The document discusses the characteristics and typologies of a serial killer involved in a case study, categorizing the murderer as both a power/control and hedonistic type. It emphasizes the calculated, manipulative nature of the killer, targeting young college girls and exhibiting organized and violent behaviors. The text highlights the role of criminal profiling in investigations while acknowledging its limitations and the complexity of accurately identifying offenders.

1. 2
WK2 Discussion Question
Name
Institutional Affiliation
Professor
Course
Date
WK2 Discussion Question
The typologies I employed to define the killer in the case study
are Power/Control Serial Killer and hedonistic. I chose the
power/ control killers for the case studies because the killer
tended to demonstrate control over the victims before killing
them. In the three cases, the bodies were dragged into the place,
and Lacerations on the neck showed the victims were probably
strangled to death. In addition, the killer seems to have a
preferred type of victim: young college girls aged between 20-
21years who are weaker than the killer.
Hence it was easy to take control of them, which probably made
the killer feel more powerful. The killer seems very intelligent
and manipulative, using their victims as pawns in a game they

2. only know how to play. Therefore, the crime scenes exhibited a
calculated and organized, cautious approach. The murderer
exhibits violent behavior by sexually assaulting the victims, and
the river is their favored place to dump off the dead. The most
probable kind of serial killer to dump their victims' bodies is
the power or control murderers (Holmes & Holmes 2009).
The hedonistic is the second typology that I employed to define
the case, study murderer. In contrast to the rapid killing more
typical of other murderers, whose crimes may be regarded as
act-focused, this class of hedonistic murderers' crimes is
methodical and typically requires some time to complete.
(Holmes & Holmes 2009). The three cases portly sexual
gratification where the victims were sexually assaulted and
tortured by the murderer, which is one of the common attributes
of a hedonistic killer.
Using profiling to find and capture mass and serial murderers
has the benefit of assisting detectives in identifying potential
suspects. By analyzing the behavior of known offenders,
profilers can develop a profile of what an offender might look
like and what kinds of characteristics they may have (Beasley,
2004). This information can then be used to narrow down the
pool of suspects in an investigation. In addition, Criminal
profiling can assist in reducing the list of potential suspects and
implementing strategies that increase the likelihood of an arrest
(Holmes & Holmes 2009). Profiling can assist law enforcement
in locating a different material or tool when there is hardly any
proof at the crime site.
A limitation of utilizing profiling to catch serial or mass killers
is that it is not always accurate. Many factors often go into why
someone commits these crimes, and not all offenders fit neatly
into a specific profile (Holmes & Holmes 2009). In addition,
according to Douglas et al. (1986), even if an investigator does
find someone who fits the profile perfectly, there is no
guarantee that this person committed the crime(s) in question.

3. References
Beasley, J. O. (2004). Serial murder in America: Case studies of
seven offenders. Behavioral Sciences & the Law, 22(3), 395-
414.
Douglas, J. E., Ressler, R. K., Burgess, A. W., & Hartman, C.
R. (1986). Criminal profiling from crime scene
analysis. Behavioral Sciences & the Law, 4(4), 401-421.
Holmes, R. M., & Holmes, S. T. (2009). Profiling violent
crimes: an investigative tool. Sage
Publications.
THE ASSIGNMENT YOU WROTE ABOVE IS NOT WHAT
THE PROFESSOR IS LOOKING FOR. PLEASE REDUE THIS
ASSIGNMENT AND USE WHAT HE IS LOOKING FOR
HIGHLIGHTED BELOW…AND PLEASE USE THE READING
THAT I HAVE PROVIDED FOR YOU EVERYTHING THE
PROFESSOR IS TALKING ABOUT IS FOUND IN THAT
READING
Your really did not answer the discussion questions. Please
develop a profile for this case study. Use the FBI typology
discussed in Chapter 5 of your textbook. Please use the
information in Chapter 5 to develop an actual profile of the
killer. What are the personal and social (demographic)
characteristics of this killer? The Killers personal and social
characteristics would be the killer’s profile. Use the textbook
and read my course announcements! Use the table in Chapter 5.

4. Please list the characteristics of an organized serial killer in
Table 5.
Overview of the Criminal-Profile-Generating Process
The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) developed a
criminal-profile-generating process to create the
profile of a murderer. This process consists of six main stages.
The six stages are:
1. Profiling Inputs
2. Decision Process Models
3. Crime Assessment
4. Criminal Profile
5. Investigation
6. Apprehension
Source: Douglas, J. E., Ressler, R. K., Burgess, A. W., &
Hartman, C. R. (1986). Criminal profiling from
crime scene analysis. Behavioral Sciences & the Law, 4(4),
401–421.
Stage 1: Profiling Inputs
The profiler gathers as much information from the crime scene
as possible. For example, he or she
identifies the method used to murder the victim, the
characteristics of the victim, and the appearance of
the crime scene. The only piece of information that the profiler

5. does not include at this stage is a list of
possible subjects—the profiler needs to make sure the profile is
as objective as possible and not tailored
to ―match‖ a particular person. The profiling inputs generally
are gathered in the following categories:
The crime scene: Physical evidence, body position, and
weapons found near the crime scene
Victimology: The victim’s family background, age, and
occupation and the date and time the
victim was last seen alive
Forensic information: Reports (for example - autopsy,
postmortem, and lab), the cause of
death, and wounds
The initial police report: Police observations, the time of the
crime, the person who reported the
crime, and the neighborhood in which the crime occurred
Photographs: The crime scene and the victim
Stage 2: Decision Process Models
The profiler begins to organize the inputs gathered in stage 1 to
try and make sense of the patterns of
evidence such as the time of the crime, the cause of death, and
the victim’s characteristics. It is during
this stage that the profiler determines the type or style of the
homicide and whether it appears to be the
work of the murderer responsible for some other murders.

6. Stage 3: Crime Assessment
The profiler tries to recreate the crime exactly as it occurred.
This entails trying to identify the actions of
the victim, the actions of the murderer, and how the murder
transpired. By recreating and assessing the
crime, the profiler begins to classify the type of murderer (for
example, organized or disorganized).
Stage 4: Criminal Profile
The profiler creates a detailed profile of the murderer, including
his or her possible age, gender, race, and
physical appearance. The profiler also tries to identify details
about the murderer’s emotional and
psychological states, employment, and marital status.
Stage 5: Investigation
The profiler provides a written report to the law enforcement
agency investigating the murder. The
investigators use the profile to help create a list of possible
subjects. As new evidence becomes
available, the profile may be refined.
Stage 6: Apprehension
Law enforcement agents apprehend the suspect. The profiler
then compares his or her profile of the
suspect with the ―real‖ characteristics of the subject. In this

7. way, the profiler can identify any inaccuracies
in the profile.
Source: Douglas,J.E., Ressler, R.K., Burgess, A.W., &
Hartman,C.R. (1986). Criminal profiling from crime
scene analysis. Behavioral Sciences & the Law 4(4), 401-421.
Case Study
Law enforcement agents are investigating a string of three
murders that occurred in the past 12 months.
They need your help in their investigation of the murders. Based
on what you know about profiling,
examine the crime scenes from each of the three murders and
use the evidence to complete the
Application assignment in Week 2.
As you review each of the three crime scenes, use the Profiling
Inputs Chart to gather and organize
evidence. Pay particular attention to similarities among the
crimes scenes. Also, be sure not to overlook
any detail (no matter how inconsequential you might think it is)
because it may help later in the profiling
process.
i

8. Serial Murder
Multi-Disciplinary Perspectives
for Investigators
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime
Critical Incident Response Group
Federal Bureau of Investigation
ii
Editor
Robert J. Morton
Supervisory Special Agent
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Contributors
Leonard G. Johns
Unit Chief
Behavioral Analysis Unit-3
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Timothy G. Keel
Major Case Specialist
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Federal Bureau of Investigation

9. Steven F. Malkiewicz
Supervisory Special Agent
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Federal Bureau of Investigation
James J. McNamara
Supervisory Special Agent
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Kirk R. Mellecker
Major Case Specialist (Retired)
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Co-Editor
Mark A. Hilts
Unit Chief
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Mary Ellen O’Toole
Supervisory Special Agent
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Federal Bureau of Investigation
David T. Resch

10. Unit Chief
Behavioral Analysis Unit-1
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Mark Safarik
Supervisory Special Agent (Retired)
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Armin A. Showalter
Supervisory Special Agent
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Rhonda L. Trahern
Supervisory Special Agent
Behavioral Analysis Unit-2
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco,
Firearms and Explosives
iii

11. Table of Contents
Message from the
Director..................................................................................
.......
Acknowledgments....................................................................
...................................
Foreword.................................................................................
....................................
National Center for the Analysis of Violent
Crime..................................................
I.
Introduction............................................................................
..............................
II. Definition of Serial
Murder.................................................................................
III. Causality and the Serial
Murderer....................................................................
IV. Psychopathy and Serial

12. Murder........................................................................
V. Motivations and Types of Serial Murder:
The Symposium
Model.....................................................................................
...
VI. Investigative Issues and Best
Practices............................................................
VII. Forensic Issues in Serial Murder
Cases...........................................................
VIII. Prosecution of Serial Murder
Cases................................................................
IX. Media Issues in Serial Murder
Investigations.................................................
X. Issues Regarding Talking Heads in the
Media..................................................
Epilogue.................................................................................
......................................
Appendix A: Symposium
Agenda............................................................................
Appendix B: Serial Murder Symposium Working
Group.....................................

13. Appendix C: Symposium
Attendees.........................................................................
v
vi
vii
viii
1
7
10
13
16
19

14. 28
35
38
42
46
47
51
54
iv
v
Message from Director Mueller
Every day, law enforcement offi cers across America are called
to respond to murders.
Each homicide case is tragic, but there are few cases more
heartrending and more diffi cult

15. to understand than serial murder.
For years, law enforcement investigators, academics, mental
health experts, and the
media have studied serial murder, from Jack the Ripper in the
late 1800s to the sniper
killings in 2002, and from the “Zodiac Killer” in California to
the “BTK Killer” in Kansas.
These diverse groups have long attempted to understand the
complex issues related to
serial murder investigations. Until the Serial Murder
Symposium, however, there had been
few attempts to reach a consensus on some of these issues.
This monograph presents the fi ndings and collective wisdom of
a multidisciplinary group of
experts, who brought their individual experience and insights to
the same table. Our hope
is that it will give you new ideas and new resources as you
continue your important work.
The FBI is committed to contributing to the understanding of
these horrifi c acts. The
FBI’s National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime stands
ready to assist our state,
local, and international partners. We believe the best way to
combat any threat — be it
terrorism, gang violence, or serial murder — is to combine our
knowledge and resources
with those of our partners, and to work as a team. I am grateful
for the partnerships that
helped spur this symposium, and for the partnerships that were
formed as a result.
I deeply appreciate the work that went into this publication. I
would like to thank all those

16. who participated for their willingness to share their dedication,
time and expertise. I
believe it will be invaluable to our collective ability to
understand, respond to, and hopefully
prevent, serial murder.
Robert S. Mueller, III
Acknowledgments
The NCAVC would like to gratefully acknowledge the
contributions of the following
individuals, without whose efforts the Symposium and this
monograph would not have
been possible:
• The members of the Serial Murder Symposium Working
Group, for their assistance in
planning the Symposium. The names of these individuals are
listed in Appendix B.
• The Symposium attendees, for their generous sharing of
time and expertise in the area
of serial murder. The names of these individuals are listed in
Appendix C.
• Pamela Hairfield and Wilma Wulchak, Management and
Program Analysts, FBI,
NCAVC, for their skill, dedication, and perseverance in
successfully handling the
countless administrative tasks associated with the Symposium.
• Cristie Dobson, Management and Program Assistant, FBI,
NCAVC, for her talent and

17. time spent copyediting this document and for her work on the
cover art.
• Assistant Director Michael J. Wolf (retired) and Executive
Assistant Director J. Stephen
Tidwell for their support of this project and for their
willingness to dedicate the
resources necessary for its successful completion.
vi
Foreword
The topic of serial murder occupies a unique niche within the
criminal justice community.
In addition to the significant investigative challenges they bring
to law enforcement,
serial murder cases attract an over-abundance of attention from
the media, mental health
experts, academia, and the general public. While there has been
signifi cant, independent
work conducted by a variety of experts to identify and analyze
the many issues related to
serial murder, there have been few efforts to reach a consensus
between law enforcement
and other experts, regarding these matters.
In an effort to bridge the gap between the many views of issues
related to serial murder,
the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) hosted a multi-
disciplinary Symposium in
San Antonio, Texas, on August 29, 2005 through September 2,
2005. The goal of the
Symposium was to bring together a group of respected experts

18. on serial murder from a
variety of fields and specialties, to identify the commonalities
of knowledge regarding
serial murder.
A total of 135 subject matter experts attended the five-day
event. These individuals
included law enforcement officials who have successfully
investigated and apprehended
serial killers; mental health, academic, and other experts who
have studied serial killers
and shared their expertise through education and publication;
officers of the court, who
have judged, prosecuted, and defended serial killers; and
members of the media, who
inform and educate the public when serial killers strike. The
attendees also reflected
the international nature of the serial murder problem, as there
were attendees from ten
different countries on five continents.
The agenda encompassed a variety of topics related to serial
murder including common
myths, definitions, typologies, pathology and causality,
forensics, the role of the media,
prosecution issues, investigative task force organization, and
major case management
issues. Each day included panel discussions, case presentations,
and discussion groups
addressing a range of topics related to serial murder.
This monograph is a culmination of the input and discussion of
the attendees on the
major issues related to serial murder. The contents are based
upon the notes taken
during the presentations, panel discussions, and break-out group

19. sessions. The goal in
publishing this monograph is to outline the consensus views
from a variety of disciplines
on the causality, motivations, and characteristics of serial
murderers, which will enable
the criminal justice community to generate a more effective
response in the identification,
investigation, and adjudication of these cases.
vii
National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime
The National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime
(NCAVC) is a component of
the FBI’s Critical Incident Response Group (CIRG), located at
the FBI Academy in
Quantico, Virginia. The primary mission of the NCAVC is to
provide behaviorally-based,
operational support to federal, state, local, and international law
enforcement agencies
involved in the investigation of unusual or repetitive violent
crimes, communicated
threats, terrorism, and other matters of interest to law
enforcement.
The NCAVC is comprised of four units: Behavioral Analysis
Unit-1 (Counterterrorism/
Threat Assessment), Behavioral Analysis Unit-2 (Crimes
Against Adults), Behavioral
Analysis Unit-3 (Crimes Against Children), and the Violent
Criminal Apprehension
Program (ViCAP).

