, historical institutionalism is a method apt for measuring "big structures, large processes, and [making] huge comparisons".[1] Historical Institutionalism has generated some of the most important books in the fields of sociology, political science and economics. In fact, some of these studies have inspired policy and its scholars have received numerous awards. Although historical institutionalism proper is fairly new (circa 1979), it identifies with the great traditions in history, philosophy, politics, sociology and economics. Notes: Charles Tilly. (1984). Big structures, Large Processes, and Huge Comparisons. University of Michigan: Russell Sage Foundation, P. 64 Normative Political science Power and persuasion reach deep into the nature of politics. They also generate normative concern. Power is frequently deployed in ways that people decry as profoundly unjust. Efforts designed to persuade provoke objections that they aim merely to produce agreement, failing to afford people the respect they deserve. Studies of power and persuasion are also pivotal to numerous traditions and approaches in political theory. The combination of these factors produces an abundance of opportunities for fruitful discussion under the rubric of the 2013 conference theme. “Power and Persuasion” elicits a number of provocative questions and issues for normative political theory. These include the following: In what ways is power implicated in normative considerations of justification or legitimacy? How should power be viewed in the context of deliberation and decision-making? Does power infiltrate ethical standards or underlie norms, and are normative or ethical understandings of power hampered by current discourses of rights and liberties? A related set of questions pertains to persuasion and its links to rhetoric, demagogy, emotion, and judgment. Do better or worse forms of political persuasion exist, and, if so, what standards might be employed to identify or to gauge them? What boundaries, if any, ought state institutions to observe when exercising their expressive powers? Should information control or propaganda count as undesirable manifestations of power or persuasion? Might certain manifestations of power or persuasion have troublesome implications for minorities or marginalized members of democratic societies, or for vulnerable individuals or subgroups otherwise? The forms of power and persuasion that state officials employ in interstate negotiations, or during conflict and wartime decision-making, seem especially pressing. Also calling for careful normative consideration are the persuasive capabilities and powers of supranational entities and institutions. We welcome proposals addressing topics such as these, along with submissions seeking new ways to think about power and persuasion in nondemocratic forms, or as they are understood in non-Western traditions. Notes Lucas Swaine, Dartmouth College, lucas.swaine@dartmouth.edu Copyright 2013 American Political Science Association (APSA) 1527 New Hampshire Ave, NW Washington, DC 20036-1206 Ph: (202) 483-2512 Fx: (202) 483-2657 E-Mail: apsa@apsanet.org Positive Political Science The Rochester approach to political science, which Riker called positive political theory, and which in contemporary parlance is a variant of rational choice theory, has two essential elements. First, it upholds a methodological commitment to placing political science on the same foundation as other scientific disciplines, such as the physical sciences or economics. Thus, it holds that political theory should be comprised of statements deduced from basic principles that accurately describe the world of political events. The goal of positive political theorists is to make positive statements about political phenomena, or descriptive generalizations that can be subjected to empirical verification. This commitment to scientifically explaining political processes involves the use of formal language, including set theory, mathematical models, statistical analysis, game theory, and decision theory, as well as historical narrative and experiments. Second, positive political theory looks to individual decision making as the source of collective political outcomes and postulates that the individual functions according to the logic of rational self-interest. Individuals are thought to rank their preferences consistently over a set of possible outcomes, taking risk and uncertainty into consideration and acting to maximize their expected payoffs (Austen-Smith & Banks 1998). Through the assumptions of rational self-interest, positive political theory postulates a specific motivational foundation for behavior. Interests, as opposed to attitudes, which are the subject of study in much behavioral research, are thought to be the well-spring of action. The goal of positive political theorists is to build models that predict how individuals’ self-oriented actions combine to yield collective outcomes. This method is applied to political processes (such as elections and the platform formation of political parties), legislative behavior (such as coalition formation and bargaining),
- 30. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 30 public goods (such as the .tragedy of the commons. and the .free rider.), and treaty formation and diplomatic strategy in international relations. Using game theory and formal models, positive political theorists strive to determine whether these complex, strategic political interactions have predictable, law-like outcomes that exhibit stability. Stable outcomes, referred to as equilibria, signify that agents’ actions combine in such a way that, given the collective social outcome of agents’ self-oriented actions, no individual could achieve a greater (expected) payoff if he had unilaterally selected an alternative course of action. Equilibria are significant to positive political theorists because they indicate that the political processes under investigation result in predictable, stable social outcomes that best serve individuals’ constituent interests, given the constraints imposed by the situation. The sequence of strategic choices that form an equilibrium and that imply specific outcome events constitutes the core of a predictive science of politics. The motivation to maximize expected payoffs provides the explanation of political action and provides the basis for predictions about processes that lead to outcomes. Notes Max Simontowitz, on November 29th, 2010: http://international-agora.net/wp/2010/11/positive-political-science-in-a-nuttshell/retereived 19/7/2013 Positivism Positivism (ปฏิฐำนนิยม) is a philosophy of science based on the view that information derived from logical and mathematical treatments and reports of sensory experience is the exclusive source of all authoritative knowledge,[1] and that there is valid knowledge (truth) only in scientific knowledge.[2] Verified data received from the senses are known as empirical evidence.[1] This view holds that society, like the physical world, operates according to general laws. Introspective and intuitive knowledge is rejected. Although the positivist approach has been a recurrent theme in the history of Western thought,[3] the modern sense of the approach was developed by the philosopher and founding sociologist Auguste Comte in the early 19th century.[4] Comte argued that, much as the physical world operates according to gravity and other absolute laws, so also does society.[5] Notes: 1. John J. Macionis, Linda M. Gerber, Sociology, Seventh Canadian Edition, Pearson Canada 2. Jorge Larrain (1979) The Concept of Ideology p.197, quotation: one of the features of positivism is precisely its postulate that scientific knowledge is the paradigm of valid knowledge, a postulate that indeed is never proved nor intended to be proved. 3. Cohen, Louis; Maldonado, Antonio (2007). "Research Methods In Education". British Journal of Educational Studies (Routledge) 55 (4): 9. 4. "Auguste Comte". Sociology Guide. 5. Macionis, John J. (2012). Sociology 14th Edition. Boston: Pearson. p. 11. Rational Choice Theory Rational Choice Theory, also known as Choice Theory or Rational Action Theory,(ทฤษฎีคิดก่อน ทำำ )is a framework for understanding and often formally modeling social and economic behavior.[1] Rationality, interpreted as "wanting more rather than less of a good", is widely used as an assumption of the behavior of individuals in microeconomic models and analysis and appears in almost all economics textbook treatments of human decision-making. It is also central to some of modern political science,[2] sociology,[3] and philosophy. It attaches "wanting more" to instrumental rationality, which involves seeking the most cost-effective means to achieve a specific goal without reflecting on the worthiness of that goal. Gary Becker was an early proponent of applying rational actor models more widely.[4] He won the 1992 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for his studies of discrimination, crime, and human capital. The "rationality" described by rational choice theory is different from the colloquial and most philosophical use of the word. Typically, "rationality" means "sane" or "in a thoughtful clear-headed manner,." Rational choice theory uses a specific and narrower definition of "rationality" simply to mean that an individual acts as if balancing costs against benefits to arrive at action that maximizes personal advantage.[5] In rational choice theory, all decisions, crazy or sane, are postulated as mimicking such a "rational" process. Thus rationality is seen as a property of patterns of choices, rather than of individual choices: there is nothing irrational in preferring fish to meat the first time, but there is something irrational in preferring fish to meat and preferring meat to fish, regularly. Notes 1. Lawrence E. Blume and David Easley (2008). "rationality," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics , 2nd Edition. Abstract." by Abstract] & pre-publication copy Amartya Sen (2008). "rational behaviour," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract. 2. Susanne Lohmann (2008). "rational choice and political science,"The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition.Abstract. 3. Peter Hedström and Charlotta Stern (2008). "rational choice and sociology," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract. 4. Gary S. Becker (1976). The Economic Approach to Human Behavior. Chicago. Description and scroll to chapter-preview links. 5. Milton Friedman (1953), Essays in Positive Economics, pp. 15, 22, 31.
- 31. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 31 Structuralism, Structuralism, in critical theory, is a theoretical paradigm emphasizing that elements of human culture must be understood in terms of their relationship to a larger, overarching system or structure. It works to uncover the structures that underlie all the things that humans do, think, perceive, and feel. Alternately, as summarized by philosopher Simon Blackburn, Structuralism is "the belief that phenomena of human life are not intelligible except through their interrelations. These relations constitute a structure, and behind local variations in the surface phenomena there are constant laws of abstract culture".[1] Structuralism originated in the early 1900s, in the structural linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure and the subsequent Prague,[2] Moscow[2] and Copenhagen schools of linguistics. In the late 1950s and early '60s, when structural linguistics was facing serious challenges from the likes of Noam Chomsky and thus fading in importance, an array of scholars in the humanities borrowed Saussure's concepts for use in their respective fields of study. French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss was arguably the first such scholar, sparking a widespread interest in Structuralism.[1] The structuralist mode of reasoning has been applied in a diverse range of fields, including anthropology, sociology, psychology, literary criticism, economics and architecture. The most prominent thinkers associated with structuralism include Lévi-Strauss, linguist Roman Jakobson, and psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan. As an intellectual movement, structuralism was initially presumed to be the heir apparent to existentialism. However, by the late 1960s, many of structuralism's basic tenets came under attack from a new wave of predominantly French intellectuals such as the philosopher and historian Michel Foucault, the philosopher and social commentator Jacques Derrida, the Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser, and the literary critic Roland Barthes.[2] Though elements of their work necessarily relate to structuralism and are informed by it, these theorists have generally been referred to as post-structuralists. In the 1970s, structuralism was criticized for its rigidity and ahistoricism. Despite this, many of structuralism's proponents, such as Jacques Lacan, continue to assert an influence on continental philosophy and many of the fundamental assumptions of some of structuralism's post-structuralist critics are a continuation of structuralism.[3] Notes 1. Blackburn, Simon (2008). Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy, second edition revised. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2. Deleuze, Gilles. 2002. "How Do We Recognise Structuralism?" In Desert Islands and Other Texts 1953-1974. Trans. David Lapoujade. Ed. Michael Taormina. Semiotext(e) Foreign Agents ser. Los Angeles and New York: Semiotext(e), 2004. 170–192. p. 170. 3.John Sturrock (1979), Structuralism and since: from Lévi Strauss to Derrida, Introduction. Post-structuralism Post-structuralism is a label formulated by American academics to denote the heterogeneous or different works of a series of mid-20th-century French and continental philosophers and critical theorists who came to international prominence in the 1960s and '70s.[1][2][3] A major theme of poststructuralism is instability in the human sciences, due to the complexity of humans themselves and the impossibility of fully escaping structures in order to study them. Post-structuralism is a response to structuralism. Structuralism is an intellectual movement developed in Europe from the early to mid-20th century. It argued that human culture may be understood by means of a structure—modeled on language (i.e., structural linguistics)—that differs from concrete reality and from abstract ideas—a "third order" that mediates between the two.[4] Post-structuralist authors all present different critiques of structuralism, but common themes include the rejection of the self-sufficiency of the structures that structuralism posits and an interrogation of the binary oppositions that constitute those structures.[5] Writers whose work is often characterized as post-structuralist include Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze, Judith Butler, Jacques Lacan,Jean Baudrillard, and Julia Kristeva, although many theorists who have been called "post- structuralist" have rejected the label.[6] The movement is closely related to postmodernism. As with structuralism, antihumanism is often a central tenet. Existential phenomenology is a significant influence; Colin Davis has argued that post- structuralists might just as accurately be called "post-phenomenologists".[7] Some commentators have criticized poststructuralism for being radically relativistic or nihilistic; others have objected to its extremity and linguistic complexity. Others see it as a threat to traditional values or professional scholarly standards. Notes 1.Bensmaïa, Réda Poststructuralism, article published in Kritzman, Lawrence (ed.) The Columbia History of Twentieth-Century French Thought, Columbia University Press, 2005, pp.92-93 2. Mark Poster (1988) Critical theory and poststructuralism: in search of a context, section Introduction: Theory and the problem of Context, pp.5-6 3. Merquior, J.G. (1987). Foucault (Fontana Modern Masters series), University of California Press, 4. Deleuze, Gilles. 2002. "How Do We Recognise Structuralism?" In Desert Islands and Other Texts 1953-1974. Trans. David Lapoujade. Ed. Michael Taormina. Semiotext(e) Foreign Agents ser. Los Angeles and New York: Semiotext(e), 2004. 170-192. p.171-173. 5. Craig, Edward, ed. 1998. Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Vol. 7 (Nihilism to Quantum mechanics). London and New York: Routledge.. p.597.