20. NCAVC staff members conduct detailed analyses of crimes
from behavioral, forensic,
and investigative perspectives. The goal of this analysis process
is to provide law
enforcement agencies with a better understanding of the
motivations and behaviors
of offenders. The analysis is a tool that provides investigators
with descriptive
and behavioral characteristics of the most probable offender and
advice regarding
investigative techniques to help identify the offender.
The NCAVC also conducts research into violent crime from a
law enforcement
perspective. NCAVC research is designed to gain insight into
criminal thought processes,
motivations, and behaviors. Research findings are refined into
innovative, investigative
techniques that improve law enforcement’s effectiveness against
violent criminals and are
shared with law enforcement and other disciplines through
publications, presentations,
and training.
The Serial Murder Symposium was conceived, planned, and
coordinated by the staff of
the Behavioral Analysis Unit-2 (BAU-2). The resources of
BAU-2 are focused on serial,
mass, and other murders; sexual assaults; kidnappings; and
other criminal acts targeting
adult victims. BAU-2 staff members have developed significant
expertise on the subject
of serial murder and regularly provide operational assistance,
conduct research, and
provide training on issues related to serial murder.

21. viii
1
I
Introduction
I. Introduction
Serial murder is neither a new phenomenon, nor is it uniquely
American. Dating back to
ancient times, serial murderers have been chronicled around the
world. In 19th century
Europe, Dr. Richard von Krafft-Ebing conducted some of the
first documented research
on violent, sexual offenders and the crimes they committed.
Best known for his 1886
textbook Psychopathia Sexualis, Dr. Kraft-Ebing described
numerous case studies of
sexual homicide, serial murder, and other areas of sexual
proclivity.
Serial murder is a relatively rare event, estimated to comprise
less than one percent of
all murders committed in any given year. However, there is a
macabre interest in the
topic that far exceeds its scope and has generated countless
articles, books, and movies.
This broad-based public fascination began in the late 1880s,

22. after a series of unsolved
prostitute murders occurred in the Whitechapel area of London.
These murders were
committed by an unknown individual who named himself “Jack
the Ripper” and sent
letters to the police claiming to be the killer.
Dear Boss
I keep on hearing the police have caught me but they wont fix
me just yet. I
have laughed when they look so clever and talk about being on
the right track. That joke
about Leather Apron gave me real fits. I am down on whores
and I shant quit ripping
them till I do get buckled. Grand work the last job was. I gave
the lady no time to
squeal. How can they catch me now. I love my work and want
to start again. You will
soon hear of me with my funny little games. I saved some of the
proper red stuff in a
ginger beer bottle over the last job to write with but it went
thick like glue and I cant use
it. Red ink is fit enough I hope ha. ha. The next job I do I shall
clip the ladys ears off and
send to the police offi cers just for jolly wouldn’t you. Keep
this letter back till I do a bit
more work, then give it out straight. My knife’s so nice and
sharp I want to get to work
right away if I get a chance. Good luck.
Yours truly
Jack the Ripper
These murders and the nom de guerre “Jack the Ripper” have
become synonymous with
serial murder. This case spawned many legends concerning

23. serial murder and the killers
who commit it. In the 1970s and 1980s serial murder cases such
as the Green River
Killer, Ted Bundy, and BTK sparked a renewed public interest
in serial murder, which
blossomed in the 1990s after the release of films such as Silence
of the Lambs.
Much of the general public’s knowledge concerning serial
murder is a product of
Hollywood productions. Story lines are created to heighten the
interest of audiences,
rather than to accurately portray serial murder. By focusing on
the atrocities inflicted
on victims by “deranged” offenders, the public is captivated by
the criminals and their
crimes. This only lends more confusion to the true dynamics of
serial murder.
2
Law enforcement professionals are subject to the same
misinformation from a different
source: the use of anecdotal information. Professionals involved
in serial murder cases,
such as investigators, prosecutors, and pathologists may have
limited exposure to serial
murder. Their experience may be based upon a single murder
series, and the factors in
that case are extrapolated to other serial murders. As a result,
certain stereotypes and
misconceptions take root regarding the nature of serial murder
and the characteristics of

24. serial killers.
A growing trend that compounds the fallacies surrounding serial
murder is the talking
heads phenomenon. Given creditability by the media, these self-
proclaimed authorities
profess to have an expertise in serial murder. They appear
frequently on television and
in the print media and speculate on the motive for the murders
and the characteristics of
the possible offender, without being privy to the facts of the
investigation. Unfortunately,
inappropriate comments may perpetuate misperceptions
concerning serial murder and
impair law enforcement’s investigative efforts. It was decided
by a majority of the
attendees to issue a formal statement of position regarding the
media’s use of these types
of individuals. (The position statement is included in Section X
of this monograph.)
The relative rarity of serial murder combined with inaccurate,
anecdotal information
and fictional portrayals of serial killers has resulted in the
following common myths and
misconceptions regarding serial murder:
Myth: Serial killers are all dysfunctional loners.
The majority of serial killers are not reclusive, social misfits
who live alone. They are not
monsters and may not appear strange. Many serial killers hide
in plain sight within their
communities. Serial murderers often have families and homes,
are gainfully employed,
and appear to be normal members of the community. Because

25. many serial murderers
can blend in so effortlessly, they are oftentimes overlooked by
law enforcement and the
public.
• Robert Yates killed seventeen prostitutes in the Spokane,
Washington area, during the
1990s. He was married with five children, lived in a middle
class neighborhood, and
was a decorated U.S. Army National Guard helicopter pilot.
During the time period
of the murders, Yates routinely patronized prostitutes, and
several of his victims knew
each other. Yates buried one of his victims in his yard, beneath
his bedroom window.
Yates was eventually arrested and pled guilty to thirteen of the
murders.
• The Green River Killer, Gary Ridgeway, confessed to
killing 48 women over a
twenty-year time period in the Seattle, Washington area. He
had been married three
times and was still married at the time of his arrest. He was
employed as a truck
painter for thirty-two years. He attended church regularly, read
the Bible at home and
at work, and talked about religion with co-workers. Ridgeway
also frequently picked
up prostitutes and had sex with them throughout the time period
in which he was
killing.
3

26. • The BTK killer, Dennis Rader, killed ten victims in and
around Wichita, Kansas. He
sent sixteen written communications to the news media over a
thirty-year period,
taunting the police and the public. He was married with two
children, was a Boy Scout
leader, served honorably in the U.S. Air Force, was employed as
a local government
official, and was president of his church.
Myth: Serial killers are all white males.
Contrary to popular belief, serial killers span all racial groups.
There are white, African-
American, Hispanic, and Asian serial killers. The racial
diversification of serial killers
generally mirrors that of the overall U.S. population.
• Charles Ng, a native of Hong Kong, China, killed
numerous victims in Northern
California, in concert with Robert Lake.
• Derrick Todd Lee, an African-American, killed at least six
women in Baton Rouge,
Louisiana.
• Coral Eugene Watts, an African-American, killed five
victims in Michigan, fl ed the
state to avoid detection, and murdered another 12 victims in
Texas, before being

27. apprehended.
• Rafael Resendez-Ramirez, a native of Mexico, murdered
nine people in Kentucky,
Texas, and Illinois, before turning himself in.
• Rory Conde, a Colombian native, was responsible for six
prostitute homicides in the
Miami, Florida area.
Myth: Serial killers are only motivated by sex.
All serial murders are not sexually-based. There are many other
motivations for serial
murders including anger, thrill, financial gain, and attention
seeking.
• In the Washington, D.C. area serial sniper case, John Allen
Muhammad, a former
U.S. Army Staff Sergeant, and Lee Boyd Malvo killed primarily
for anger and thrill
motivations. They were able to terrorize the greater
Washington, D.C. metro area for
three weeks, shooting 13 victims, killing 10 of them. They
communicated with the
police by leaving notes, and they attempted to extort money to
stop the shootings.
They are suspected in a number of other shootings in seven
other states.
• Dr. Michael Swango, a former U.S. Marine, ambulance
worker, and physician, was a

28. health care employee. He was convicted of only four murders in
New York and Ohio,
although he is suspected of having poisoned and killed 35 to 50
people throughout the
United States and on the continent of Africa. Swango’s
motivation for the killings was
intrinsic and never fully identified. Interestingly, Swango kept a
scrap book fi lled with
newspaper and magazine clippings about natural disasters, in
which many people were
killed.
4
• Paul Reid killed at least seven people during fast food
restaurant robberies in
Tennessee. After gaining control of the victims, he either
stabbed or shot them. The
motivation for the murders was primarily witness elimination.
Reid’s purpose in
committing the robberies was financial gain, and some of the
ill-gotten gains were
used to purchase a car.
Myth: All serial murderers travel and operate interstate.
Most serial killers have very defined geographic areas of
operation. They conduct their
killings within comfort zones that are often defined by an
anchor point (e.g. place of
residence, employment, or residence of a relative). Serial
murderers will, at times, spiral
their activities outside of their comfort zone, when their

29. confidence has grown through
experience or to avoid detection. Very few serial murderers
travel interstate to kill.
The few serial killers who do travel interstate to kill fall into a
few categories:
• Itinerant individuals who move from place to place.
• Homeless individuals who are transients.
• Individuals whose employment lends itself to interstate or
transnational travel, such as
truck drivers or those in military service.
The difference between these types of offenders and other serial
murderers is the nature
of their traveling lifestyle, which provides them with many
zones of comfort in which to
operate.
Myth: Serial killers cannot stop killing.
It has been widely believed that once serial killers start killing,
they cannot stop. There
are, however, some serial killers who stop murdering altogether
before being caught.
In these instances, there are events or circumstances in
offenders’ lives that inhibit
them from pursuing more victims. These can include increased
participation in family
activities, sexual substitution, and other diversions.
• BTK killer, Dennis Rader, murdered ten victims from 1974
to 1991. He did not kill
any other victims prior to being captured in 2005. During

30. interviews conducted by
law enforcement, Rader admitted to engaging in auto-erotic
activities as a substitute
for his killings.
• Jeffrey Gorton killed his first victim in 1986 and his next
victim in 1991. He did not
kill another victim and was captured in 2002. Gorton engaged in
cross-dressing and
masturbatory activities, as well as consensual sex with his wife
in the interim.
Myth: All Serial killers are insane or are evil geniuses.
Another myth that exists is that serial killers have either a
debilitating mental condition,
or they are extremely clever and intelligent.
5
As a group, serial killers suffer from a variety of personality
disorders, including
psychopathy, anti-social personality, and others. Most,
however, are not adjudicated as
insane under the law.
The media has created a number of fictional serial killer
“geniuses”, who outsmart law
enforcement at every turn. Like other populations, however,
serial killers range in

31. intelligence from borderline to above average levels.
Myth: Serial killers want to get caught.
Offenders committing a crime for the first time are
inexperienced. They gain experience
and confidence with each new offense, eventually succeeding
with few mistakes or
problems.
While most serial killers plan their offenses more thoroughly
than other criminals, the
learning curve is still very steep. They must select, target,
approach, control, and dispose
of their victims. The logistics involved in committing a murder
and disposing of the
body can become very complex, especially when there are
multiple sites involved.
As serial killers continue to offend without being captured, they
can become empowered,
feeling they will never be identified. As the series continues,
the killers may begin to
take shortcuts when committing their crimes. This often causes
the killers to take more
chances, leading to identification by law enforcement. It is not
that serial killers want to
get caught; they feel that they can’t get caught.
6
7

32. II
Definition of Serial Murder
II. Definition of Serial Murder
In the past thirty years, multiple definitions of serial murder
have been used by law
enforcement, clinicians, academia, and researchers. While these
definitions do share
several common themes, they differ on specific requirements,
such as the number of
murders involved, the types of motivation, and the temporal
aspects of the murders. To
address these discrepancies, attendees at the Serial Murder
Symposium examined the
variations in order to develop a single definition for serial
murder.
Previous definitions of serial murder specified a certain number
of murders, varying from
two to ten victims. This quantitative requirement distinguished
a serial murder from
other categories of murder (i.e. single, double, or triple
murder).
Most of the definitions also required a period of time between
the murders. This break-
in-time was necessary to distinguish between a mass murder and
a serial murder. Serial
murder required a temporal separation between the different
murders, which was

33. described as: separate occasions, cooling-off period, and
emotional cooling-off period.
Generally, mass murder was described as a number of murders
(four or more) occurring
during the same incident, with no distinctive time period
between the murders. These
events typically involved a single location, where the killer
murdered a number of victims
in an ongoing incident (e.g. the 1984 San Ysidro McDonalds
incident in San Diego,
California; the 1991 Luby’s Restaurant massacre in Killeen,
Texas; and the 2007 Virginia
Tech murders in Blacksburg, Virginia).
There has been at least one attempt to formalize a definition of
serial murder through
legislation. In 1998, a federal law was passed by the United
States Congress, titled:
Protection of Children from Sexual Predator Act of 1998 (Title
18, United States Code,
Chapter 51, and Section 1111). This law includes a definition of
serial killings:
The term ‘serial killings’ means a series of three or more
killings, not less than one of
which was committed within the United States, having common
characteristics such as to
suggest the reasonable possibility that the crimes were
committed by the same actor or
actors.
Although the federal law provides a definition of serial murder,
it is limited in its
application. The purpose of this definition was to set forth
criteria establishing when the

34. FBI could assist local law enforcement agencies with their
investigation of serial murder
cases. It was not intended to be a generic definition for serial
murder.
The Symposium attendees reviewed the previous definitions and
extensively discussed
the pros and cons of the numerous variations. The consensus of
the Symposium
attendees was to create a simple but broad definition, designed
for use primarily by law
enforcement.
One discussion topic focused on the determination of the
number of murders that
constituted a serial murder. Academicians and researchers were
interested in establishing
a specific number of murders, to allow clear inclusion criteria
for their research on serial
8
killers. However, since the definition was to be utilized by law
enforcement, a lower
number of victims would allow law enforcement more
flexibility in committing resources
to a potential serial murder investigation.
Motivation was another central element discussed in various
definitions; however, attendees
felt motivation did not belong in a general definition, as it
would make the defi nition overly
complex.

35. The validity of spree murder as a separate category was
discussed at great length. The
general definition of spree murder is two or more murders
committed by an offender
or offenders, without a cooling-off period. According to the
definition, the lack of a
cooling-off period marks the difference between a spree murder
and a serial murder.
Central to the discussion was the definitional problems relating
to the concept of a
cooling-off period. Because it creates arbitrary guidelines, the
confusion surrounding this
concept led the majority of attendees to advocate disregarding
the use of spree murder
as a separate category. The designation does not provide any
real benefit for use by law
enforcement.
The different discussion groups at the Symposium agreed on a
number of similar factors to
be included in a definition. These included:
• one or more offenders
• two or more murdered victims
• incidents should be occurring in separate events, at different
times
• the time period between murders separates serial murder from
mass murder
In combining the various ideas put forth at the Symposium, the
following defi nition was
crafted:
Serial Murder: The unlawful killing of two or more victims by
the same offender(s),

36. in separate events.
9
10
III
Causality and the
Serial Murderer
III. Causality and the Serial Murderer
Following the arrest of a serial killer, the question is always
asked: How did this person
become a serial murderer? The answer lies in the development
of the individual from
birth to adulthood. Specifically, the behavior a person displays
is influenced by life
experiences, as well as certain biological factors. Serial
murderers, like all human
beings, are the product of their heredity, their upbringing, and
the choices they make
throughout development. Causality, as it relates to the
development of serial murderers,
was discussed at length by the Symposium attendees.
Causality can be defined as a complex process based on

37. biological, social, and
environmental factors. In addition to these factors, individuals
have the ability to choose
to engage in certain behaviors. The collective outcome of all of
these infl uences separates
individual behavior from generic human behavior. Since it is
not possible to identify all
of the factors that influence normal human behavior, it similarly
is not possible to identify
all of the factors that influence an individual to become a serial
murderer.
Human beings are in a constant state of development from the
moment of conception
until death. Behavior is affected by stimulation received and
processed by the central
nervous system. Neurobiologists believe that our nervous
systems are environmentally
sensitive, thereby allowing individual nervous systems to be
shaped throughout a
lifetime.
The development of social coping mechanisms begins early in
life and continues to
progress as children learn to interact, negotiate, and
compromise with their peers. In
some individuals the failure to develop adequate coping
mechanisms results in violent
behavior.
Neglect and abuse in childhood have been shown to contribute
to an increased risk of
future violence. Substance abuse can and does lead to increased
aggression and violence.
There are documented cases of people who suffered severe head
injuries and ultimately

38. become violent, even when there was no prior history of
violence.
Symposium attendees agreed that there is no single identifiable
cause or factor that
leads to the development of a serial killer. Rather, there are a
multitude of factors that
contribute to their development. The most signifi cant factor is
the serial killer’s personal
decision in choosing to pursue their crimes.
There were several additional observations made by the
attendees regarding causality:
• Predisposition to serial killing, much like other violent
offenses, is biological, social,
and psychological in nature, and it is not limited to any specific
characteristic or trait.
• The development of a serial killer involves a combination
of these factors, which
exist together in a rare confluence in certain individuals. They
have the appropriate
biological predisposition, molded by their psychological
makeup, which is present at a
critical time in their social development.
11
• There are no specific combinations of traits or characteristics
shown to differentiate serial
killers from other violent offenders.

39. • There is no generic template for a serial killer.
• Serial killers are driven by their own unique motives or
reasons.
• Serial killers are not limited to any specific demographic
group, such as their sex,
age, race, or religion.
• The majority of serial killers who are sexually motivated
erotized violence during
development. For them, violence and sexual gratification are
inexplicably intertwined
in their psyche.
• More research is needed to identify specific pathways of
development that produce
serial killers.
12
13
IV
Psychopathy and
Serial Murder

40. IV. Psychopathy and Serial Murder
Attendees at the Serial Murder Symposium agreed that there is
no generic profile of a
serial murderer. Serial killers differ in many ways, including
their motivations for killing
and their behavior at the crime scene. However, attendees did
identify certain traits
common to some serial murderers, including sensation seeking,
a lack of remorse or guilt,
impulsivity, the need for control, and predatory behavior.
These traits and behaviors
are consistent with the psychopathic personality disorder.
Attendees felt it was very
important for law enforcement and other professionals in the
criminal justice system to
understand psychopathy and its relationship to serial murder.
Psychopathy is a personality disorder manifested in people who
use a mixture of
charm, manipulation, intimidation, and occasionally violence to
control others, in
order to satisfy their own selfish needs. Although the concept of
psychopathy has been
known for centuries, Dr. Robert Hare led the modern research
effort to develop a series
of assessment tools, to evaluate the personality traits and
behaviors attributable to
psychopaths.
Dr. Hare and his associates developed the Psychopathy Check
List Revised (PCL-R)
and its derivatives, which provide a clinical assessment of the
degree of psychopathy an
individual possesses. These instruments measure the distinct
cluster of personality traits

41. and socially-deviant behaviors of an individual, which fall into
four factors: interpersonal,
affective, lifestyle, and anti-social.
The interpersonal traits include glibness, superficial charm, a
grandiose sense of self-
worth, pathological lying, and the manipulation of others. The
affective traits include
a lack of remorse and/or guilt, shallow affect, a lack of
empathy, and failure to accept
responsibility. The lifestyle behaviors include stimulation-
seeking behavior, impulsivity,
irresponsibility, parasitic orientation, and a lack of realistic life
goals. The anti-social
behaviors include poor behavioral controls, early childhood
behavior problems, juvenile
delinquency, revocation of conditional release, and criminal
versatility. The combination
of these individual personality traits, interpersonal styles, and
socially deviant lifestyles
are the framework of psychopathy and can manifest themselves
differently in individual
psychopaths.
Research has demonstrated that in those offenders who are
psychopathic, scores vary,
ranging from a high degree of psychopathy to some measure of
psychopathy. However,
not all violent offenders are psychopaths and not all
psychopaths are violent offenders.
If violent offenders are psychopathic, they are able to assault,
rape, and murder without
concern for legal, moral, or social consequences. This allows
them to do what they want,
whenever they want.

42. The relationship between psychopathy and serial killers is
particularly interesting. All
psychopaths do not become serial murderers. Rather, serial
murderers may possess some
or many of the traits consistent with psychopathy. Psychopaths
who commit serial murder
do not value human life and are extremely callous in their
interactions with their victims.
This is particularly evident in sexually motivated serial killers
who repeatedly target, stalk,
assault, and kill without a sense of remorse. However,
psychopathy alone does not explain
the motivations of a serial killer.
14
Understanding psychopathy becomes particularly critical to law
enforcement during a
serial murder investigation and upon the arrest of a
psychopathic serial killer. The crime
scene behavior of psychopaths is likely to be distinct from other
offenders. This distinct
behavior can assist law enforcement in linking serial cases.
Psychopaths are not sensitive to altruistic interview themes,
such as sympathy for their
victims or remorse/guilt over their crimes. They do possess
certain personality traits that
can be exploited, particularly their inherent narcissism,
selfishness, and vanity. Specific
themes in past successful interviews of psychopathic serial
killers focused on praising
their intelligence, cleverness, and skill in evading capture.

43. Attendees recognized that more research is needed concerning
the links between serial
murder and psychopathy, in order to understand the frequency
and degree of psychopathy
among serial murderers. This may assist law enforcement in
understanding and
identifying serial murderers.
15
16
V
Motivations and Types of
Serial Murder:
The Symposium Model
V. Motivations and Types of Serial Murder: The Symposium
Model
Over the past twenty years, law enforcement and experts from a
number of varying
disciplines have attempted to identify specific motivations for
serial murderers and to

44. apply those motivations to different typologies developed for
classifying serial murderers.
These range from simple, definitive models to complex,
multiple-category typologies
that are laden with inclusion requirements. Most typologies are
too cumbersome to be
utilized by law enforcement during an active serial murder
investigation, and they may
not be helpful in identifying an offender.
The attendees at the Symposium discussed the issues
surrounding motivation and the
use of typologies to categorize varying types of serial murder.
Identifying motivations
in the investigation of a crime is a standard procedure for law
enforcement. Typically,
motivation provides police with the means to narrow the
potential suspect pool.
The same logical steps are taken when investigating homicide
cases. As most homicides
are committed by someone known to the victim, police focus on
the relationships closest
to the victim. This is a successful strategy for most murder
investigations. The majority
of serial murderers, however, are not acquainted with or
involved in a consensual
relationship with their victims.
For the most part, serial murder involves strangers with no
visible relationship between
the offender and the victim. This distinguishes a serial murder
investigation as a more
nebulous undertaking than that of other crimes. Since the
investigations generally lack an
obvious connection between the offender and the victim,

45. investigators instead attempt to
discern the motivations behind the murders, as a way to narrow
their investigative focus.
Serial murder crime scenes can have bizarre features that may
cloud the identifi cation of
a motive. The behavior of a serial murderer at crime scenes may
evolve throughout the
series of crimes and manifest different interactions between an
offender and a victim. It
is also extremely difficult to identify a single motivation when
there is more than one
offender involved in the series.
The attendees at the Symposium made the following
observations:
• Motive generally may be difficult to determine in a serial
murder investigation.
•
•
throughout the murder series.
• The classification of motivations should be limited to
observable behavior at the crime
scene.
• Even if a motive can be identifi
• Utilizing investigative resources to discern the motive instead
of identifying the
A serial murderer may have multiple motives for committing his
crimes.

46. A serial murderer’s motives may evolve both within a single
murder as well
ed, it may not be helpful in identifying a serial murderer.
offender may derail the investigation.
17
• Investigators should not necessarily equate a serial murderer’s
motivation with the
level of injury.
• Regardless of the motive, serial murderers commit their
crimes because they want to.
The exception to this would be those few killers suffering from
a severe mental illness.
To assist law enforcement in narrowing the pool of suspects,
attendees at the Symposium
suggested that broad, non-inclusive categories of motivations be
utilized as guidelines for
investigation. The following categories listed below represent
general categories and are
not intended to be a complete measure of serial offenders or
their motivation:
• Anger is a motivation in which an offender displays rage
or hostility towards a certain
subgroup of the population or with society as a whole.