- 32. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 32 6.Harrison, Paul; 2006; "Post-structuralist Theories"; pp122-135 in Aitken, S. and Valentine, G. (eds); 2006; Approaches to Human Geography; Sage, London 7.Davis, Colin; "Levinas: An Introduction"; p8; 2006; Continuum, London. Realism Realism (Contemporary philosophical) is the belief that our reality, or some aspect of it, is ontologically independent of our conceptual schemes, linguistic practices, beliefs, etc. Realism may be spoken of with respect to other minds, the past, the future, universals, mathematical entities (such as natural numbers), moral categories, the material world, and thought. Realism can also be promoted in an unqualified sense, in which case it asserts the mind-independent existence of a visible world, as opposed to idealism, skepticism, and solipsism. Philosophers who profess realism state that truth consists in the mind's correspondence to reality.[1] Realists tend to believe that whatever we believe now is only an approximation of reality and that every new observation brings us closer to understanding reality.[2] In its Kantian sense, realism is contrasted with idealism. In a contemporary sense, realism is contrasted with anti-realism, primarily in the philosophy of science. Notes 1. The statement veritas est adaequatio rei et intellectus ("truth is the equation of thought and thing") was ascribed by Thomas Aquinas to a 10th-century Jewish philosopher, Isaac Israëli. (Summa, I, Q.16, A.2) 2. Blackburn, Simon (2005). Truth: A Guide. Oxford University Press, Inc. p. 188 Pi Sigma Alpha: The national honor society for college and university students of government and politics in the United States is Pi Sigma Alpha. Humanities The humanities (สำขำวิขำมนุษย์ศำสตร์) are academic disciplines that study human culture, using methods that are primarily analytical, critical, or speculative, and having a significant historical element,(Oxford English Dictionary, 2003) as distinguished from the mainly empirical approaches of the natural sciences. The humanities include ancient and modern languages, literature, philosophy, religion, and visual and performing arts such as music and theatre. The humanities that are also sometimes regarded as social sciences include history, anthropology, area studies, communication studies, cultural studies, law and linguistics. Scholars working in the humanities are sometimes described as "humanists".(Oxford English dictionary, 2003) However, that term also describes the philosophical position of humanism, which some "antihumanist" scholars in the humanities reject. Some secondary schools offer humanities classes, usually consisting of English literature, global studies, and art. Anthropology Anthropology /ænθrɵˈpɒlədʒi/ (สำขำวิขำมนุษย์วิทยำ) is the "science of humanity." [1] It has origins in the humanities, the natural sciences, and the social sciences.[2] The term "anthropology" is from the Greekanthrōpos (ἄνθρωπος), "man", understood to mean humankind or humanity, and -logia (-λογos), "word" or "study." Since the work of Franz Boas and Bronisław Malinowski in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, anthropology has been distinguished from other social sciences by its emphasis on in-depth examination of context, cross-cultural comparisons, and the importance it places on participant-observation, or long-term, experiential immersion in the area of research. Cultural anthropology in particular has emphasized cultural relativism, holism, and the use of findings to frame cultural critiques.[3] This has been particularly prominent in the United States, from Boas's arguments against 19th-century racial ideology, through Margaret Mead's advocacy for gender equality and sexual liberation, to current criticisms of post-colonial oppression and promotion of multiculturalism.Ethnography is one of its primary methods as well as the text that is generated from anthropological fieldwork.[4][5][6] In the United States, the discipline is traditionally divided into four fields: cultural anthropology, archaeology, linguistic anthropology, and biological anthropology. In Europe, the discipline originated asethnology and was originally defined as the study of social organization in non-state societies. It was later renamed social anthropology. It is now sometimes referred to as sociocultural anthropology in most of Europe, the Commonwealth, and in the parts of the world that were influenced by the European tradition.[7] Notes (1)"anthropology" at Britannica Online Encyclopedia; (2) Wolf, Eric (1994) Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People. Current Anthropology 35: 1-7. p.227; (3) Hylland Eriksen, Thomas. (2004) "What is Anthropology" Pluto. London. p. 79.; (4)Tim Ingold (1994). "Introduction to culture". In Tim Ingold.Companion Encyclopedia of Anthropology. p. 331.;
- 33. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 33 (5)On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) "Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and Relativism with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason," in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne and L. L. Langness, pp. 32-58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.; (6) Heyck, Thomas William; Stocking, George W.; Goody, Jack (1997). "After Tylor: British Social Anthropology 1888-1951.". The American Historical Review 102 (5): 1486–1488. ; (7) Layton, Robert (1998) An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Social Science Social science refers to the academic disciplines concerned with the society and the relationships of individuals within a society, which primarily rely on empirical approaches. It is commonly used as an umbrella term to refer to anthropology, economics, psychology and sociology. In a wider sense, it may often include humanities[1] such as archaeology, area studies, communication studies, cultural studies, folkloristics, history, law, linguistics, political science, and rhetoric. The term may however be used in the specific context of referring to the original science of society, established in 19th century, sociology (Latin: socius, "companion"; Greek λόγος, lógos, "word", "knowledge", "study."). Émile Durkheim, Karl Marx and Max Weber are typically cited as the principal architects of modern social science by this definition.[2] Positivist social scientists use methods resembling those of the natural sciences as tools for understanding society, and so define science in its stricter modern sense. Interpretivist social scientists, by contrast, may use social critique or symbolic interpretation rather than constructing empirically falsifiable theories, and thus treat science in its broader sense. In modern academic practice, researchers are often eclectic, using multiple methodologies (for instance, by combining the quantitative and qualitative techniques). The term social research has also acquired a degree of autonomy as practitioners from various disciplines share in its aims and methods. ADDITIONAL FIELDS OF STUDY Additional applied or interdisciplinary fields related to the Social Sciences include: Archaeology is the science that studies human cultures through the recovery, documentation, analysis, and interpretation of material remains and environmental data, including architecture, artifacts, features, biofacts, and landscapes. Area studies are interdisciplinary fields of research and scholarship pertaining to particular geographical, national/federal, or cultural regions. Behavioral science is a term that encompasses all the disciplines that explore the activities of and interactions among organisms in the natural world. Demography is the statistical study of all human populations. Development studies a multidisciplinary branch of social science which addresses issues of concern to developing countries. Environmental social science is the broad, transdisciplinary study of interrelations between humans and the natural environment. Environmental studies integrate social, humanistic, and natural science perspectives on the relation between humans and the natural environment. Information science is an interdisciplinary science primarily concerned with the collection, classification, manipulation, storage, retrieval and dissemination of information. International studies covers both International relations (the study of foreign affairs and global issues among states within the international system) and International education (the comprehensive approach that intentionally prepares people to be active and engaged participants in an interconnected world). Journalism is the craft of conveying news, descriptive material and comment via a widening spectrum of media. Legal management is a social sciences discipline that is designed for students interested in the study of State and Legal elements. Library science is an interdisciplinary field that applies the practices, perspectives, and tools of management, information technology, education, and other areas to libraries; the collection, organization, preservation and dissemination of information resources; and the political economy of information. Management in all business and human organization activity is simply the act of getting people together to accomplish desired goals and objectives. Marketing the identification of human needs and wants, defines and measures their magnitude for demand and understanding the process of consumer buying behavior to formulate products and services, pricing, promotion and distribution to satisfy these needs and wants through exchange processes and building long term relationships. Political economy is the study of production, buying and selling, and their relations with law, custom, and government. Notes 1. "humanity" 2.b, Oxford English Dictionary 3rd Ed. (2003) 2. Max Weber - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (online)
- 34. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 34 Sociology Sociology is the scientific study of human social behavior and its origins, development, organizations, and institutions.[1] It is a social science which uses various methods of empirical investigation[2] and critical analysis[3] to develop a body of knowledge about human social actions, social structure and functions. A goal for many sociologists is to conduct research which may be applied directly to social policy and welfare, while others focus primarily on refining the theoretical understanding of social processes. Subject matter ranges from the micro level of individual agency and interaction to the macro level of systems and the social structure.[4] The traditional focuses of sociology include social stratification, social class, culture, race and ethnicity, gender and sexuality, social mobility, religion, secularization, law, and deviance. As all spheres of human activity are affected by the interplay between social structure and individual agency, sociology has gradually expanded its focus to further subjects, such as health, medical,military and penal institutions, the Internet, environmental sociology, political economy and the role of social activity in the development of scientific knowledge. The range of social scientific methods has also expanded. Social researchers draw upon a variety of qualitative and quantitative techniques. The linguistic and cultural turns of the mid-twentieth century led to increasingly interpretative, hermeneutic, and philosophic approaches to the analysis of society. Conversely, recent decades have seen the rise of new analytically,mathematically and computationally rigorous techniques, such as agent-based modelling and social network analysis.[5][6] Sociology should not be confused with various general social studies courses which bear little relation to sociological theory or social science research methodology. AREAS OF SOCIOLOGY Social organization is the study of the various institutions, social groups, social stratification, social mobility, bureaucracy, ethnic groups and relations, and other similar subjects such as education, politics, religion, economy and so forth. Social psychology is the study of human nature as an outcome of group life, social attitudes, collective behavior, and personality formation. It deals with group life and the individual's traits, attitudes, beliefs as influenced by group life, and it views man with reference to group life. Social change and disorganization is the study of the change in culture and social relations and the disruption that may occur in society, and it deals with the study of such current problems in society such as juvenile delinquency, criminality, drug addiction, family conflicts, divorce, population problems, and other similar subjects. Human ecology deals with the nature and behavior of a given population and its relationships to the group's present social institutions. For instance, studies of this kind have shown the prevalence of mental illness, criminality, delinquencies, prostitution, and drug addiction in urban centers and other highly developed places. Population or demography is the study of population number, composition, change, and quality as they influence the economic, political, and social system. Sociological theory and method is concerned with the applicability and usefulness of the principles and theories of group life as bases for the regulation of man's environment, and includes theory building and testing as bases for the prediction and control of man's social environment. Applied sociology utilizes the findings of pure sociological research in various fields such as criminology, social work, community development, education, industrial relations, marriage, ethnic relations, family counseling, and other aspects and problems of daily life.[7] Notes 1. Sociology. (n.d.). The American Heritage® Science Dictionary. Retrieved July 13, 2013, from Dictionary.com website:http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/sociology 2. Ashley D, Orenstein DM (2005). Sociological theory: Classical statements (6th ed.). Boston, Massachusetts, USA: Pearson Education. pp. 3–5, 32–36. 3. Ashley D, Orenstein DM (2005). Sociological theory: Classical statements (6th ed.). Boston, Massachusetts, USA: Pearson Education. pp. 3–5, 38–40. 4. a b Giddens, Anthony, Duneier, Mitchell, Applebaum, Richard. (2007). Introduction to Sociology. Sixth Edition. New York: W.W. Norton and Company. Chapter 1. 5. Macy, Michael; Willer, Robb (2002). "From Factors to Actors: Computational Sociology and Agent-Based Modeling". Annual Review of Sociology 28: 143–66. 6. Lazer, David; Pentland, Alex; Adamic, L; Aral, S; Barabasi, AL; Brewer, D; Christakis, N; Contractor, N et al. (February 6, 2009). "Computational Social Science". Science 323 (5915): 721–723. 7."What Is Applied Sociology?" Applied Sociology. Web. 17/7/2013. <http://www.appliedsoc.org/applied-sociology/>.
- 35. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 35 PART II THE FIVE STEPS OF READING 1. - Run the number of each paragraphs in the reading 2. - Find TS (topic sentence (usually 90% are the first sentence of each paragraph) 3. -Highlight the MI (Main Idea) which follows the TS. Step 1 :Overview (1). “Title” by (author) presents that + (2) MI of the title (3) all block statements (if any)+ (4).MI of Paragraph 1 and (5).MI of the last paragraph (IN YOUR OWN WORDS) Step 2: Questions ( every paragraph) Use TS to form a Question begins with WHs to each paragraph (When, Where, Why, How, Who, Whom, Whose, Which, What ……. Or What is the result (s) of………….?) you may ask about the Subject or the Object or the Finite Verb of each TS Step 3:Answers ( every paragraph) Use the Subject or the Object or the Finite Verb of the TS of each paragraph as an answer to each question ( In a sentence form) Step 4:Linkages Take a Key Word/subject of each MI (from Main Clause) and see it matches with the key word in other paragraphs. Then tell which KW/subject of which paragraph is the same (linked)… Step 5:Summary In “Title”, in “Name of the Magazine”, “No. of the Issue”, “dated”: “page(s)”, (the author) presents/reveals/argues/that + MI of the title + all Blocks (if any) + each MI of each paragraph in the reading + The last sentence of the last paragraph. (IN YOUR OWN WORDS)
- 36. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 36 PRACTICUM Step 1 : Overview (1). “Title” by (author) presents that + (2) MI of the title (3) all box statements (if any)+ (4).MI of Paragraph 1 and (5).MI of the last paragraph (IN YOUR OWN WORDS) Step 2 &3: Questions AND Answers (use TS) Question about Subject / Verb/ Objects using Question Words Q1 A1 Q2 A2 Q3 A3 Q4 A4 Step 4: LINKAGE (MIs -) 25 marks Para Subjects H.V. and F.V. Predicates or Objects 1. 2. 3. 4. LINKAGE: NON-LINKAGE: Step 5: SUMMARY/SYNOPSIS: In “Title”, in “Name of the Magazine”, “No. of the Issue”, “dated”: “page(s)”, (the author) presents/ reveals /argues/ that + MI of the title + all Boxes (if any) + each MI of each paragraph in the reading + The last sentence of the last paragraph.
- 37. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 37 PART III WRITINGS Importance of writing 1. Writing Gives Flexibility since it eases readers (immediate supervisors) to decide when and how much they want to read. Readers have and select chances to read if necessary and reflect upon message or proposal. “Water is flexible and strong be ye water” 2. Writing Has Power: writing has staying power, traveling power, influential power “The pen (writing) is mightier than the sword.” Evidences 1: Marin Luther (10/11/1483 – 18/2/1546) an ex-German Augustinian monk wrote 95 theses in 1517) during Pope Leo X and gain Protestant Reformation (the Lutherans). Evidence 2: Karl Heinrich Marx (5 /5/1818 – 14 /3/1883): Das Kapital, Kritik der politischen Ökonomie (14/9/1867): economic laws, production soclial class struggle: labor at the back office is mightier than armed might of most rulers (1885: Vol.II: Capital Circulation Process; 1894:Vol. III: Capital Process). 3. Writing Helps Clarify Thinking : it helps during complicated business problems , a channel of communication, and medium for better understanding one’s and other’s thought since it records what the mind has; aids in thinking; sorts out thoughts and logicalizes thoughts for decision-making and solutions. “How do I know what I think until I see what I say?” (Northey and McKibbin, 2011, pp.1-2) Writing with impact needs the following proficiencies 1. Choosing Clear and Concise Wording (Northey and McKibbin, 2011, pp.36-37) 1.1. Using plain Language 1.2. Using Concrete Language 1.3. Eliminating Clutters 1.4. Using Adjective and Adverb Sparingly/carefully 1.5. Be Specific 1.6. Using Active Verbs 1.7. Choosing Verbs over Noun Phrases 1.8. Avoiding Jargon 1.9. Avoiding Cliché 2. Writing Clear and Effective Sentences: (Northey and McKibbin, 2011, pp.42-44) 2.1. Making Important Ideas Stand out by placing keywords in strategic positions (the first word or the last word in a sentence), subordinating unimportant facts, enhancing important information (underline/capitalize/italicize/bold) and using contrast. 2.2. Making People the Subject to attract readers and a avoid ambiguities. 2.3. Avoiding Which, Who, That clauses using necessary compound and complex sentences. 3. Creating logical and well-constructed paragraph and editing (Northey and McKibbin, 2011, pp.44-47) • Specify the idea (Topic Statement: TS) • Classify the parts (detonate/connote the TS) • Reveal causes and effects
- 38. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 38 • Give solution to the problem (if any) • Compare or contrast with other idea • Opinion/comment with reasons So, a classic paragraph structure contains. 1. Topic Statement (TS) 2. Main Point Idea ( defining TS) 3. Reason 1 with an example (taken from the passage/ theory) 4. Reason 2 with an example (taken from the passage/ theory) 5. Reason 3 with an example (taken from the passage/ theory) 6. How to do it (TS) and when to do it (TS) 7. Comments/Recommendation Example: Anatomizing a paragraph “A Paragraph about Clear and Concise Wording” S.1. TS Effective communications need to choose clear and concise wording.) S.2. Main Idea Clear and concise wording is an unambiguous and sharp expression which is, [SR.1] plain and concrete, [SR.2] no clutter and sparing qualifiers, [SR.3] specific and active, [SR.4] verb-based, less jargon and less clichés.(Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 36-41) S.3. SR.1.ex First, A plain and concrete word is free from Latinate and complex words, e.g. Using ‘finish’ rather than ’finalize’ Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 37). S.4. SR.2.ex Second, Using no clutter and sparing qualifier is to avoid cluttering phase and avoiding repetition, such as, using ‘now’ rather than ‘at this point of time’ or using only ‘effective’ rather than ‘quite effective’ (Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 38) S.5. SR.3.ex Third, specific and using active verb is to avoid readers to guess, of example, our extra effort pleased our clients. (Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 39)) 4.6. SR.4.ex Finally , Using verb-based, less jargon and less clichés is more dynamic, common and not exaggerating, like, “Please contact , rev. Bro. Bancha Saenghiran, Rector if you have any questions about how the new policy will affect your Department. ( Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 41) S.7. How and When?.. Effective communication is a MUST in business when one has to run a company. S.8. Opinion Poor communication in managing a company could interfere the good flow of its business affairs because it is hard to understand; employees have guess and misunderstand orders.