47. • Criminal Enterprise is a motivation in which the offender
benefits in status or
monetary compensation by committing murder that is drug,
gang, or organized crime
related.
• Financial gain is a motivation in which the offender
benefits monetarily from killing.
Examples of these types of crimes are “black widow” killings,
robbery homicides, or
multiple killings involving insurance or welfare fraud.
• Ideology is a motivation to commit murders in order to
further the goals and ideas
of a specific individual or group. Examples of these include
terrorist groups or an
individual(s) who attacks a specific racial, gender, or ethnic
group.
• Power/thrill is a motivation in which the offender feels
empowered and/or excited
when he kills his victims.
• Psychosis is a situation in which the offender is suffering
from a severe mental
illness and is killing because of that illness. This may include
auditory and/or visual
hallucinations and paranoid, grandiose, or bizarre delusions.

48. • Sexually-based is a motivation driven by the sexual
needs/desires of the offender.
There may or may not be overt sexual contact reflected in the
crime scene.
An offender selects a victim, regardless of the category, based
upon availability,
vulnerability, and desirability. Availability is explained as the
lifestyle of the victim
or circumstances in which the victim is involved, that allow the
offender access to the
victim. Vulnerability is defined as the degree to which the
victim is susceptible to attack
by the offender. Desirability is described as the appeal of the
victim to the offender.
Desirability involves numerous factors based upon the
motivation of the offender and
may include factors dealing with the race, gender, ethnic
background, age of the victim,
or other specific preferences the offender determines.
18
VI
Investigative Issues and
Best Practices

49. VI. Investigative Issues and Best Practices
Attendees at the Symposium identified successful investigative
practices for solving
serial murder cases. These factors were central to the
discussions:
• Identification of a Serial Murder Series
• Leadership
• Task Force Organization
• Resource Augmentation
• Communication
• Data Management
• Analytical Tools
• Medical Examiners/Coroners
• Administrative Issues
• Training
• Offi cer Assistance Programs
Identification
Symposium participants listed the initial identification of a
homicide series as the primary
investigative challenge. Historically, the first indication that a
serial murderer was at
work was when two or more cases were linked by forensic or
behavioral evidence.
Identifying a homicide series is easier in rapidly-developing,
high profile cases involving
low risk victims. These cases are reported to law enforcement
upon discovery of the
crimes and draw immediate media attention.

50. In contrast, identifying a series involving high risk victims in
multiple jurisdictions is
much more difficult. This is primarily due to the high risk
lifestyle and transitory nature
of the victims. Additionally, the lack of communication between
law enforcement
agencies and differing records management systems impede the
linkage of cases to a
common offender.
Attendees stressed the importance of law enforcement
networking with other
investigative agencies and cited the National Law Enforcement
Teletype System
(NLETS) messages, ViCAP Alerts, and the Law Enforcement
Online (LEO) website as
alternative mechanisms for sharing information to help
determine other linked cases. The
use of the FBI’s NCAVC, both the Behavioral Analysis Units
and the Violent Criminal
Apprehension Program, in linking potential cases was also
encouraged.
Leadership
High profile investigations present a multitude of leadership
challenges for law
enforcement, from investigators to police executives. Law
enforcement personnel
may face external pressures from political entities, victims’
families, and the media.
Collectively, strong management throughout the chain of
command must continually
reinforce the supreme goal of the investigation: To arrest and
prosecute the offender.

51. 20
Attendees at the Symposium agreed that in successful serial
murder investigations, the
roles of both investigators and supervisors were clearly
delineated. The investigative
function is the primary mission, and all other activities are in
support of that mission.
In serial murder cases, the actual investigation should be
directed by competent, homicide
investigators, who have the experience to direct and focus the
investigative process. Law
enforcement administrators should not run the investigation but
rather ensure that the
investigators have the resources to do their job. Supervisors
should also act as buffers
between investigators and the other levels of command.
There are several other strategies law enforcement executives
may consider while
preparing for these intense investigations:
• Completing Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs)
between different law
enforcement agencies, in order to obtain mutual support
agreements and commitment
of manpower, resources, and overtime.

52. • Identifying all resources that may be needed during the
investigation and maintaining
detailed lists of available resources.
• Establishing good working relationships with other
departments prior to the crisis,
through networking, scheduled meetings, and joint training.
• Providing training opportunities in the latest techniques
and methods of homicide
investigation.
Additional observations regarding leadership in task force
operations include:
• Communication on administrative issues should be
restricted to management personnel
of the various agencies, so as not to distract investigators.
• The intense pressure in high profile investigations may at
times decrease logical
decision making. Tunnel vision and impulsivity should be
avoided.
• Law enforcement administration in each of the
participating law enforcement agencies
should present a unified front by agreeing to a written
investigative strategy that

53. outlines the investigative goals, the roles of the agencies, and
establishes a clear and
concise chain of command.
• Command staff should focus on providing and managing
the resources investigators
need to solve the case, rather than directing the investigation. A
major problem
identified by attendees at the Symposium was the issue of
micro-management. When
a supervisor attempts to personally direct every action in an
investigation, rather than
allowing investigators to perform their jobs independently, they
exacerbate problems in
these high profile investigations.
• While law enforcement attracts positive individuals with
strong personalities,
management should encourage all involved personnel to leave
their “egos” at the
door. This ensures that personality differences among
investigators do not become a
distraction to the investigation. Investigators who lack the
ability to collaborate with
21
colleagues can hinder the investigation and should not be
assigned to investigative

54. teams.
Task Force Organization
Once a serial murder series has been identified, it is important
for the involved law
enforcement agencies to work together. There are a number of
operational and
investigative issues critical to the successful establishment of
an investigative task force.
Initially, a lead agency for the task force should be designated
and will assume the
primary investigative role. The choice of a lead agency is based
upon a number of factors
including the number and viability of the cases, available
resources, and investigative
experience. Once established, all law enforcement agencies
involved in the investigation
should have representation in the task force. Any outlying
agencies should also be
included, even if they do not have an identified case in the
investigation.
An effective and reliable investigative model identifies a lead
investigator and co-
investigator, who, regardless of rank, are given complete
control of the investigation.
These investigators review all incoming information, collate the
information, and assign
leads. If the flow of incoming information becomes
unmanageable due to an excessive
influx of investigative tips, the lead investigators can delegate
this responsibility to
an experienced investigator, who will act as a lead control offi
cer. Administrators

55. must look beyond the traditional method of assigning the next
available investigators
regardless of skill or assigning investigators who have no desire
to be involved in a major
case. Consequently, law enforcement administrators must assign
the most qualified
investigator(s) to lead the current case.
The lead investigator(s) must have the experience, dedication,
and tenacity to direct all
aspects of the investigation. They should also, with
management’s support, have the
ability to select a cadre of investigators and support personnel
and assign such personnel
as the investigation dictates. In serial murder investigations, the
lead investigators must
handle all crime scene activities and related leads, as each
incident may be interwoven.
It is the responsibility of the lead investigators or the lead
control investigator to ensure
relevant information is distributed to the entire task force.
At the onset of the task force, the lead investigators should
immediately implement
a preplanned task force model. Common to most models is the
need to establish an
information management system to track tips and leads in the
case. This computer
system should account for the idiosyncrasies of the
investigation while being flexible
enough to handle any contingency. All personnel should be
familiar with its operation,
and it should be pre-tested to insure viability in investigative
conditions.
Primary to the investigation is sufficient manpower to

56. successfully investigate
and prosecute the case. The overwhelming consensus from the
attendees is that
the assignment of excessive numbers of personnel to the
investigation may be
counterproductive. A small group of experienced homicide
investigators, under the
direction of the lead investigator(s), is far more effective than a
large number of less
experienced investigators or investigators who are experienced
in different areas of
criminal activity. Additional personnel may be brought in for
specific tasks as necessary.
22
There should be a bifurcation of responsibility between the
administration of the case and
the investigation of the case. The task of running the
investigation is the responsibility
of the lead investigator. The administration provides all of the
necessary support,
including procurement of equipment, funding, and manpower.
As an example, task force
administrators must obtain authority for priority requests for
services, from the forensic
laboratory and other service providers. The lead investigator(s)
and the administrators
of the task force must have a close, cooperative working
relationship, while maintaining
their own areas of responsibility.
Assignment of liaison personnel in serial homicide cases is

57. highly recommended. The
highest priority is the families of the victims, who will be
supportive of the investigative
efforts, when they believe the investigators are competent and
all available resources
are being used to identify and arrest the offender. An
investigator with exceptional
interpersonal and communication skills should be assigned to
maintain constant contact
with the families, keeping them apprised of the progress of the
investigation and any
pending press releases.
Liaison must also be maintained with the numerous support
entities both inside and
outside the task force including the prosecutor’s office, the
forensic laboratory, the
medical examiner’s office, and surrounding law enforcement
agencies. Additionally, a
list of available experts in specific forensic and related fields
should be compiled and
liaison established for use in the investigation. As long as the
flow of information is
manageable, one individual can be assigned to multiple liaison
duties.
Resource Augmentation
As the investigation continues, the manpower requirements of
the task force will increase
for various reasons, including increasing the number of
investigators and support staff.
Restraint must be practiced by task force administrators to
avoid the use of excess
personnel. As previously discussed, the use of fewer personnel
may be more effective.

58. The lead investigator is in the best position to recognize when
additional personnel are
needed. The administrator’s responsibility is to provide the
authority for the permanent
or temporary reassignment of the requested number of personnel
to the task force.
If additional personnel are needed to expand the task force, the
reassignment should
be for the duration of the task force, to insure continuity of
investigative information.
However, for short term needs such as a specific neighborhood
canvass or road block
canvass, personnel can be reassigned temporarily to complete
the specific task and then
be returned to their normal duties.
In either event, the arrival of new personnel should be
preplanned and a detailed
case briefing provided. This briefing should include an
explanation of their specific
assignment, their work hours, details of the investigation as it
applies to their assignment,
expected standards for report completion, and a complete list of
contact numbers.
Additionally, personnel should be cautioned about discussing
case sensitive information
with anyone outside of authorized law enforcement personnel.
23
Arbitrary rotation of personnel should be avoided, as it
negatively affects the continuity

59. of the investigation. Rotation of personnel should only occur if
requested by the
investigator, or there are officer assistance issues. If the task
force is disbanded and later
reinstated, the original investigators should be utilized.
Communications
Attendees stressed the importance of disseminating information
to the investigators
engaged in a serial murder investigation through the following:
• Daily briefings are essential for investigators, especially when
there are different
work shifts. Periodic summary briefings are also necessary for
managers and
patrol officers. These can be accomplished via e-mails or at roll
call and should be
conducted by investigative personnel.
• Communication on the operational level is paramount,
especially in task force
investigations and when serial murder cases involve multiple
states. As all
information must be shared seamlessly, teleconferences may not
sufficiently allow for
the flow of information. Face-to-face case briefings are
suggested.
• Submitting ViCAP reports on solved and unsolved murders,
attempted murders, and
sexual assaults for inclusion in the ViCAP database is strongly
recommended and may
facilitate the linkage of unknown related cases for law
enforcement agencies.

60. Data Management
A common problem in serial investigations occurs when data is
not entered into the
electronic database in a timely manner. Useful leads are lost
when investigators are
overloaded with information. The following suggestions were
provided regarding data
management issues:
• In order to avoid time lags, reports should be written as
soon as the investigative lead
is completed. If reports are not finished before the end of the
investigator’s shift, the
lead investigator(s) may not have time to review those reports.
This will lead to a
back-log of reports, containing pertinent and timely
investigative information.
• Sufficient time should be allocated during work shifts to
complete reports.
• Information should be obtained, documented, and
distributed in a standardized
manner, to maintain consistency among different agencies.
Ideally, reports should be
computer generated to ease the communication issues.
• Systems similar to the FBI’s Rapid Start computerized
case management
system should be utilized, to effectively organize and collate
lead information.
Computerized systems promote the analysis of a tremendous
amount of data. There
should be sufficient personnel committed to ensure that data is
recorded into the

61. system, in a timely manner.
24
• A murder book or series of murder books should be created
and maintained. Murder
books contain all of the pertinent investigative information and
are traditionally in
paper format but can also be developed electronically.
• All rough notes should be maintained and entered into
evidence.
• Reports should be distributed to all participating law
enforcement agencies and the
prosecutor’s office.
Analytical Tools
The wide range of analytical resources available to law
enforcement agencies is typically
under-utilized at the onset of a serial murder investigation. Due
to the voluminous
amount of information characteristic of high profile
investigations, critical lead
information may be lost. The implementation of a tested and
reliable case management
system, as previously discussed, coupled with competent
analytical staff, is imperative in
serial murder investigations.
Crime analysts offer critical support to the investigation by

62. developing timelines
on victims and suspects, compiling matrices to highlight similar
case elements,
and providing general analytical support. Analysts should be
assigned to the initial
investigation group, so information can be sorted, compared,
and charted to provide
timely lead information.
It is recommended that a review team of experienced
investigators be formed to assist the
lead investigator(s) in filtering through the information
gathered by analysts. The team
should consist of two to four investigators from within the
involved agencies, as well as
the crime analysts. The team must remain intact throughout the
investigation, to maintain
the case integrity.
Many agencies are not supported by an actual crime analysis
unit or do not employ
experienced analysts. In such cases, the agency should contact
their neighboring
jurisdictions or the FBI’s National Center for the Analysis of
Violent Crime for
assistance.
Symposium attendees also discussed the importance of the
behavioral aspects of the
investigation and recommended the FBI’s Behavioral Analysis
Unit be utilized for the
multitude of services it provides to include crime scene
analysis, offender profi les, case
linkage analysis, interview strategies, and prosecution strategy.
The case consultations
can be conducted at the BAU office in Quantico, Virginia, or a

63. team of BAU staff
members can respond to the respective agency, to personally
view the crime scenes and
discuss the behavioral issues with the pertinent task force
members.
Medical Examiners/Coroners
A thorough autopsy and the subsequent collection of evidence
are critical in serial murder
investigations. Medical examiners and coroners operate
according to their different state
mandates and vary as to the thoroughness of their
investigations. Consistent procedures
25
to collect, record, and retrieve case information are important in
linking cases in other
jurisdictions.
The following recommendations were made concerning medical
examiners in serial
murder investigations:
• Medical examiners should share information on autopsies
in potentially related cases.
Joint meetings with investigators can provide additional
background information on
these cases.
• A single medical examiner should be utilized in serial
cases occurring within the same

64. jurisdiction.
• Once a series has been identified that involves several
jurisdictions, the various
medical examiner offices may consider performing joint autopsy
procedures to ensure
continuity in evidence collection.
• Investigators should also ensure submissions of all
unidentified victims to the FBI
Laboratory’s National Missing Persons DNA database.
• Investigators should also ensure the entry of unidentified
remains recovered into the
National Crime Information Center (NCIC) and ViCAP.
Administrative Issues
Law enforcement agencies should review their current
administrative policies relating
to maintenance and storage of unsolved homicide case
materials. Top priority should be
given to these cases by extending the storage time limit and may
include the following:
• Mirror the FBI’s NCAVC 50-year minimum mandate to
keep copies of all unsolved
cases.
• Retain records of unsolved homicide cases and the
accompanying evidence until the
case is closed.
• Records should be electronically converted.

65. • Evidence storage should be available for long term storage
of forensic evidence in
murder cases.
• Submit cases to the FBI’s ViCAP database, which
maintains case information
indefi nitely.
Resources and Finances
It is essential that an investigative agency have the resources
available in order to
establish the initial setup for a task force, both from financial
and logistic perspectives.
26
There should be a contingency plan in place to handle the
resource issues in a major
investigation. Buildings, office space, computers, phones,
vehicles, food, and other
necessities should be considered in the plan.
Utilizing non-law enforcement agencies, such as the fire
department for use of their high-
tech equipment, may also be included in the plan. It was
recommended that agencies
develop emergency response plans and establish MOU’s at the

66. local, state, and national
level.
Training
Training continues to be an issue for all law enforcement
departments. Complex
homicide investigations, especially those involving serial
murder cases, depend upon the
experience and abilities of investigators to effectively conduct
the investigation. With the
retirement of many experienced homicide investigators, newer
investigators need training
and exposure to a wide range of investigative techniques.
Attendees also suggested
the utilization of standardized training for homicide
investigators, crime analysts, and
medical examiners.
Offi cer Assistance Programs
The brutality of the crime scenes; the senseless, repetitive acts
inflicted on the victims;
and a sense of helplessness in failing to catch the offender are
all factors that may impact
the emotional well-being of investigators involved in a serial
murder case. Burnout,
stress, and hopelessness are just some of the feelings that may
affect members of the
investigative team.
To combat these issues, attendees suggested the following:
• Regular debriefings.
• Access to critical incident counselors.

67. • Mental health evaluations upon request.
• Adequate time off for investigators.
NOTE: The majority of attendees agreed there should be a
published, general guide
to serial murder investigations, building upon the Multi-Agency
Investigative Team
Manual (MAIT) and addressing specific issues such as
cooperative investigative
models; investigative methods; case linkage; crime scene
techniques; MOUs;
training for police, medical examiners, and crime analysts; the
role of regional
intelligence centers; the integration of BAU and ViCAP; and the
role of federal law
enforcement.
27
28
VII
Forensic Issues in
Serial Murder Cases

68. VII. Forensic Issues in Serial Murder Cases
The forensic sciences have played a key role in criminal
investigations for many years.
Recently, there has been increased attention on the forensic
sciences by law enforcement,
prosecutors, and the general public. Particularly in high profile
cases, intense media
coverage concerning evidence issues and the work of crime
laboratories has served to
heighten this interest.
In the past two decades, there have been tremendous
technological advances in the
laboratory testing of forensic samples. There have also been a
number of improvements
in the identification and collection of evidence at the crime
scene, through innovative
processing and evidence collection methods. Together, these
advances allow for a greater
probability of successful recovery and analysis of evidence than
was previously possible.
There is also growing recognition by criminal justice
professionals of the wider scope of
forensic techniques and available tests.
The field of forensic deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) analysis and
the legislation that allows
DNA testing on a broader number of offenders has made some
of the more remarkable
advances. DNA testing now allows much smaller samples of
biological material to be
analyzed and the results to be more discriminating. DNA testing
of forensic crime scene
samples can now be compared against a database of known
offenders and other unsolved

69. crimes.
Forensic laboratories have developed advanced analytical
techniques through the use
of computer technology. Systems such as the Combined DNA
Index System (CODIS),
various Automated Fingerprint Identification Systems (AFIS),
and the National Integrated
Ballistics Identification Network (NIBIN), were identified by
the symposium as beneficial
to serial murder investigations, by providing links between
previously unrelated cases.
CODIS is a national automated DNA information processing
and telecommunications
system that was developed to link biological evidence (DNA) in
criminal cases, between
various jurisdictions around the United States. Samples in
CODIS include DNA profiles
obtained from persons convicted of designated crimes, DNA
profiles obtained from
crime scenes, DNA profiles from unidentified human remains,
and DNA from voluntary
samples taken from families of missing persons.
29
30
The CODIS data bank of these samples is comprised of three
different indices or levels:
the National DNA Index System (NDIS), the State DNA Index
System (SDIS), and the

70. Local DNA Index System (LDIS).
What is important for law enforcement to understand is that the
information contained
at the LDIS and SDIS levels may not automatically be sent to,
or searched against, the
NDIS level. There are different legislation requirements for
inclusion into NDIS, than to
LDIS or SDIS, and not all LDIS and SDIS profi les are sent to
NDIS. Even when NDIS is
queried, individual SDIS data banks may not be queried.
Therefore, when dealing with a
serial murder case, investigators need to contact their LDIS or
SDIS level representatives
to ensure that in addition to the NDIS databank, samples are
compared in the individual
SDIS data banks of each state that is of investigative interest.
In cases where there is
only a partial DNA profi le, a national “keyboard” search can be
requested through the
NDIS custodian, CODIS Unit, FBI Laboratory.
AFIS is an electronic databank that compares unidentifi ed
latent and patent fi ngerprints to
the known fi ngerprint fi le. There have been a variety of local
AFIS systems in use since
the 1980s. In 1999, the FBI’s Integrated Automated Fingerprint
Identifi cation System,
or IAFIS, became operational. IAFIS is designated as the
national repository of criminal
histories, fi ngerprints, and photographs of criminal subjects in
the United States. It also
contains fi ngerprints and information on military and civilian
federal employees. IAFIS

71. provides positive identification through comparisons of
individuals based on the submis-
sion of fingerprint data, through both ten-print fingerprint cards
and latent fingerprints.
Some of the earlier AFIS systems were not compatible with the
IAFIS system, and as a
result, those earlier latent fingerprints may not be included in
IAFIS. This becomes an
issue in serial murder cases, when the offender committed
offenses prior to the inception
of IAFIS, as latent fingerprints from those earlier crimes will
not be searchable. If there
is a possibility the offender committed early crimes, the early
AFIS systems need to be
queried independently. Consultation with laboratory fingerprint
experts may be necessary
in order to establish what AFIS systems exist, which are
interoperable, and the protocols
required to query each system.
NIBIN is a national databank of both projectile and cartridge
information. NIBIN is
the integration of two previous systems: the FBI’s Drugfire
cartridge case imaging
system and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and
Explosives’ (ATF) Integrated
Ballistic Identification System (IBIS). NIBIN is an imaging
system that allows both
bullets and cartridges recovered from a crime scene to be
compared electronically against
other bullets and cartridges recovered from previous crime
scenes, in an effort to link
previously unrelated cases. The system can search by
geographic area or nationwide,

72. depending upon the course of the investigation. ATF is
maintaining the new system in
over 75 locations, across the United States.
When conducting serial murder investigations, it is important
for investigators to
promptly seek guidance from appropriate forensic database
experts. Such experts can
provide information regarding what limitations exist and what
additional queries can be
made of the systems, to obtain additional investigative
information.
Another area in which forensic science can play an important
role is in the recovery and
examination of trace evidence. Trace evidence is described as
small, often microscopic
material. It commonly includes hair and fiber evidence but may
encompass almost any
substance or material. Trace evidence may provide important
lead information pertaining
to offender characteristics, vehicle and tire descriptors, and
environmental clues that
relate to killing scenes and modes of transportation used to
move bodies.
A skilled trace evidence examiner can compare the trace
evidence from all of the victims
in a serial murder case, in an effort to identify evidence
common to all of the victims.
This trace evidence will reflect a “common environment” with
which all of the victims
were in contact. This common environment will repeat in
objects in the serial offender’s
world, such as his vehicles and/or residence. This can
demonstrate that all of the victims

73. had contact with the offender at the same location(s).
Attendees at the Serial Murder Symposium universally
acknowledged that serial
murder cases present unique circumstances and concerns,
particularly when multiple
investigative jurisdictions are involved. In serial murder cases,
crime scenes may occur
in different law enforcement jurisdictions, each of whom may
possess varying resources
and abilities to process crime scenes. In some cases, agencies
submit evidence to
different laboratories, even though those agencies are located
adjacent to one another.
These issues degrade the ability of law enforcement to
consistently collect evidence
31
from a murder series. This may prevent identifying a serial
killer or forensically linking
previously unrelated cases to a common offender.
Attendees identified a number of forensic issues facing the law
enforcement community
in serial murder investigations and made the following
suggestions:
• Once a series is identified, the same crime scene personnel
should be utilized at
related scenes to promote consistency in evidence identification
and collection.
Search personnel should follow established sterilization

74. procedures to ensure there is
no cross-contamination between the various crime scenes.
•
process crime scenes than those used to collect known sample
evidence from potential
suspects.
• Documentation among the law enforcement agencies should be
standardized to ensure
continuity between separate cases.
• Aerial photographs of every murder crime scene, as well as
the accompanying
ancillary scenes, should be taken. Aerial photographs clearly
depict the geography
of the area and demonstrate the physical relationships and the
distances between the
crime scenes. They also identify potential routes of ingress and
egress to the area.
• The number of laboratories and experts involved in serial
murder investigations
should be limited to properly certified facilities and personnel.
expert per discipline. If this is not possible, establish lines of
communication between
laboratories to ensure the sharing of pertinent information
related to the investigation.
• Priority status for laboratory examinations should be obtained
to ensure a quick turn
around on test results.
• When consulting with forensic scientists, investigators should
prioritize forensic

75. examinations based upon their potential investigative value. In
addition, forensic
scientists should be consulted frequently to identify alternative
sampling and/or
testing that may lead to successful case resolution.
• Forensic testimony should be limited to what is needed for
successful prosecution.
Utilization of charts, graphs, or other appropriate audiovisual
aides showing forensic
linkages will clearly and succinctly convey the facts of the
cases.
•
laboratory results. This may be somewhat problematic, since
there are crime
laboratories that will not duplicate forensic examinations.
sometimes made to this policy on a case-by-case basis.
Cross-contamination should be proactively prevented by using
different personnel to
Ideally, all evidence
should be examined by a single crime laboratory, and that lab
should utilize only one
When necessary, investigators should seek independent,
secondary reviews of
However, exceptions are
32

76. The unique combination of different hair and fiber evidence
yielded the “common
environment” to which all of the victims and the offender were
exposed.
Latent fi ngerprints belonging to Kristin Lisk were located on
the inside of the trunk lid of
Evonitz’s car, fi ve years after the fact.
Forensic evidence case vignette:
The case of serial child murderer Richard Mark Evonitz
highlights the variety of forensic
testing that may be utilized to solve difficult cases. In 1996 and
1997, in Spotsylvania
County, Virginia, three young girls were abducted from their
residences, sexually
assaulted, and killed. The fi rst case occurred on September 9,
1996, when Sophia Silva
disappeared from the front porch of her house. She was found
in October of 1996, in a
swamp, 16 miles from her residence. A suspect was arrested
and charged for her murder,
based on a faulty trace evidence examination conducted by a
state laboratory.
On May 1, 1997, two sisters, Kristin and Kati Lisk, disappeared
from their residence
after returning home from school. Their bodies were discovered
fi ve days later in a river,
40 miles from their residence. After an examination by an FBI
Laboratory Examiner
yielded trace evidence that positively linked the Silva and Lisk
homicides to a common
environment, the suspect arrested in the Silva case was
subsequently released.