- 39. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 39 Effective communications need to choose clear and concise wording. Clear and concise wording is an unambiguous and sharp expression which is, [SR.1] plain and concrete, [SR.2] no clutter and sparing qualifiers, [SR.3] specific and active, [SR.4] verb-based, less jargon and less clichés.(Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 36-41). First, a plain and concrete word is free from Latinate and complex words, e.g. Using ‘finish’ rather than ’finalize’ Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 37). Second, using no clutter and sparing qualifier is to avoid cluttering phase and avoiding repetition, such as, using ‘now’ rather than ‘at this point of time’ or using only ‘effective’ rather than ‘quite effective’ (Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 38). Third, specific and using active verb is to avoid readers to guess, of example, our extra effort pleased our clients. (Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 39). Finally, using verb-based, less jargon and less clichés is more dynamic, common and not exaggerating, like, “Please contact , rev. Bro. Bancha Saenghiran, Rector if you have any questions about how the new policy will affect your Department. ( Northey and McKibbin, 2011: 41). Effective communication is a MUST in business when one has to run a company. My opinion is; poor communication in managing a company could interfere the good flow of its business affairs because it is hard to understand; employees have guess and misunderstand orders. First = originally, the highest point, chiefly, primarily, initially, to begin with…… Second = next, further, more, additionally, besides, also, as well as, along with….. Third = also, again, in particular, in addition to ………. Finally = lastly, ultimately, eventually, absolutely………..
- 40. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 40 Three Types of Writing Savvy are necessary for future leaders in any disciplines and fields or professionals, i.e. even analysis, opinion presentation and philosophical arguments. 1. EVENT-ANALYSIS ESSAY 1.1. Key Dimensions for Event Analysis are: A. Situation B. causes C. Effects D. Solutions E. Opinion/Recommendation 2.2. Structure of Opinion Essay Writing INTRODUCTION: Overview (using Step 1-Overview) followed by TS/causes + TS /effects +TS/ solutions + TS recommendation. BODY: Paragraph 1: Causes Paragraph 2: Effects Paragraph 3: Solutions Paragraph 4: Recommendation Paragraph CONCLUSION: (Restate introduction + MI of Paragraph 1+ MI of Paragraph 2 + MI of Paragraph 3+ MI and Recommendation Paragraph and end with the last sentence (opinion) of the Recommendation Paragraph by begin the sentence with I believe that……. or I have a conviction that ……or I maintain that…….or I advocate that…….. or I postulate that……. or
- 41. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 41 2. OPINION ESSAY 2.1. Key Dimensions for Opinion given are: A. Political (policy-laws-administration-strategies) B. Economic (macro-micro financial from trades and taxes) C. Social (public /private: attitude, norms and values) D. Educational (arts/sciences) E. Technological (obsolete/advanced./over advanced) F. Ecological (natural resources/ materials) G. Media (optimistic/pessimistic; creative/non creative) 2.2. Structure of Opinion Essay Writing INTRODUCTION: Overview (using Step 1-Overview) followed by TS.1+TS.2+TS.3+TS recommendation. BODY: Paragraph 1…. Paragraph 2…. Paragraph 3…. Recommendation Paragraph CONCLUSION: (Restate introduction + MI of Paragraph 1+ MI of Paragraph 2 + MI of Paragraph 3+ MI and Recommendation Paragraph and end with the last sentence (opinion) of the Recommendation Paragraph by begin the sentence with I believe that……. or I have a conviction that ……or I maintain that…….or I advocate that…….. or I postulate that……. or
- 42. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 42 3. PHILOSOPHICAL ARGUMENT What is a Classical Argument Essay? Posted by Splice, Essay Tips Chief Writer: retrieved 18.12.2011 A Classical Argument is the basic form of persuasive argument typically used in essays and position papers. It has at least six parts: 1. Introduction 2. Narration 3. Confirmation 4. Refutation 5. Suggestion/Recommendation 6. Conclusion 1. INTRODUCTION Over view of the article (Use Step 1 and in event analysis and opinion essay) 2. NARRATION (...relate TS of each paragraph) This is where the speaker/writer has to provide a summary of the background information relevant to the argument. This is also where the speaker/writer outlines the circumstances that lead to the claim and its corresponding consequences. In some examples of classical arguments, the narration comes together with the introduction. 3. CONFIRMATION This is where the speaker/writer gives 3-5 supporting evidences to the claim. Supporting facts and opinion from authority are usually included in this section. The stronger the link between the supporting evidence and the claim, the stronger the argument of the speaker/writer will be. This is also the part where the claim is elaborated. A typical technique used in the confirmation section of a classical argument based on Toulmin technique. AGREE/DEFEND Paragraph • I will begin by... • Before I say what is right with this argument, I want to... (remind/remark/hint/point-out) that..... • These passages suggest that... • I will now argue this claim... • Further support for this argument comes from... • For example...
- 43. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 43 4. REFUTATION PARAGRAPH This is where the opposing claims are presented or acknowledged, and then addressed accordingly. In most cases, counter-examples are best used as counter-arguments for the opposing claims. This is also the part of the classical argument where the speaker/writer anticipates possible objection to his claim and addresses them appropriately. DISAGREE/ ATTACK o I will begin by... o Before I say what is wrong with this argument, I want to quote /cite/recite/repeat o These passages suggest that... o I will now defend this claim... o Further support for this claim comes from... o For example... An Example of a Toulmin Argument: You should stop smoking [Claim] because studies of Siriraj Hospital (2012, p. 19) show that almost [Qualifier] 80% of smokers can develop lung cancer [Data/Ground]. Stopping a bad habit can help reduce the occurrence of its bad consequences [Warrant, *can be stated or left unstated]. Life expectancy is lengthened if habits bad to one's health are stopped [Backing Statement]. Smoking can deadly affect the womb and the baby in the womb (Ramadhibordi Hospital 2011, p.17; 2012, p.27) [Backing Statement].. Although it is not always the case that people who smoke will suffer from lung cancer, the risks are higher for those who smoke routinely [Rebuttal-classic argument]. 5. SUGGESTIONS/ RECOMMENDATIONS Rec. 1: from the findings in the article (solution to one or more of weakness) Rec. 2: from the student him/herself (solution for the greater common good) A Recommendation Paragraph structure contains • TS • MI (definition of TS+SR.1,2 &3........n) • SR.1.ex (First,… from theories) • SR.2.ex (Second,… from expert) • SR.3.ex (Finally,… from the specialist) • How and When? • Reassurance
- 44. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 44 6. CONCLUSION This is the final part of the classical argument where the speaker/writer summarizes the main points and reiterates the claim. In some cases, speakers/writers using this form of argument end with an appeal to the emotion of the reader or audience. In summary, the Classical Argument is a basic approach to the art of persuasion. It contains the essential parts of any persuasive argument. Its transition is logical, making it an easy-to- use technique without sacrificing the quality of the transition of thoughts. Search more on Rhetorical Arguments.
- 45. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 45 EPILOGUE - I A language-game (Sprachspiel - German) is a famous philosophical concept developed by Ludwig Wittgenstein (1942 and 1953), referring to simple examples of language use and the actions into which the language is woven. In his work, Philosophical Investigations, Ludwig Wittgenstein regularly referred to the concept of language games.[1] Wittgenstein rejected the idea that language has a direct connection to reality and argued that concepts do not need to be so clearly defined to be meaningful.[2] Wittgenstein used the term "language-game" to designate forms of language simpler than the entirety of a language itself, "consisting of language and the actions into which it is woven" (PI 7), and connected by family resemblance (Familienähnlichkeit). The concept was intended "to bring into prominence the fact that the speaking of language is part of an activity, or a form of life" (PI 23). The term 'language game' is used to refer to: 1). Fictional examples of language use that are simpler than our own everyday language. (e.g. PI 2) 2). Simple uses of language with which children are first taught language (training in language). 3). Specific regions of our language with their own grammars and relations to other language-games. 4). All of a natural language seen as comprising a family of language-games. These meanings are not separated from each other by sharp boundaries, but blend into one another (as suggested by the idea of family resemblance). The concept is based on the following analogy: The rules of language are analogous to the rules of games; thus saying something in a language is analogous to making a move in a game. The analogy between a language and a game brings out the fact that only in the various and multiform activities of human life do words have meaning. (The concept is not meant to suggest that there is anything trivial about language, or that language is 'just a game', quite the contrary.) Examples The classic example of a language-game is the so-called "builder's language" introduced in §2 of the Philosophical Investigations: “ The language is meant to serve for communication between a builder A and an assistant B. A is building with building-stones: there are blocks, pillars, slabs and beams. B has to pass the stones, in the order in which A needs them. For this purpose they use a language consisting of the words "block", "pillar" "slab", "beam". A calls them out; — B brings the stone which he has learnt to bring at such-and-such a call. Conceive this as a complete primitive language. (PI 2.)[3] ” Later "this" and "there" are added (with functions analogous to the function these words have in natural language), and "a, b, c, d" as numerals. An example of its use: builder A says "d — slab — there" and points, and builder B counts four slabs, "a, b, c, d..." and moves them to the place pointed to by A. The builder's language is an activity into which is woven something we would recognize as language, but in a simpler form. This language-game
- 46. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 46 resembles the simple forms of language taught to children, and Wittgenstein asks that we conceive of it as "a complete primitive language" for a tribe of builders. In, Postmodernist interpretation, Jean-François Lyotard explicitly drew upon Wittgenstein's concept of language-games in developing his own notion of metanarratives in The Postmodern Condition. However, Wittgenstein's concept is, from its inception, of a plurality of language games; their plurality is not taken to be a feature solely of contemporary discourse. Lyotard's discussion is primarily applied in the contexts of authority, power and legitimation, where Wittgenstein's is concerned to mark distinctions between a wide range of activities in which language users engage. If people in different faiths are playing their own language game, how is it possible for discussion between the different faith traditions about God’s existence? Religious believers are involved in other language games because they are involved in other aspects of life. This means that religious language is not totally isolated and that there will be common ground between religious language and other 'language games'. This common ground means that non-believers are able to understand religious language and decide whether it has meaning for them. Non-believers might be able to understand religious language better than believers. This is because non-believers have an objective view of the use of religious language. (A.J. Ayer) References 1. Biletzki, Anat (8 November, 2002; substantive revision 23 December, 2009). "Ludwig Wittgenstein". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved April 04, 2012. 2. Jago, Mark (2007). Wittgenstein. Humanities-Ebooks. p. 55 3. http://www.voidspace.org.uk/psychology/wittgenstein/one.shtml Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1953). Philosophical Investigations. Blackwell. Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1942). Blue and Brown Books. Harper Perennial.