77. The investigation continued for an additional five years, until a
girl was abducted in
South Carolina. The victim was able to escape, and she identifi
ed Richard Mark Evonitz
as her attacker. Evonitz fl ed South Carolina and was sighted in
Florida. After a high-
speed chase with police, Evonitz committed suicide. The
investigation revealed that
Evonitz had lived in Spotsylvania, in 1996 and 1997.
Forensic searches were conducted on Evonitz’s residence in
South Carolina, his former
residence in Spotsylvania, Virginia, and his car. A detailed
trace examination of the
evidence from these searches and the evidence obtained from
the three victims revealed a
number of hair and fi ber matches, providing suffi cient
evidence to tie Evonitz to the three
murders.
The following trace examinations linked Evonitz to all three
homicide victims:
• Fibers from a bath mat.
• Fibers from an afghan.
• Fibers from two separate carpets in Evonitz’s former home in
Virginia.
• Carpet fi bers from the trunk of Evonitz’s car.
• Head hair consistent with Evonitz.
A trace examination also linked fi bers from a pair of fur-lined
handcuffs to the three
homicide victims and the surviving victim.
33

78. Latent fi ngerprints belonging to Kristin Lisk were located on
the inside of the trunk lid of
Evonitz’s car, fi ve years after the fact.
The unique combination of different hair and fiber evidence
yielded the “common
environment” to which all of the victims and the offender were
exposed.
Latent fi ngerprints belonging to Kristin Lisk were located on
the inside of the trunk lid of
Evonitz’s car, five years after the fact.
34
35
VIII
Prosecution of
Serial Murder Cases
VIII. Prosecution of Serial Murder Cases
The recognition and investigation of a serial murder series is

79. often perceived as a separate
and distinct process from the other primary goal in these
complex cases: the prosecution
and conviction of the offender(s) responsible for the homicides.
It was a consensus of
Symposium attendees that law enforcement and prosecutors
should work cooperatively as
the investigative and prosecution processes are inextricably
linked. When police suspect
that one or more homicides may be the result of a serial killer,
involving the prosecutor
early on in the investigation may alleviate significant problems
during trial.
The experience of the Symposium attendees was that in
successful prosecutions of
serial murder cases, the prosecutor’s office was involved and
remained accessible to law
enforcement throughout the entire investigation and subsequent
arrest. The partnership
continued during the trial and resulted in the successful
prosecution of the serial
murderer.
The prosecutor can assist with critical decisions early in the
investigation that could
potentially impact on court admissibility. Maintaining the
integrity of the legal process
is a paramount consideration when dealing with court orders,
search warrants, Grand
Jury testimony, subpoenas, evidence custody matters, capital
murder issues, and concerns
related to the possible offender’s competency and the
voluntariness of confessions.
Prosecutors are also in the best position to evaluate the different

80. murder cases
within the serial investigation for presentation in court. They
can provide important
recommendations regarding the future use of evidence, forensic
laboratory work, witness
reports, and suspect interviews during trial.
Case management and investigative decision making are still
controlled and managed
by the law enforcement agencies. The prosecutor acts in an
advisory capacity.
The responsibilities and duties of the prosecutor should be
clarified initially in the
investigation to avoid potential confusion while the
investigation progresses.
In multi-jurisdictional cases, variations in evidentiary
standards, search warrant
requirements, interview protocols, the quality of the evidence,
and the ability to prosecute
for capital murder may dictate the appropriate venue for
prosecution. This consideration
may take on greater significance when the crimes occur in
different states.
Expert witnesses often play a significant role in high profile
serial murder investigations,
dealing with forensic and competency issues. In many
investigations and prosecutions,
the task of linking the defendant to the victim and the homicide
scene(s) has been
simplified because of physical, trace, and/or DNA evidence
located at the scene. Expert
forensic witnesses are utilized to explain the analysis and value
of such evidence.
Identifying and securing the services of forensic psychologists

81. and psychiatrists will be
important when addressing issues of competency, diminished
capacity, and the insanity
defense. Consideration should also be given for other collateral
expert witnesses, who
may be utilized to address issues outside of the customary
topics, such as blood spatter.
36
Prosecution case vignette:
The Washington, D.C. Beltway sniper attacks serve as an
excellent example of multi-
jurisdictional prosecutorial considerations. The Beltway serial
sniper attacks took place
during three weeks of October 2002, in the Washington, D.C.
metropolitian area. Ten
people were killed and three others critically injured, in various
locations throughout the
metropolitan area. The killings actually began the month prior
to the D.C. rampage, with
these offenders committing a number of murders and robberies
in several other states.
The D.C. area shootings began on October 2nd, with a series of
five, fatal shootings
over a fi fteen-hour period in Montgomery County, Maryland, a
suburban county north of
Washington, D.C. The investigation was initially spearheaded
from Montgomery County,
and as the number of shootings mutiplied, the task force
involved numerous local, state,
and federal law enforcement agencies from Maryland, Virginia,

82. and the District of
Columbia. The two men responsible for the homicides, John
Allen Muhammad and Lee
Boyd Malvo, were eventually captured at an interstate rest area
in Western Maryland.
It was ultimately decided that Fairfax County, Virginia, would
have the first opportunity
to try one of the murders, despite the fact that Maryland had
more cases. It was felt that
the case in Fairfax was the strongest case. The Fairfax County
homicide was the ninth
in the Washington, D.C. area series and the third homicide in
Virginia. A conviction for
murder was secured in this case against Malvo, resulting in a
life sentence.
Muhammad was tried next for Capital Murder in a case that
occurred in Prince
William County, Virginia, which resulted in a death sentence.
Malvo, pursuant to a
plea agreement, then plead guilty to one count of murder and
one attempted murder in
Spotsylvania County, Virginia, and was sentenced to life
without parole.
Prosecutors in Montgomery County, Maryland, subsequently
tried and convicted
Muhammad on six counts of murder, and he was sentenced to
six consecutive life
sentences, without the possibility of parole. Malvo plead guilty
and testified against
Muhammad. During these trials, Malvo confessed to four other
shootings in
California, Florida, Texas, and Louisiana. It is unknown
whether these or several

83. other jurisdictions, including Arizona, Georgia, Alabama, and
Washington State plan to
prosecute Muhammad and Malvo.
37
38
IX
Media Issues in
Serial Murder Investigations
IX. Media Issues in Serial Murder Investigations
Serial murder cases are inherently newsworthy. Some
investigations last for years.
Many attract attention because of the type of victims involved,
and in others the serial
killers themselves are media-attractive. Media attention is
exacerbated by the insatiable
demands of the twenty-four-hours-a-day, seven-days-a-week
news reporting industry.
The constant news attention on the investigation inevitably
results in conflicts with law
enforcement.
Often the relationship between law enforcement and the media

84. is not a close one. In
some law enforcement agencies, there is a long history of
distrust and resentment
underpinning this relationship. From the law enforcement
perspective, the media
publishes unauthorized information from investigations,
hypothesizes on investigative
progress, and uses talking heads to critique the investigative
efforts. From the media’s
standpoint, law enforcement withholds too much information
and does not communicate
adequately with the media. It is counterproductive for law
enforcement to sustain
contentious relationships with the media, while attempting to
develop an overall strategy
for a successful serial murder investigation. The only party who
benefits from this
negative relationship is the serial murderer, who may continue
to avoid detection. A
respectful, cooperative relationship between law enforcement
and the media will serve the
missions of both.
It becomes essential for law enforcement personnel involved in
a serial murder
investigation to design and implement an effective media plan.
The plan should provide
timely information on a regular basis, without compromising the
investigative endeavors.
It is essential for media releases to be closely coordinated with
investigative strategies.
This helps determine the best times to both educate and solicit
information from the
public concerning certain aspects of the investigation. Once a
media plan is established,
law enforcement can be more proactive than reactive in its

85. media strategy.
Symposium attendees provided a number of suggestions
regarding media issues:
• Identify one spokesperson as the Public Information
Officer (PIO), to speak on behalf
of the investigation. This person would, in conjunction with
other members of the
investigative effort, prepare releases, make statements, and
update the media on behalf
of all involved jurisdictions, including forensic laboratories and
medical examiners’
offices. To eliminate confusion and controversy, MOUs should
include an agreement
regarding the designation of a single PIO in multi-
jurisdictional, serial murder
investigations.
• The role of the PIO is extremely demanding and time
consuming, and they should not
be assigned any additional investigative responsibilities. In
addition, the PIO should
have limited access to sensitive case facts. This will help
minimize the possibility of
critical information being inadvertently released to the media.
• The PIO must be aware that any verbal comments they
make to augment information
in the written press release can negate the strategy of the
written press release.
Any verbal comments made in conjunction with written press
releases should be
coordinated and rehearsed with the lead investigator(s), prior to
the release.

86. 39
• Press releases can be designed around several purposes: to
announce a development
in the case; to provide public safety information; to educate the
public; to solicit
information from the community; to provide behavioral
information about the
offender; to correct misinformation about the case; or to
encourage someone who may
know the offender to come forward.
• Press releases should always have very specific objectives.
New releases should be
reviewed by lead investigators and management, prior to
dissemination. Investigators
should consult with proven behavioral experts experienced in
serial murder cases,
before releasing any behavioral-based offender information.
• Press releases regarding the investigative effort should
always have a positive tone.
The PIO should continually remind the community that every
available resource is
being utilized in the investigation. A release can also include
statements that discuss
the impact of the case on the community, including the nature
and scope of the threat
to potential victims and the steps being taken by law
enforcement to educate the
community.
• Inaccurate information distributed by the media regarding

87. a serial murder
investigation should be identified and addressed by law
enforcement as soon as
possible. Such information may include statements made by
talking heads solicited by
the media. This may require daily monitoring of news
broadcasts and print media by
investigators, to identify the incorrect statements or
misinformation.
• Contact should be made as soon as possible with media
outlets to have erroneous
information corrected or retracted. If the media outlet will not
address the issue,
corrective press releases should be quickly disseminated, either
verbally or in written
form. Regular meetings with owners and managers of media
outlets during the course
of a serial murder investigation may help alleviate these issues.
• In high profile serial murder cases, the media may attempt
to interact with members
of the victims’ families. Victims’ families suffer emotionally
from their loss and may
interact with the media in ways that could negatively impact the
case. A victim’s
family’s goals and objectives may not correspond with those of
law enforcement. This
can be exacerbated when the investigation continues for a long
period of time without
conclusion. Establishing liaison with each of the victims’
families is the simplest way
to counteract this. As was discussed previously in the
investigative section, a single
law enforcement officer should act as a liaison for each of the
victims’ families. Aside

88. from the traditional liaison role, the officer also educates the
family as to the tenacious
demands for information by the media and the potential
negative consequences that
unauthorized releases of information bring to the investigation.
• Law enforcement should be creative in considering non-
traditional methods of
disseminating information to the public. This is particularly
important if the media is
editing information disseminated by law enforcement. One
suggestion is to create an
investigation web page that is updated regularly and provides
the public with unedited
versions of press releases, regular updates on the status of the
investigation, and other
information designed to appropriately inform the public.
40
• Law enforcement should anticipate the inevitable public
reaction resulting from
an announcement that the investigation involves a serial killer.
Either the media
will link the cases and proclaim a serial murderer is operating,
or investigators will
proactively release the information. The investigative team
should be prepared
for either situation. If the media makes the announcement, it is
important for law
enforcement to respond quickly, so they do not appear
unprepared or defensive. If law
enforcement plans on making the announcement, the release

89. should be timed to gain
an investigative advantage.
• There have been several serial killers who actively
communicated with the police
or the media. In these cases, investigators should consult with
behavioral experts to
assist with a proactive media strategy.
Media Strategy Case vignette:
The BTK case is an example of how a proactive media strategy
contributed to the capture
of a serial murderer. The BTK killer fi rst emerged in 1974
and, over time, killed a total
of ten victims. From 1974 until 1988, BTK sent a series of five
communications to the
media, citizens, and the police in which he not only named
himself BTK (Bind them,
Torture them, and Kill them) but also claimed credit for killing
a number of the victims.
He abruptly stopped communicating in 1988. He re-emerged in
2004 by sending a new
communication to the media. The Wichita Police Department
formed a task force with
the Kansas Bureau of Investigation, the FBI, and other agencies.
The FBI’s BAU-2
was contacted and provided a proactive media strategy that was
utilized throughout
the case. This strategy involved using the lieutenant in charge
of the investigation to
provide written press releases at critical times, which resulted
in 15 press releases during

90. the course of the investigation. BTK provided eleven
communications to police and the
media during the eleven-month investigation. The last
communication BTK sent included
a computer disk, containing information that eventually
identified Dennis Rader as BTK.
During Rader’s interrogation, he commented positively on the
press releases and his
perceived relationship with the investigative lieutenant who
issued the press statements.
41
42
X
Issues Regarding
Talking Heads
in the Media
X. Issues Regarding Talking Heads in the Media
The public’s interest in serial murder cases makes serial murder
an attractive storyline for
the media. To further the public’s interest in these cases, the
media uses people who are

91. willing to speak as experts on the topic of serial murder and
more specifi cally, individuals
willing to comment on the current, featured case. These
commentators are commonly
referred to as talking heads, and it appears that there is no
shortage of people willing to
do this.
Individuals utilized by the media to comment on serial murder
cases include both experts
and pseudoexperts. Experts are identified as academicians,
researchers, retired law
enforcement officials, mental health professionals, and retired
law enforcement profilers
who have developed specific knowledge and experience in serial
murder investigations.
Pseudoexperts are self-proclaimed profilers and others who
profess to have an expertise
in serial murder, when, in fact, their experience is limited or
non-existent. The media will
recruit talking heads, whether true experts or pseudoexperts, to
offer their opinions on
current cases, when they have no official role in the
investigation and no access to any of
the intimate facts of the case.
When individuals appear in the media and discuss ongoing
cases, they have an enormous
potential to negatively influence investigations and may even
cause irreversible damage.
They often speculate on the motive for the murders and the
possible characteristics of
the offender. Such statements can misinform the public and
may heighten fears in a
community. They may contribute to mistrust and a lack of
confidence in law enforcement

92. and, more importantly, may taint potential jury pools. These
statements may also impact
the behavior of the serial murderer, because it is unlikely that
an offender discriminates
between a talking head and a law enforcement official actively
involved in the case.
When offenders are challenged by statements or derogatory
comments made in the
media, they may destroy evidence, or more tragically, react
violently.
Attendees of the Symposium were asked to discuss this issue
and offer written comments.
The following observations were made:
• Law enforcement is strongly encouraged to continue its
release of information to the
public during an investigation, in order to alert the community
to a public safety issue
or to solicit assistance in the identifi
•
information about an ongoing case and talking heads who
comment on a case in which
they have no investigative information.
• Members of the media are encouraged to closely examine the
credentials of any
experts whom they are considering utilizing, to ascertain if the
qualifi
experience level they claim is accurate.
• fications listed on
cation and/or capture of an offender.

93. There is a difference between law enforcement agencies
proactively releasing
cations and
When an expert is retained by the media, having the expert’s
quali
a public website would offer the community the opportunity to
assess the expert’s
authenticity and credibility.
43
• Responsible, retired law enforcement officers, clinicians,
academicians, and
researchers who are asked to provide statements concerning
ongoing cases should
refrain from doing so, unless requested by, or with the
permission of, the agency who
has jurisdictional responsibility over the case.
• Individuals who have developed an expertise in a given
field recognize that before
an opinion can be rendered, complete and accurate information
must be obtained
and analyzed. Therefore, it is inappropriate, even for
acknowledged experts in serial
murder, to offer opinions regarding a specific case based solely
upon incomplete and
potentially inaccurate information available through the media.
If responsible professionals are requested to provide statements
about ongoing cases, the

94. following guidelines are suggested:
•
• Do not comment on the particulars of the current case.
•
•
•
Speak in general terms only.
Do not criticize the investigative efforts.
Do not misrepresent one’s credentials or experience.
Provide information to educate the public on the issues involved
in serial murder.
It was the opinion of the experts at the Symposium that it is not
possible to regulate or
officially censor comments made by talking heads during serial
murder investigations.
However, a policy statement issued by law enforcement to the
media would be
appropriate, and below is an example of such a statement:
The media’s role in reporting the facts of a case is a major
public service. However,
providing a forum for speculative commentary can be counter-
productive and
potentially dangerous. Public comments on an active
investigation with incomplete
or incorrect information are merely speculation and can
seriously jeopardize an
ongoing case and place citizens at great risk. Accordingly, we
respectfully request
that restraint be exercised and comments withheld until after an
arrest has been
made.

95. 44
45
Epilogue
We would once again like to recognize the individuals who
attended and participated in
the Serial Murder Symposium and thank them for their
contributions. These individuals
are among the world’s most knowledgeable experts on serial
murder. Many have been
involved for years in the study of serial murder, and they have
collectively published
dozens of books and articles on a number of diverse topics
related to serial murder. Their
publications are recommended for anyone involved in
investigating, prosecuting, or
studying serial murder.
Due in a large part to the efforts of the professionals who
attended the Symposium,
there has been significant progress over the past few years in
understanding serial killers
and the crimes they commit. However, there is still much work
to be done. Continued
research in the topic areas addressed in this monograph is vital
to advancing the
knowledge on this important subject.

96. The men and women of the FBI’s Behavioral Analysis Unit 2
look forward to continued
partnerships in the collaborative efforts to better understand,
and subsequently generate a
more effective investigative response, to the serial killers that
prey upon our citizens.
46
Appendix A
Symposium Agenda
47
Agenda
Monday, August 29, 2005
Page 2
Serial Murder Symposium
U.S. Department of Justice
Federal Bureau of Investigation

97. Monday, August 29, 2005
San Antonio, Texas August 29 - September 2, 2005
Sponsored by the FBI’s National Center for the Analysis of
Violent Crime,
Behavioral Analysis Unit – 2, Crimes Against Adults
AGENDA
7:30 a.m. – 8:00 a.m. Continental Breakfast
8:00 a.m. – 8:30 a.m. Welcome and Introductions
SSA Mark A. Hilts, Unit Chief, NCAVC, BAU-2
SSA Stephen E. Etter, Acting Assistant Special Agent in Charge
NCAVC
SA Robert J. Morton, NCAVC, BAU-2
8:30 a.m. – 9:15 a.m. Panel: Serial Murder Myths, Scope,
Definitions, and Typologies
Speakers: SSA Robert J. Morton – Myths and urban legends
Dr. Eric Hickey – Terms, definitions, typologies
Dr. Tom Petee – Previous studies
9:15 a.m. – 10:15 a.m. Panel: Pathology/Causality
Moderator: Dr. Gregory Saathoff

98. Speakers: Dr. Debra Niehoff – Biological/Neurological
perspective
Dr. Robert Hare – Psychopathy
Dr. Jay Corzine – Criminological perspective
Dr. Wade Myers – Developmental perspective
10:15 a.m. – 10:30 a.m. Morning Break
10:30 a.m. – 11:45 a.m. Panel: Evaluation of Known Offenders
Moderator: SSA James J. McNamara
Speakers: Judge Ann Keary
Dr. Park Dietz
Dr. Fred Berlin
11:45 a.m. – 1:00 p.m. Lunch on your own
1:00 p.m. – 3:00 p.m. Case Presentation: Green River Killings
Moderator: SSA Mary Ellen O’Toole
Det. Jon Mattsen
Det. Tom Jensen
Mr. Brian McDonald, Esq.
3:00 p.m. – 3:30 p.m. Afternoon Break
3:30 p.m. – 5:30 p.m. Breakout Session #1

99. 5:30 p.m. – 5:45 p.m. Breakout Team Leader Meeting
48
Tuesday, August 30, 2005
7:30 a.m. – 8:00 a.m. Continental Breakfast
8:00 a.m. – 10:00 a.m. Panel: Media’s Influence in Serial
Murder Investigation
Moderator: SSA Mary Ellen O’Toole
Speakers: Dr. Stephen Gorelick
Ms. Mary Walsh
Chief Pat Englade (retired)
Dr. Eric Hickey
10:00 a.m. – 10:30 a.m. Morning Break
10:30 a.m. – 11:45 a.m. Panel: Forensics in Serial Murder Cases
Moderator: SSA Armin A. Showalter
Speakers: Dr. Tracey Corey
Dr. John “Jack” Kenney
Dr. Lee Goff

100. Dr. William Rodriguez
Dr. William Haglund
SSA Douglas Deedrick (retired)
UC Thomas F. Callaghan
11:45 a.m. – 1:00 p.m. Lunch on your own
1:00 p.m. – 3:00 p.m. Case Presentation: Health Care Serial
Murder
Moderator: MCS Timothy G. Keel
Speakers: Dr. Brian Donnelly
SAC Bruce Sackman VA OIG (retired)
3:00 p.m. – 3:30 p.m. Afternoon Break
3:30 p.m. – 5:30 p.m. Breakout Session #2
5:30 p.m. – 5:45 p.m. Breakout Team Leader Meeting
Wednesday, 08/31/2005
7:30 a.m. – 8:00 a.m. Continental Breakfast
8:00 a.m. – 8:30 a.m. Keynote Speaker – J. Stephen Tidwell
Special Agent in Charge, Critical Incident Response Group
8:30 a.m. – 10:00 a.m. Panel: Prosecution of Serial Murder
Cases

101. Moderator: SSA Mark Safarik
Ms. Barbara Corey
Mr. Anthony Savage, Esq.
Mr. Stephen Kay, Esq.
10:00 a.m. – 10:30 a.m. Morning Break
10:30 a.m. – 11:45 a.m. Case Presentation: Ghana Serial Murder
Case
Moderator: SSA Gerard F. Downes
Speakers: Deputy Commissioner David Assante-Apeatu
SSA Charles K. Dorsey
11:45 a.m. – 1:00 p.m. Lunch on your own
1:00 p.m. – 3:00 p.m. Breakout Session #3
3:00 p.m. Early Dismissal (Breakout team leaders briefly meet)
5:00 p.m. – 8:30 p.m. Research Poster Session with
Refreshments & Snacks
49
Thursday, 09/01/2005

102. 7:30 a.m. – 8:00 a.m. Continental Breakfast
8:00 a.m. – 10:00 a.m. Panel: Task Force and Major Case
Management Issues
Moderator: MCS Kirk R. Mellecker
Speakers: Chief Cal Walker – Long term investigations
Major Gary Terry – Problem recognition
Mr. Lloyd Sigler – Major case management
Mr. Ken Farnsworth - Multi-jurisdictional issues
Mr. Jim Bell – Lead control issues
10:00 a.m. – 10:30 a.m. Morning Break
10:30 a.m. – 12:15 p.m. Case Presentation: Resendez Serial
Murder
Moderator: SSA David T. Resch
Speakers: SSA Alan Brantley (retired)
Mr. Charles Rosenthal, Esq.
SA Mark Young (retired)
12:15 p.m. – 1:30 p.m. Lunch on your own
1:30 p.m. – 3:00 p.m. Case Presentation: Lewis Lent Serial
Murder
Moderator: SSA Robert J. Morton

103. Speakers: SSA Gerard F. Downes
Captain Frank Pace
Sr. Investigator John Shultis
3:30 p.m. – 5:30 p.m. Breakout Session #4
5:30 p.m. – 5:45 p.m. Breakout Team Leader Meeting
Friday, 09/02/2005
7:30 a.m. – 8:00 a.m. Continental Breakfast
8:00 a.m. – 9:00 a.m. Summary of Findings/Closing Remarks
9:00 a.m. Checkout and Travel Home
50
Appendix B
Serial Murder Symposium
Working Group
51
Serial Murder Symposium

104. Working Group
Dr. Kristen R. Beyer
Research Coordinator, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Alice E. Casey
Crime Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Maureen Christian
Professor of Psychology
Marymount University
Dr. Dewey Cornell
Professor
University of Virginia
Dr. Jay Corzine
Professor and Chair of
Sociology and Anthropology
University of Central Florida
Dr. Douglas Deedrick
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
Forensic Science Division
Metropolitan Police Dept.
Washington, DC
Gerard F. Downes
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC

105. Pamela J. Hairfield
Management & Program
Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Robert Hare
Professor of Psychology
Darkstone Research Group
University of British Columbia,
Canada
Dr. Eric Hickey
Professor, Dept. of Criminology
California State University, Fresno
Mark A. Hilts
Unit Chief of BAU-2, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Earl James
Captain (Retired)
Michigan State Police
International Forensic
Services, Inc.
Lansing, MI
Dr. John Jarvis
Criminologist, FBI
Training & Development Division
Tom Jensen
Detective
King County Sheriff’s Office
Kent, WA

106. Chris Johnson
Detective
Baton Rouge Police Department
Timothy G. Keel
Major Case Specialist, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
52
Ken Landwehr
Lieutenant
Wichita Police Department
Dr. Wayne D. Lord
Unit Chief of BAU-3, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Steven F. Malkiewicz
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
James J. McNamara
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Kirk R. Mellecker
Major Case Specialist, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Robert J. Morton
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI

107. CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Wade Myers
Chief of Division &
Adolescent Psychiatry
University of South Florida
Dr. Mary Ellen O’Toole
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
David T. Resch
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Gregory B. Saathoff
Associate Professor of Research
University of Virginia
School of Medicine
Mark Safarik
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Louis Schlesinger
Professor of Forensic Psychology
John Jay College of
Criminal Justice
Armin A. Showalter
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Melissa Smrz