- 47. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 47 EPILOGUE - II Envisioning the Post Corporate World (founded on the David V. Korten in his books of “ When Corporations Rule the World “(1995), and “The Post Corporate World: Life after Capitalism” (1999) ) Global capitalism is not democratic and it systematically violates every principle of a market economy, which sets up an interesting juxtaposition because it points to the possibility that there really is an alternative. Living capital, which has the special capacity to continuously regenerate itself, is ultimately the source of all real wealth. To destroy it for money, a simple number with no intrinsic value is an act of collective insanity -- which makes capitalism a mental, as well as a physical pathology. To create a world in which life can flourish and prosper we must replace the values and institutions of capitalism with values and institutions that honor life, serve life's needs, and restore money to its proper role as servant. I believe we are in fact being called to take a step to a new level of species consciousness and function. David C. Korten, “Life After Capitalism,” from a presentation in Canada, 11/98 1.1. Economy and Market Backgrounds Today, most people view the world and witness the devastation fashioned by political and economic policies resulted from valuing money over life and drawing a deep distress. Only few believe there is real hope of changing the destructive paragon of global capitalism while many disbelieve that we fail to fulfil the claim that man is a killer at heart, psychologically and biologically wired for war and endlessly pursuing material narcissism disregarding the needs of others and of life as a whole. Nevertheless, global capitalism's TINA philosophy (There Is No Alternative) ignores the rising projects people worldwide are engaged in. They are guided by the vision of establishing a truly sustainable civilization from the lower level, founded on practices which return gains far more than we snatch from our Mother Earth's natural and living treasures. Adam Smith (1723-1790), the Scottish economist postulates the theory of the market economy and Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations has been published in 1776. He expresses the powerful and wonderfully democratic ideal of a self-organizing economy which creates an equitable and socially optimal allocation of a society's productive resources through the interaction of small buyers and sellers making decisions based on their individual interests and needs.Adam Smith (1723-1790) The market theory by Adam Smith and those who subsequently elaborated on his ideas, developed into an elegant and coherent intellectual construction grounded in careful
- 48. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 48 assumptions about the conditions that self-organizing processes will certainly be speared to socially optimal outcomes, such as: • The market price must dominate buyers and sellers • Inclusive information must be accessible to all participants and no trade secrets are plotted. • Sellers must bear the full cost of the products they sell and pass them on in the sale price. • Investment capital must remain within national borders and trade between countries must be balanced. • Savings must be invested in the creation of productive capital. There is, however, a critical problem, as international financier George Soros has observed: "Economic theory is an axiomatic system: as long as the basic assumptions hold, the conclusions follow. But examining the assumptions closely, we find that they do not apply to the real world - the conditions of what we currently call a capitalist economy directly contradict the assumptions of market theory in every instance (Korten, 1999, p.38-39). One of the false myths ideologues of capitalism use to promote the song of money is that capitalism is simply a fulfilment and realization of the principles of a market economy as defined by Adam Smith. Focusing on the central importance of an ethical culture to an efficient market, one of many myths in capitalism is the idea that by some wondrous mechanism the market automatically turns personal greed into a public good. Why? Because Adam Smith said so. In truth, the market has no such mechanism and furthermore Adam Smith never said it did. . . . Adam Smith also wrote The Theory of Moral Sentiments which is exactly about the foundations of an ethical culture which he clearly assumed was the cultural backdrop of the market he was writing about. Efficient market function absolutely depends on a culture of trust and mutual responsibility. To emphasize this fact, I refer in my forthcoming book, The Post-Corporate World, to the mindful market in order to underscore the importance to efficient market function of an ethical culture that encourages individuals to act with mindfulness of both their personal needs and the needs of the larger whole of the community, and the society, and the planet (Korten, 1999, p.10). Out-of-control speculation is ruining real wealth through a process of extractive investment -- using money to make more money -- rather than productive investment. Finance capitalism describes the current global economic system wherein ownership of capital has moved away from those engaged in actual productive activity and towards financiers and speculators who by-pass the production of real goods and services altogether. A basic perpetuator of this system is our increasing inability to understand the difference between wealth and money. Finance capitalism Our flawed choices results in part from our nearly universal failure to distinguish between money and real wealth. The further analysis of these issues reveals that much of our misunderstanding comes from this confusion: money is not wealth. Money is a number, which
- 49. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 49 by social convention we agree to accept in exchange for things of real value. Get that sorted out and you can take apart the whole global financial system and the whole global economy. The following Exhibit 1 compares some of the major differences between capitalism and a market economy that functions in a socially optimal way. Exhibit 1.1: Comparison of major differences between capitalism and a market INDICATORS CAPITALISM MINDFUL MARKETS Dominant Attractor Money Life Defining Purpose Use money to make money for those who have money Employ available resources to meet basic needs of everyone Firm Size Very Large Small and medium Costs Externalized to the public Internalized by the user Ownership Absentee owners Stakeholder owners Financial Capital Footloose with no borders Rooted with national borders Purpose of Investment Maximize private financial profit Increase beneficial output The Role of Profit An end to be maximized Incentive to invest productively Efficiency Measure Returns to financial capital Returns to living capital Coordinating Mechanisms Centrally planned by mega-corporations Self-organizing markets and networks Cooperation Among competitors to escape the discipline of competition Among people and communities to advance the common good Competition Eliminates the unfit Stimulates efficiency & innovation Government Role Protect the interests of property Advance the human interest Trade Free Fair and balanced Political Orientation Elitist/democracy of dollars Populist/democracy of persons Source: The Post-Corporate World, by David C. Korten 1999, p.41 1.2. Adam Smith's Mindful Markets and Their Ten Rules Markets are sophisticated, but likely fragile mechanism to organize economic life that each one contributes to the whole while serving one’s needs with maximum freedom to exercise one’s responsible choice. A healthy market therefore inspirits diversity, individual creativity and initiative, and productive effort. They can keep these qualities in so far as its participants respect the market's necessary conditions and their ethical obligations to each other. Consequently, the health of the market economy relies on the thoughtfulness of the persons involved (Korten, 1999, pp.151-152). Mindful market takes life as the dominant attractor with the purpose of employing the available resources to meet basic needs of everyone. The mindful corporate size will be small and/or medium internalized costs by the user having stakeholders own them. Their financial capital is rooted with the national borders aiming to increase beneficial output. The role of profit collected from the output is incentive for productive investment. Then the returns to the living capital will be the efficient measure for the mindful corporate under mechanized coordination of self-organizing markets and their networks. Cooperation is encouraged among people and community to advance their common good. The competition is not encouraged as rivalries but to stimulate efficiency and innovation. The government must play the role of advancing human interest traded with fairness and with equilibrium while sound populist or
- 50. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 50 authentic democracy of persons must be taken as the political orientation (Korten, 1999, pp.41). Adam Smith proposes a mindful market has to abide with the following rules (Korten, (1999, pp.154-162) Rule 1: Use life as the measure. – it requires developing new tools for making choices about how we will use our productive resources and for measuring market performance by its contribution to healthful living. Rule 2: Put costs on the decision maker. It is necessary to improvise 1) favouring the local enterprise and ownership; 2) imposing fees on unreasonably gain-grid business administration; 3) enforcing standards for living, workplace and environment; and 4) enforcing intrusive government intervention if norms of absentee ownership are applied. Rule 3: Favour human-scale firms and stakeholder ownership. Adam Smith recommends firms are locally owned by people who work in them and live in the community in which they are located. Rule 4: Strive for equity. Equity doesn’t mean mandating that all must get the same income but give high priority to assuring all a means of livelihood adequate to human dignity and to avoiding extremes of wealth or extremes of poverty and economic rewards for extra contribution to increasing the real wealth of society such as wealth, gift, inheritance and progressive income taxes which are the necessary device to endlessly recover an equity balance. Rule 5: Favour full disclosure. Public policy must consistently side with consumers ‘need to know and require full disclosure of relevant information by sellers and laws have to be enforced on factories to inform public about their toxic release into the air and water while processed foods must have labels with nutrition information and so on. Rule 6: Encourage the sharing of knowledge and technology. Academic prestige and rewards come through publications of new knowledge for others to use and not monopolization through patents. The point is not to eliminate intellectual property rights but rather to define them narrowly and for limited period of time, following the basic principle that the public interest (gains) is best served by free and open sharing of information and technology. Rule 7: Seek diversity and self-reliance. To diverse to great local self-reliance; most countries have to implement policies that reduce trade dependence and increase local ownership of their economies. To achieve that shift requires nullifying most existing trade agreements and negotiating new ones which protect rights of people to set the rules of their own economies and to manage their economic relations with other countries. Rule 8: Pay attention to your borders. Self-reliance does not mean closing one’s borders but managing them. Each community must have the ability to mediate exchanges at
- 51. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 51 its borders with other communities to assure that these are consistent with integrity and coherence of it internal living processes. Rule 9: Honour government's necessary role. A government is the necessary guardian in many conditions essential to efficient market functions. We must not afford to eliminate its roles in regulating markets. We use to forget we grant the government the coercive powers specifically because they are essential to its role in protecting our rights and freedom from those who abuse them and we must demand the responsible government agencies accountable to the interest (gains) of the whole and restrain the abusive corporate powers as Hawken (1993, p.163) observes. Rule 10: Maintain an ethical culture. Societies which glorify the exclusive pursuit of individual gains erode its own identity and undermine public trust when the culture of the post-corporate market economy recognizes the centrality of ethical behaviour to both efficient function of the market and the general healthiness of societies. These ten rules of a healthy market do not themselves define a policy agenda but they provide a framework for the development of a policy agenda which seek to create the conditions on which the mindful market is founded. And, mindful markets will take life as the dominant attractor with the purpose of employing the available resources to meet basic needs of all. Healthy markets then inspirit diversity, individual creativity and initiative, and productive effort. Markets can keep these qualities in so far as their players respect their necessary conditions and their ethical obligations to each other. 1.3. Responsible Freedom (Korten, 1999, pp.137-150). In fact we bear the burden of responsibility to make our choice wisely since human being is the ultimate choice-making organism or we are free to create our future from our own conscious choosing and that freedom is both blessing and cursing. Capitalism beguiles promise of freedom and prosperity without burdens of responsibility. This is the primary source of its deadly attraction. Capitalism claims that it contributes the creation of just, prosperous and harmonious societies, therefore greed and competitive striving for self-advancement is certainly noble instincts and best serve humanity. Capitalism exploits the word “free market” as a code to gain a freehand to colonize the Choice from the Heart Dated: 17/12/ 2007 planetary resources for short-term financial gains and the expense of human freedom, prosperity and the market itself. In the post corporate world, we gain freedom from only when we take responsibility for using it with mindfulness of the needs of the whole. Freedom without responsibility is the cancer of the biocommunity.
- 52. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 52 1.3.1. Responsible Freedom Must Take Mindful Choice Mindfulness plays a critical role in the choices made by free men and women since they really know and are aware of their own needs which make them free from compulsion and illusions. Those who live in awareness have an inner freedom that transcends the limitations of their institutional setting (Thich Nhat Hanh, 1988, p.38). Their capacity to act with a critical consciousness renders them largely immune to the manipulations of propaganda, advertising, and the material incentives of money-world institutions. They have an inner freedom difficult for even the most tyrannical institution to suppress. They thereby acquire the power to change and is not right with the world. Thich Nhat Hanh, 10/11/1926 We are here to awaken from the illusion of our separateness Mindfulness plays a critical role in the choices made by free men and women since they really know and are aware of their own needs which make them free from compulsion and illusions. Those who live in awareness have an inner freedom that transcends the limitations of their institutional setting (Thich Nhat Hanh, 1988, p.38). Their capacity to act with a critical consciousness renders them largely immune to the manipulations of propaganda, advertising, and the material incentives of money-world institutions. They have an inner freedom difficult for even the most tyrannical institution to suppress. They thereby acquire the power to change that which is not right with the world. As we awaken to life and embark on the path to a post-corporate world, we come to face-to-face with one of the most fundamental of life's lessons: we gain true freedom only as we accept responsibility for using it with mindfulness of the needs of the whole. In the living world it is the cancerous cell that seeks freedom without responsibility, and its freedom is ultimately self-limiting. Freedom, whether in economic or political life, comes only with mindful responsibility. This is the first step to help re-creating the promising post corporate world societies. 1.3.2. Responsible Freedom Must Have Civic Consciousness The civil society by Aristotle (384-322BC) is an ethical-political community of free and equal citizens who by mutual consent agree to live under a system of law expressing the norms and value all share. Thaw law then becomes the codification of the values and practices of the shared culture and is largely self-enforcing (Cohen and Arato, 1992, p. 84). Civic consciousness in participation is not driven by personal advantages but the desire to responsibly contribute to the life of the community. Aristotle believes that individual happiness comes from external goods, goods of the body and goods of the soul. Aristotle advocates that no one could maintain that he/she is happy who has not in him/her a particle of courage or temperance or justice pr practical wisdom, who is afraid of every insect which
- 53. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 53 flutters past him/her, and will commit any crime, however great in order to gratify his/her lust for meat or drink, who will sacrifice his/her dearest friend for the sake of half a farthing (worth 1/4 of a penny), and is as feeble and false in mind as child or a madman/mad woman ( Aristotle, Book VII Part I in Everson, 1996, p.166). The ruthless pursuit of private material gains considered by the modern economist as normal would be judged by Aristotle as destructive and pathological of self and societal civility. Aristotle believes that most social evils are resulted from extreme wealth and extreme poverty. And it is great for a nation state that its citizens have moderate and sufficient property (Aristotle, Book IV Part 11 in Everson, 1996, p.1107-108) Aristotle (384-322BC) 1.3.3. Liberalism’s Challenge to Monarchy With the incompetent monarch during 1700s, magnate merchants, manufacturers and bankers claimed involvement in politics. Philosophers and economists during17th-18th centuries articulated ‘Economic Liberalism’ for limiting the power of the state and freeing the invisible hand of the market arguing that markets could order the self- interested behavior of individual toward a larger common good better than the state if without the corrupt officials (Bowman, 1996, p.13). Liberalism is analogous to civil society in meaning but varied by country. US liberals mean people who believe the government has a necessary and consequential a role in restraining market excesses and addressing social and environment needs that markets neglect. On the contrary, Neoliberals are more commonly used outside US and they are people who advocate downsizing and privatizing governmental functions, deregulating markets and removing economic borders to give forces of capital free reign. Liberals are both defenders of strong government and free marketeers who share distaste for monarchy, and avowed commitment to individual rights and freedoms and a belief in the importance of private ownership and markets. The political liberals focus on political rights and freedoms; advocate egalitarian and populist principles of one person one vote; look to the state as primary vehicle for expressing the public will and set economic priority; believe that the public good requires that some property be owned in common; assure democratic accountability; give substantial importance to equity as an essential mark of healthy society; attune to market’s potentials to extract unearned profits through exploitations of people and nature; prone to be overly trustful of government as the
- 54. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 54 caretaker and benefactor-while neglecting its authoritarian tendencies, its patterns of lethargy/indifference, and the inclination of professional politicians to use their control of state power to insulate themselves from public accountability; and invent the institutions of representative democracy and establish the principle that the state is properly responsible for the well-being of the whole (Korten, 1999, pp.143-144). The economic liberals advocate a more elitist ideal of one dollar one vote; assign public will and economic priorities to market; favor to privatize all common property and public services; distrust state power and seek to weaken the state in nearly all roles except that of protecting property rights and enforcing contract; give more weight to the importance of economic incentives; believe that in a market economy a person’s wealth is an accurate measure of his contribution to society and therefore, whether large or small, is no more or less than what he/she deserves; prone to be overly trustful of unregulated markets and corporations as arbiters/judges of the public goods –neglecting the market’s bias toward the wealthy and its tendency to transmogrify or transform into an antimarket capitalism in which powerful corporations suppress competition, externalize their costs, and create an alliance with the state in support of the global extension of corporate empire; and believe in the potentials of self-organizing systems that minimize the need for hierarchy(Gross, 1980, and Korten, 1999, pp.143-144). Both political liberals and economic liberals claim to mantle freedom and democracy but both fail to eliminate oppressive institutional hierarchy, elite rule, majority exclusion, and suppression of the self-organizing potentials of living communities. They claim that their positive contribution is they can replace monarchy still they equally oppress and unaccountable. They don’t want to realize that there can be no freedom without individual responsibility. The capacity for civic responsibility is innate or inborn to life, and human being can choose to create societies that nurture and honor responsibility. 1.3.4. Paradox of Freedom Freedom is precious and elusive precisely because it stands in a region between order and chaos – there can be no freedom in the absence of a coherent ordered social system; and yet there is no freedom that order is rigid and coerced. Its paradox is in its existence in the arena where chaos and order meet in special balance. Christopher Langton (cited in Waldrop, 1992, p.12) notes about the edge of chaos that ….. It is a place where the elements of a system never likely lock in to place but never dissolve into turbulence. The edge of chaos is where new ideas and innovative genotypes [all components of individual genes] are forever nibbling away at the edges of the status quo, and where life has enough stability to sustain itse4lf and enough creativity to deserve the name of life. The edge of chaos is where centuries of slavery and segregation [separation] suddenly give way to the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s; where seventy years of the Soviet Communism suddenly give way to political turmoil and ferment [provocation]; where eons or eras of evolutionary stability suddenly give way to wholesale species transformation….. M. Mitchell Waldrop, 1992, p.12
- 55. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 55 The liberals have generally sought to achieve human freedom within the constraints of Hobbesian worldview (liberal interpretation of law: leave people free to do whatever the law does not explicitly forbid [Manet, 1994, pp 20-38]... the right of individuals have rights or license to everything in this world) which precludes its embrace of the ennobling Aristotelian ideal of a civil society. It is within our means to create a conscious civilization comprising politically and spiritually self-aware civil societies which each citizen is called to participate actively in the definition and creation of a public good like individual cells of human being participate in creating a healthy whole body. Freedom for the psychologically and socially mature individual is neither license to self-indulge nor permission to pursue personal advantage in disregard for the wellbeing of the whole. It is an opportunity to function freely and responsibly as a member of a coherent and fully functioning society (Korten, 1999, pp.146). Mindful living is a key to freeing ourselves from the imposed order of coercive institutions which constraint life’s creative power. Developing our capacity for mindful living may, certainly prove to be the most revolutionary act in human history. Everything else follows such as the kind of work we do, how we balance our lives between paid and unpaid work, what we choose to consume, where we live, and how we participate in the life of the community of place. These are the paradoxes of freedom. To be truly free, all must learn to practice a mindful self-restraint in the use of freedom. 1.4. Democratic Economy (Korten, 1999, pp.163-182). The central problem of global capitalism could be described in terms of institutional relationship which concentrates the power of ownership in the hands of some economic aristocrats who delink form community interests (gains) and are unaccountable. But economic democracy seeks broad participation in the ownership of productive assets and the strong linkage of those ownership rights to people who live in the communities where those assets are Philippines: Testimony of Motorcycle Maker’s Quality Reuter/Erik de Castro: Dec.2012 located. This is to secure the rights of each individual and to secure adequate means of livelihood while encouraging mindfulness on the use of economic resources by linking decision-making power to the consequences of the decision. Democratic economy so works to secure our freedom, to fulfill the needs of our mind and body and to encourage our responsibility that is exactly what any proper system of ownership rights must do.
- 56. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 56 An example of an announcement of democratic economy disciple; Sam Walton of Wal-Mart claims to bring new jobs to community (never claims rock bottom wage) but it forces so many small retailers out of business, freezes competition and eliminate 1.5 jobs in every job its creates (Forbes, 1991, p. xiii; Huey and Solo, 1991, p.46; Quinn, 1998 cite in Korten, 1999, p. 164-165). On the contrary humanity costs Aaron Feuerstein, CEO of Malden Mills in December 11, 1995 for $15 million paid to his workers when the mills have been burned down until factories have been rebuilt and continue their operations. His action becomes the symbol of hope for a more ethical approach, personal values and loyalties before profit and the memory of doing business in a nearly forgotten past ( Simon, 1997, p. 76; Vaughn, 1997, pp.D2-13; New Hampshire Business Review, 1997, p.3; Korten 1999, p. 164-165) The only feedback of performance in democratic economy is only the financial returns, in the world of want and environmental stresses. Nevertheless, the loving-world logic leads us to keep size human-scale, to root ownership in the community which real assets are located, to distribute ownership among many stakeholders, and to create strong links between the interests (gains) of the owners, mangers, and workers where responsibility and high profitability will be entailed. 1.4.1. Securing the Right to Live ….Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and wellbeing of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing, and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age, or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control…. Article 25: Universal Declaration of Human Rights The United Nations John Locke (Aug.29, 1632 – Oct. 28, 1704)’s arguments are founded on three theses. (1) The world has been given to humans in common by God (John Locke, in David Wooten, 1993, p.277). (2) Humans have rights by birth to their preservation, and hence to edibles and drinks, and the like as nature provides for their existence (John Locke, in David Wooten, 1993, p.273). (3) All have properties of their own. None has any right of the properties but the persons. The works of their bodies and the works of their hands are then properly theirs (John Locke, in David Wooten, 1993, pp.273-274). Locke ends that lands that men till, plant, improve, cultivate, and are able to use the products of, so much are their properties. They by their labor do, as they were, enclose them from the public (John Locke, in David Wooten, 1993, p.276).
- 57. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 57 Locke also provides counterargument to anticipate criticism that a man’s allocation of properties could thereby despoil another means of living. The counterargument is: ……Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough – and as good – left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of this enclosure for himself. For he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all…… John Locke, in David Wooten, 1993, p.273. Meaning, the private property right comes from the rights to a living means. The quantity of the property to which a person may rightfully claim exclusive rights is restricted to the quantity required to yield a fundamental livelihood by his or her own work and by the quantity of like property others can have. With Lockean Shift from agrarian assumptions to monetization, capital is commonly accumulated beyond existence needs in the form of factories and equipment. Locke attempts to reason the focus of property ownership assuming that the property rights in a monetized economy are accumulated by clever industrialists who seek to value the utmost productivity of their assets. Such practices maximize the entire wealth of the society harming none but improve the wellbeing for all (Ashcraft 1994, 248-249). It seems sensible but in fact it becomes an excuse to explore inequality and exclusiveness. This is witnessed in the current persuasion of capitalists who claim that the rich inject capital for investment which skyrockets economic boom to raise the total wealth of societies while benefiting all and harms none. Their arguments are founded on the following three propositions. 1) Capital accumulated by the rich is invested in the productive activities which leverage useful output and it is the societal total wealth. 2) Natural capital is still ample relative to needs that an individual increases the land uses and other resources does not divest other of the similar opportunity. 3) Benefits of the greater amount of useful outputs are extensively shared. Sadly, such propositions have not been currently adhered. The wealthy first and foremost accumulate money and use it for speculation and minimize investment which is destructive to the living capital and future productivity. Natural wealth is almost consumed and unlikely meets needs. Their monopoly actively displaces the poor and divests the poor from their means of living. At the end, gains of economic growth are drained to the rich few among the world population while the majority suffers absolute decline or stagnation. Currently, property rights around the world agree with the three propositions and divest the economically weak means of living. These rights exclude the poor from their lands where they can cultivate for their existence. Property rights even brings shifted fortunes, unemployment for the poor, justification to reduce public services by arguing that the poor are indolent and the government must not tax their property rights income to help them, because A rightful moral legitimacy for the property rights is when they used to secure each individual rights since the assets are used to produce a honest living for their families and individuals. They are immoral legitimacy when being used by those having more assets than they need and exclude others to reach the simple means of living or to free themselves of responsibility for equitably sharing and stewarding the resources that are the common heritage of all who were born to life on this planet. Life after capitalism depends on a fundamental rethinking and restructuring of ownership rights to move toward stakeholder ownership and human-scale enterprises (Korten, 1999, pp.170).
- 58. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 58 1.4.2. Small, Human and Innovative Forty four percent (40%) of workers working in small firms are “extremely satisfied” with their jobs while thirty one (31%) percentage are satisfied with working in medium size companies and only twenty eight (28%)percentage are satisfied with large-size firms (Hopkins and Seglin, 1997, p.77). Employees of the small companied feel secure, their abilities are worth, given opportunity for training, given reasonable compensations. They believe in the company’s mission. If our future goal is to build a society with life-centred values and job for all; it is therefore small and local company should be preferable. Korten (1999, p. 174) finds that there should be an end to controlling hierarchies in business management after the studies and applications of Theory X and Theory Y of Douglas McGregor; Overlapping Team of Renis Likerts; Group Problem- solving Ability of Harold Leaviatt and Alex Bavelas. Elizabeth Pinchot, Harrison Owen, Margaret Wheatley, Peter Block, Peter Senge, Richard Beckhardt, Rom Peters and Warren Bennis also believe that business hierarchy is restrained and inefficient style of an organization. They assert that when necessary freedom inn conferred; the responsible and innovative employees will come up with creative products and applicable solution for the problems than being restricted by authoritarian hierarchies. Lateral networks, shared values and feedbacks are prevailed. Korten asserts that most CEOs of the large public organizations launching self-organizing team are still inherently authoritarian and hierarchical where they can decide immediately to fire employees without a moment of consultation and recreate the convention hierarchy (Korten 1999, p. 176). 1.4.3. Human Scale on a Large Scale A chief challenge today is to learn to backup self-organizing process of small- scale enterprise on a large scale. Special skills people favor and plan to own their self- startup enterprise and they will decline lifelong employment. The possible way is to network them which can aggregate a large scale project for high quality finished products. For example, a local design firm designs wood desks for executive. Another local firm fabricates them. Another furnishes high-quality lacquer. Another finishes the desks with leather works. Similar networks in the same region ceramics, textiles, machinery, metalworking and in-trend-fashion clothing. To expand green areas, for a better local living, it could be a network of landowners in to local to plants industrial trees as part of second source of income while enjoying the rich clean climate and strengthen the unity in the local communities. Another example is the ATI (Appropriate Technology International) forming a human scale on a large scale across Africa, Asia and Central-America in sixty-one countries. During 1993 to 1996, the added economic benefits for participants reached $26 million from agro-products and special commodities such as coconut, oilseeds, vegetables, fruits, forest products, livestock, coffee, fuel-efficient stoves and small-scale fiber. Besides, cultivation, harvest and postharvest handling, ATI found added values in transportation, processing, distribution, and sale to add to the source and income (liveableworld@ati.org.). The examples above display the large-scale needs are possible met with the self- coordinated efforts of individually owned small-scale groups without subordinating them to the global capital. The livelihood means could be secure through local ownership by organizing approaches to engaging in large-scale economic activity in ways that keep human-
- 59. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 59 scale size, facilitate innovation and empower living communities. The key target of a network is to end brokers who substantially collect commissions for just doing a few calls to link producers and users. Just money matters do not tell the market is healthy but to enrich the human soul and community with rational economic efficiency. The genius here is to have the market-based ability and the enterprise of community-founded economy, conviction of life before money while keeping an expedient level of economic efficiency. The survivals of our Earth or Spaceship, her civilization and her billions of crews cannot be in the hands of some politicians and some few rich who are the absentee ownership who are herding all affairs in the universal frontiers. 1.5. The Rights of Living Persons and its Restoration (Korten, 1999, p.184). There seems to be an iron clad relationship. The greater the rights of corporations, the less the rights of persons to live fully and well with freedom, responsibility, and dignity. To restore human rights and dignity we must establish clearly the principle that human rights reside solely in living persons.
- 60. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 60 Those concerned with curbing the excesses of the corporation have generally focused on one of two losing strategies. The first is to appeal to the conscience of the corporation to act more responsibly. As Robert Monks reminds us, however, in The Emperor's Nightingale, Corporations are not people; they have no conscience. Although corporate acts are carried out by individuals, even individuals with high moral standards often find themselves caught up in a corporate action that is beyond their control-or even, in some cases, their knowledge. The corporation is a legal instrument and the people of conscience who work for it are legally obligated to set aside their own values in favor of the financial interests of the institution and its shareholders. A further barrier to corporate responsibility resides in the extent to which the existence and profitability of many corporations depend on successfully promoting harmful products and encouraging behaviors damaging to one's self and society. Could the R. J. Reynolds corporation, for example, really commit itself to discouraging anyone under twenty-one years of age from smoking, knowing this would virtually eliminate its future market for tobacco products? Could the Coca-Cola Corporation decide to stop encouraging children to consume large amounts of flavored sugar water and encourage them to substitute clean tap water and fresh fruit juices? Could the General Motors Corporation become a serious advocate of urban growth boundaries and improved public transportation to limit dependence on the automobile? When the Monsanto Corporation announced it was divesting itself of most of its industrial chemicals production to concentrate on genetic engineering, its stock price doubled in anticipation of major increases in earnings. Can the management of the Monsanto Corporation now afford to hold a new genetically engineered product off the market until it is certain there is no serious possibility of harmful environmental or health consequences? In each instance, making the socially responsible choice would be equivalent to corporate suicide and surely cost the CEO his job. The second losing strategy is to oppose corporate misdeeds corporation by corporation and deed by deed. The victories are costly, few, and generally only temporary because they do nothing to change the nature of the corporation or reduce its staying power. A major case in point is the legendary citizen boycott of the Nestle corporation demanding that it stop encouraging poor mothers in Third World countries to favor bottle feeding over breast feeding-a practice responsible for untold numbers of infant deaths. To end the boycott, Nestle agreed to change its practices. Meanwhile, other infant formula producers continued similar promotions, and Nestle itself was soon back to doing the same. On the other hand, the losses are often permanent, as when children die, or when citizens lose the battle to keep a Wal-Mart out of their town or to stop the clear-cut of an ancient forest by a timber corporation. Any initiative that raises public consciousness of corporate misdeeds makes a useful contribution and we must surely oppose corporate abuses with all the means at our disposal. However, although we may win some battles, we will continue to lose the war so long as capitalism's dysfunctional structures remain in place. To restore the rights and powers of the living we must eliminate the autonomous rights and powers of money and its institutions through a six-fold agenda aimed at restoring political democracy; ending the legal fiction of corporate personhood; establishing an international agreement regulating international corporations and finance; eliminating corporate welfare; restoring money's role as a medium of exchange; and advancing economic democracy.
- 61. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 61 Each of these six agenda items defines an important goal for citizen action. Although the agenda has universal relevance and is already being advanced by citizen initiatives in a number of countries, most of the examples I will use center on the United States. Our government and our corporations have been the major architects of the global capitalist system and hold the major levers of power. We therefore bear greater responsibility than any other country for the global crisis and for taking steps to dismantle the system that has created it. 1.6. Designs of the Possible Life Systems for the Post-Corporate World 1.6.1. Designs to Counter Collapse Nine (9) elements listed below are possible to help design to counter the collapse of our current societies and environment (Stuart Cowen, 1998, p.7 cited in Korten, 1999, pp.126-133). 1. Human-scale self-organization – individuals enjoy ownership stake in their community enterprise (s) which their livelihood and their viably long-term interest relies on while ethical standards must be adhered to. 2. Village and neighborhood clusters – a typical pattern are modest row houses of varied designs, based on local materials and adapted to local climates, clustered around courtyard with lawns, playgrounds and flowerbeds. Each cluster facilitates assembly of all members and convenient stores of local products, and supports other local enterprises 3. Towns and regional centers – where they can join by either bicycles or shuttle buses accommodating larger and higher specialist necessities of deficiency needs and growth needs for the local people. 4. Renewable energy self-reliance – Biogas and solar hydrogen initiatives to supplement other non-renewable energy where each settlement should seek to be as self- sufficient as possible on energy through the full development of its biogas and solar resources. 5. Closed-cycle materials use – No material wastes such as appliances, vehicles, machines and electronic are leased rather than sold out and returned to the local manufacturers at the end of their use life to be repaired , upgraded or recycled. No wastes are dumped into environments. 6. Regional environmental balance - local taxes-friendly but non-local taxes surcharges is applied in order to improvise self-sufficiently local resources and it is to agree that one region cannot live beyond its own means by unfairly stressing the environment of another region. 7. Mindful livelihoods – it is necessary to flourishing of artistic and artisan craft productions and eliminating harmful and wasteful products found with large-scale production so that members could have meaningful time for other recreational activities. 8. Interregional electronic communication – It is necessary to build human bonds transcending one’s own locality through paying attention to international and cross-cultural exchanges and e-communication helps saving time and distance. E-communication creates also values, social structure, and intelligence. 9. Wild spaces – wild spaces are connected by wildlife corridors that facilitates natural evolutionary processes, with appropriate mitigation measures taken where transportation corridors between the settled patches cross wildlife corridors
- 62. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 62 1.6.2. Culture Shift Although the culture of materialism has been created by the most sophisticated and highly paid propagandists, it is at its core a falsified, manufactured, and non-consensual culture. If material acquisition was truly the dominant value of the human species, then surely capitalism would find it unnecessary to spend $450 billion a year to propagate it throughout the world. Nor would so many of the advertising messages and images that promote these desires be designed to appeal to our longing for acceptance, love, and contact with nature. Successful as capitalism has been in creating a mass consumer culture, the fact remains that its values are largely alien to our basic nature. Our longing for life is finding new expression in a deep worldwide culture shift unprecedented in human history in its speed, magnitude, and implications. A number of important values surveys provide compelling evidence that contrary to outward appearances, the modernist culture that underpins the spread of global capitalism is actually in deep trouble. [26] 1.6.3. Life Choices Perhaps the solution to our present collective predicament remains illusive for the very reason that it is so obvious and familiar. We are not being called to step off the edge of some cliff into a dark and vast unknown. Our experience of what lies ahead may prove more like a returning home after a long trip that has opened our eyes to new possibilities in the deeply familiar. That which in our more mindful moments we really want, we can have, if we but muster the will to make healthful choices for ourselves and our societies that bond us with life's creative regenerative processes. In this chapter we will review some of those important choices. [28] 1.6.4. Engaging the Future Our task is no longer one of creating counter cultures, engaging in political protest, and pursuing economic alternatives. To create a just, sustainable, and compassionate post-corporate world we must face up to the need to create a new core culture, a new political center, and a new economic mainstream. Such a bold agenda requires millions of people with widely varied expertise working at many levels of society -- personal and household, community, national, and global. It requires breaking the bonds of individual isolation that leave us feeling marginalized when, in fact, we may represent the new majority. There are thousands of useful tasks to be undertaken. The following are illustrative of the possibilities. [29] 1.6.5. What is life then in the post corporate world? "Life is matter that chooses." The mainstream science yet pursues to toil under the venture “to clarify a definitely non-mechanistic reality in mechanistic terms"(Korten, 1999, p.100). But picture the scope of change possible by reinterpreting the way we connect each other and the Earth which feeds and sustains human beings by shaping an economic
- 63. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 63 system of exchange founded on wisdom of life. Life creates economies for living but human beings created them for making money at life's expense. Below are some examples of human living systems (Korten, 1999, pp.14-17). Self-Organizing and Cooperative – Scientists find that our physiological control processes are in fact decentralized with cellularly substantial self-regulation. The regulated procedures of biological societies are far more radical self-organization, without functions like in control system or centralized planning. Localized and Adapted to Place - Each bio-community builds its home on a certain place on Earth. The members arrange themselves into multi-species and numerous sub- communities where they learn to optimize the resources at hand through a process of adaptation and progressive experimentation. Bounded by Managed, Permeable Borders - Life has to be exposed to environmental exchanges in order to sustain itself. To hold its intrinsic coherence, it has to be enabled to control these exchanges, depended on boundaries, which are, neither totally open nor totally closed, managed and permeable. Frugal/economical and Sharing - Bio-communities are very efficient in energy seizure and recycling under the motto of "Waste Not; Want Not." Energy and materials are endlessly recycled for uses and reuses within and between cells, organisms, and species with a minimum of loss. One’s wastes become the resources of the other. Frugality and sharing are the secret of life's rich abundance, a product of its ability to grasp, to use, to store, and to share the available material and the energy with amazing efficiency. Diverse and Creative - Life displays an extraordinary drive to learn, to innovate, and to freely share knowledge in realizing new potentials resulted an ample diversity of species and cultures which give bio-communities resilience during crisis and provide the platform for their future innovation. With the Triad Nexus Worlds, which are 1). Globalization is the worldwide diffusion of practices, expansion of relations across continents, organization of social life on a world scale and growth shared global consciousness (Ritzer, 2007,p.4; Chaney and Martin, 2011, p.3). 2). Glocalization is the interpenetration of the global and the local resulting in unique outcomes in different geographic area (Robertson, 2001 cited in Ritzer, 2007, p. 13; Chaney and Martin, 2011, p.5). and 3). Grobalization is the focus on the imperialistic ambitions of nations, corporations, organizations, and jurist bodies and their desire, needs of profit growths and materialistic appeals (Ritzer, 2007,p.15; Chaney and Martin, 2011, p.5) The diffusion, interpenetration and focuses are through International Trade Agreements and International Communication Technology ; then the World Classic Dilemmas and being announced in the UN classic issues since the development avatar on January 20, 1949, were global warming, war and terrorism, overpopulation, poverty, food security, globalization, political issues, diseases, environmental changes, intellectual property, technology, global power, and fossil fuel (The Pulitzer Prizes-2007 Winners; The Opinion Research Business, January, 2008; UNESCO, 2008;). They are challenging and disgracing world leaders, UN developers, Nobel Prize laureates and award-winning CEOs around the
- 64. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 64 world. Globalized economy demanded minimizing costs and maximizing gains and gigantism but achieving only through abuses of child labor, corrupted and scandalous approaches (Prakob Chaibuntan, 2012, p.2). EPILOGUE-III Current and Coming Communities To recognize some of the leading traits of each generation who can influence successes and failures of an individual; this is to encourage learners to prepare to meet them with confidence and with wisdom. They are people who have been born 1943-1960: Baby Boomers, 1961-1980: Generation X, 1981- 2000: Generation Y or the First-wave Millennials and 2001-2020: The ME ME ME Generation. Table 1: Value stereotypes for variety of generations Baby Boomers:1946-1964 Generation X:1961-1980 Generation Y/ Me/ Millennium 1981-2000 Generation Me Me Me: 2001- 2020 - Uses technology as necessary tool - Appreciate hierarchy - Tolerates teams but values independent work - Strong career orientation - More loyalty to organization - Techno savvy - Teamwork very important - Dislikes hierarchy - Strives for worklife balance but will work long for now - Loyalty to own career - Techno savvy - Teamwork very important - Dislikes hierarchy; prefers participation - Strives for worklife balance but will work long for now - believes in informality; wants to strike it rich quickly - More Techno savvy - Lone-ranger - Dislikes hierarchy - Dislikes civic engagement - Lower political participation - Screen interactions -Cell-phone syndrome - i/e-Disorder
- 65. MCU-FSS: Wat RaikhingCampus EN407313: English for Political Scientists: 1/2014- 65 - Favors diplomacy - Favors old economy - Expect a bonus-based on performance - Believes that issues should be discussed formally. and profession - Candid in conversation - Appreciates old and new economy - Would appreciate a signing bonus - Believes that feedback can be administered informally - Ultra-candid in conversation - Prefers the new economy - Expected a signing bonus before the dot.com crash - Believes that feedback can be given informally, even on the fly - Strives for worklife balance but will work long for now - believes in informality; wants to strike it rich quickly - Ultra-candid in conversation - Prefers the new economy - Expected a signing bonus - Believes that feedback can be given informally, even on the fly or on screen Sources: Robert McGarvey (November 1999, pp.60-64); Joanne M. Glenn ( February 2000, pp.6-14); Anita Bruzzese (April 22, 2002, and Gregg Hammil, (Winter/Spring 2005 p.5) cited in Andrew J. DuBrin (2007, p. 70) and Joel Stein (2013) TIME-May 20, 2013 pp. 30-35 Table 2: Generation stereotypes influencing work-behavior Traditionalist (Veterans: 1925-1945 Baby Boomers: 1946-1964 Gen. X: 1961-1980 Gen. Y/ Me/ Millennium 1981-2000 Gen. Me Me Me: 2001- 2020 - Practical - Patient, - Loyal - Hardworking -Respectful to authority - Rule followers - Optimistic - Teamwork - Cooperation - Ambitious - Workaholics - Skeptical - Self-reliant - Risk-taking - Balance work - Personal life - Hopeful - Meaningful works - Value diversity - Change - Techno-savvy ( First Wave Millennials) - Narcissistic* - Overconfident - Entitled - Shallow - Lazy - Techno-savvy - peer influence Dealing with Gen. X Dealing with Gen. Y Dealing with Gen. Me- Me-Me -Teamwork - Lateral - Candid - Leadership trust - Techno bureau - Teamwork dynamism - Lateral approach - Informal and candid - Income sufficiency - Defining personalities - Attitude and Value Reforms on *Teamwork *Brainstorming *Synergy *Group dynamism *Social services * Extreme interest in one’s own life and problems that prevents one from caring about other people; an extreme interest in one’s appearance Sources: Constance Patterson (Jan.2005) cited in Andrew J. DuBrin (2007, p. 23) and Joel Stein (2013) TIME-May 20, 2013 pp. 30-35 A TIP OF THOUGHT Adam Smith reminded, “No society can surely be flourishing and happy, of which by far other greater part of the numbers are poor and miserable” (Adam Smith, 1776, cited in Heibroner, 1997, p.59). Neither political leaders, nor their cabinets nor any political party nor super successful business magnates can then claim victory, self-actualization and sacrifice for people if just one of the citizens is still poor and still in misery except the ones who want to be poor and to be in misery. Are we, learners ready to meet the post-corporate atmospheres and ME ME ME generation? Dr. Prakob Chaibuntan