108. Section Chief, FBI
Laboratory Division
Vito Spano
Chief Investigator
New York State Attorney
General’s Office
Rhonda L. Trahern
Supervisory Special Agent, ATF
CIRG, NCAVC
Calvin Walker
Chief
Spokane Valley Police Department
Spokane Valley, WA
Dr. Michael Welner
Chairman
The Forensic Panel
New York, NY
Wilma B. Wulchak
Management & Program
Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
53
Appendix C

109. Symposium Attendees
54
Symposium Attendees
Ewa-Marie Aghede
Detective Inspector
National Criminal Intelligence
Service
Stockholm, Sweden
Larry G. Ankrom
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
David Asante-Apeatu
Deputy Commissioner
Ghana Police Service
Accra, Ghana
James O. Beasley, II
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Jim Bell
Former Detective
Salt Lake City Police Department
Salt Lake City, Utah

110. Dr. Fred S. Berlin
Associate Professor
Department of Psychiatry &
Behavioral Sciences
Johns Hopkins University
Daniel G. Bermingham
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Camille D. Bibles
Assistant United States Attorney
District of Arizona
Steven A. Bongardt
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Alan C. Brantley
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
John A. Brunell
Special Agent, FBI
Little Rock Field Office
Lesley A. Buckles
Crime Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Alexander Bukhanovskiy
Professor
Roston State Medical University
Roston-on-Don, Russia

111. Dr. Ann Burgess
Professor
Boston College of Nursing
Alice E. Casey
Crime Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Maureen Christian
Professor of Psychology
Marymount University
Dr. Peter I. Collins
Forensic Psychiatrist
Ontario Provincial Police
Orillia, Ontario,
Canada
Mary B. Collins-Morton
Special Agent, FBI
Washington Field Office
Barbara Corey
Attorney at Law
Tacoma, WA
55
Dr. Tracey Corey
Chief Medical Examiner
Office of Chief Medical Examiner
Louisville, KY

112. Dr. Jay Corzine
Professor & Chair of Sociology
& Anthropology
University of Central Florida
Mike Crooke
Chief
Cumberland Police Department
Cumberland, IN
Leslie D’Ambrosia
Special Agent
Florida Department of
Law Enforcement
Keith Davidson
Inspector
Royal Canadian Mounted Police
Surrey, British Columbia,
Canada
Dr. Harold Deadman
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
Dr. Douglas Deedrick
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
Forensic Science Division
Metropolitan Police Department
Washington, DC
Dr. Park Dietz

113. Park Dietz & Associates, Inc.
Newport Beach, CA
William H. Donaldson
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Brian Donnelly
Special Agent, FBI
New Haven Field Office
Charles K. Dorsey
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Gerard F. Downes
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Steven A. Egger
Professor
University of Houston
at Clearlake
Pat Englade
Chief of Police (Retired)

114. Baton Rouge Police Department
Stephen E. Etter
Unit Chief of BAU-1, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Kenneth Farnsworth
Chief Investigator
Utah Attorney General’s Office
Dr. Adelle E. Forth
Professor of Psychology
Carleton University
Ottawa, Ontario,
Canada
Dr. James Alan Fox
Professor
Northeastern University

115. Laurie R. Gibbs
Special Agent, FBI
Dallas Field Office
Dr. M. Lee Goff
Professor of Criminal Justice
Chaminade University of Honolulu
Paul Goodman
Investigator
Colorado Attorney General Office
56
Dr. Stephen Gorelick
Vice President for
Institutional Advancement
The CUNY Graduate Center
Adam Gregory
Behavioral Investigative Advisor
National Crime &

116. Operations Facility
Bramshill Hook, Hampshire,
United Kingdom
Dr. William Haglund
Director
International Forensic Program
Shoreline, WA
Pamela J. Hairfield
Management & Program
Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Robert Hare
Professor of Psychology
University of British Columbia
Darkstone Research Group
Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada
Robert R. (Roy) Hazelwood
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
John J. Hess
Assistant Special Agent in
Charge, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Eric Hickey
Professor
Department of Criminology
California State University, Fresno
Mark A. Hilts

117. Unit Chief of BAU-2, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Tia A. Hoffer
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Alexander Horn
Kriminalhauptkommissar
OFA Bayern
Munich City Police Department
Munich, Germany
Dr. Lin Huff-Corzine
Professor
University of Central Florida
Kris Illingsworth
Detective Sergeant
New Wales Police Headquarters
Parramatta, New South Wales,
Australia
Rick Jackson
Detective
Los Angeles Police Department
Dr. Earl James
Captain (Retired), Michigan
State Police
International Forensic
Services, Inc.
Lansing, MI

118. Dr. John P. Jarvis
Criminologist, FBI
Training Division
Rick Jenkins
Captain, Division Commander
Virginia State Police
Culpeper, VA
Tom Jensen
Detective
King County Sheriff’s Office
Kent, WA
Leonard G. Johns
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Chris Johnson
Detective
Baton Rouge Police Department
57
Stephen Kay
Deputy District Attorney
Los Angeles County District
Attorney’s Office
The Honorable Ann Keary
Judge

119. Washington, DC Superior Court
Timothy G. Keel
Major Case Specialist, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. John Kenney
Forensic Odontologist
DuPage County Coroner’s Office
Park Ridge, IL
Robert H. Kosky, Jr.
Unit Chief of BAU-3, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Gretchen Witte Kraemer
Assistant Attorney General
State of Iowa
Dr. Gerard Labuschagne

120. Commander
South Africa Police Service
Pretoria, South Africa
Ken Landwehr
Lieutenant
Wichita Police Department
Jennifer A. Leonard
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
FBIHQ, Washington, DC
Marianna Leshinskie
Interpreter, FBI
New York Field Office
Dr. Jack Levin
Professor of Criminal Justice
Northeastern University
Robert G. Lowery, Jr.

121. Commander
Greater St. Louis Major
Case Squad
Dr. Carl Malmquist
Professor
University of Minnesota
Colonel Rick Malone, M.D.
Chief of Forensic Psychiatry
Walter Reed Army Medical Center
R. Stephen Mardigian
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
John Martin
Sergeant
Texas Rangers
San Antonio, Texas
Jon Mattsen
Detective
King County Sheriff’s Office
Kent, WA

122. Brian M. McDonald
Deputy Prosecuting Attorney
King County
Seattle, WA
James J. McNamara
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Michael Medaris
Senior Policy Advisor
U.S. Department of Justice
Kirk R. Mellecker
Major Case Specialist, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
58
Dr. J. Reid Meloy
Associate Professor
Department of Psychiatry
University of California,
San Diego
Frank Merriman
Lieutenant (Retired)

123. Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department,
Homicide Bureau
Thomas Monahan
Lieutenant
Las Vegas Metropolitan Police
Department
Paul Morrison
District Attorney
District Attorney’s Office
Olathe, KS
Robert J. Morton
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Wade Myers
Chief of Division of Child and
Adolescent Psychiatry
University of South Florida
Mike Napier
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
Thomas M. Neer
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI

124. CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Debra Niehoff
Neurobiologist
Biotext
Newtown, PA
Dr. Mary Ellen O’Toole
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Frank Pace
Captain
New York State Police
Loudonville, NY
John Perry
Special Agent
Virginia State Police
Roanoke, VA
Dr. Tom Petee
Professor
Auburn University
Pat Postiglione
Sergeant
Nashville Metropolitan Police
Department
Patricia Prezioso
Assistant Attorney General
Division of Criminal Justice
Trenton, NJ

125. Mark W. Prothero
Attorney at Law
Hanis Greaney Law, PLLC
Kent, WA
Dr. John T. Rago
Professor of Law
Duquesne University
Lee Rainbow
Senior Behavioural
Investigative Advisor
National Crime &
Operations Faculty
Bramshill Hook, Hampshire,
United Kingdom
David T. Resch
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
59
Dr. D. Kim Rossmo
Department of Criminal Justice
Texas State University
Dr. Gregory B. Saathoff
Associate Professor of Research
University of Virginia,
School of Medicine

126. Bruce Sachman
Special Agent in Charge (Retired), OIG
Veteran’s Administration
New York, NY
Mark Safarik
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Dr. Gabreille Salfati
Professor
John Jay College of
Criminal Justice
Christina Schaub
Crime Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Carlo Schippers
Captain
Dutch National Police Agency
The Netherlands
Dr. Louis Schlesinger
Professor of Forensic Psychology
John Jay College of
Criminal Justice
Armin A. Showalter
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
John H. Shultis
Senior Investigator

127. New York State Police Latham, NY
Lloyd Sigler
Supervisory Special Agent
(Retired), FBI
Howard Smith
Sheriff
Spotsylvania County Sheriff’s
Office
Spotsylvania, VA
Melissa Smrz
Section Chief, FBI
Laboratory Division
Vito Spano
Chief Investigator
New York State Attorney
General’s Office
Faye Springer
Senior Criminalist
Sacramento County Forensic
Services Laboratory
Jayne M. Stairs
Crime Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Suzanne D. Stiltner
Crime Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC

128. Dr. Michael Stone
Professor of Clinical Psychiatry
Columbia University
Dirk Tarpley
Special Agent, FBI
Kansas City Field Office
Ron Thill
Investigator
San Diego County District
Attorney’s Office
Melissa L. Thomas
Supervisory Special Agent, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Roger Thomson
Sergeant
Montgomery County Police
Department
Rockville, MD
60
Rhonda L. Trahern Wilma B. Wulchak
Supervisory Special Agent, ATF Management and Program
CIRG, NCAVC Analyst, FBI
CIRG, NCAVC
Ronald Tunkel
Supervisory Special Agent, ATF Mark Young

129. CIRG, NCAVC Special Agent (Retired), FBI
James Van Allen
Detective Sergeant
Ontario Provincial Police
Orillia, Ontario
Eva von Vogelsang
Detective Inspector
National Criminal Intelligence
Department
Stockholm, Sweden
Calvin Walker
Chief
Spokane Valley Police Department
Spokane Valley, WA
Mary E. Walsh
Producer
CBS News
Washington, DC
Dr. Michael Welner
Chairman
The Forensic Panel
New York, NY
Arthur E. Westveer, Jr.
Assistant Professor
Virginia Commonwealth University
Jeannine Willie
Assistant Manager
California Department of Justice

130. Missing Persons DNA Program
Sacramento, CA
Glenn Woods
Superintendent
Royal Canadian Mounted Police
Ottawa, Ontario Canada
61
Crime Scene Characteristics of the Disorganized serial killer
spontaneous offense
commits crime in a frenzy: sudden violence to the victim
crime scene is random and sloppy
minimal use of restraints
sexual acts after death
body left in view
evidence/weapon often present
weapon is usually a weapon of convenience
body left a death scene, usually in plain view
depersonalizes victim often disfigures the faces of his victims

131. overkill
The disorganized offender does not plan his attacks, if for no
other reason than lack of ability to do so. He does not usually
use restraints on the victim, mostly because the attacks are
spontaneous and unplanned. Often this kind of offender finds
victims in the area where both he and the victims live and work.
The disorganized offender often disfigures the faces of
his victims. He also often mutilates victims’ bodies, removing
sexual parts and taking these parts with him from the crime
scene.
The crime is scene is random and sloppy with great disarray.
The death scene and the crime scene are often the same. There
is usually evidence of a blitz style of attack. Depersonalization
may be present as evidence of the victim’s face being covered
by a pillow or towels or by the body being simply rolled on the
stomach. There is not set plan of action by the offender for
deterring detection. The weapon is one of opportunity, obtained
at the scene and left there. There is little or no effort to remove
evidence. The body is left at the death scene, often in the
position in which the victim was killed. There is no attempt to
conceal the body.
Crime Scene 3
In the evening on November 12, 2008, a group of young boys
playing near a river noticed what seemed
to be a mannequin. When the boys went to investigate, they
realized that the mannequin actually was a
dead female. They ran to the home of one boy and told his

132. parents what they discovered. His parents
called the police, who arrived on the scene 10 minutes later and
quickly secured the crime scene to
preserve the evidence.
Evidence:
Foot prints:
There are two footprints near the body but they are badly
smudged. This might be important evidence to
link a suspect to the scene of the crime. However, it is not
beneficial to the profiler in the beginning stages
of the investigation.
A woman’s purse:
There is a purse near the victim’s body. While this evidence
might be useful in tying a suspect to the
crime scene, it will not help the profiler create a profile of the
murderer.
By examining the contents of the bag, investigators identified
the victim as a 20-year-old white college
student. This might be important information in further
investigations when meeting the victim's friends,
classmates, and teachers and when trying to determine the
motive for the murder. Also, the victim's
driving license is missing. This evidence might not be important
at this point but could be important later
in the investigation.
.
Body was moved:
The victim's body was moved. This is an important piece of
information that helps the profiler determine
whether the murderer is an organized or disorganized offender.
Lacerations on the neck:
There are lacerations on the victim's neck, which indicates that

133. the victim probably was strangled to
death, most likely with a belt. Although this evidence is
important in identifying the cause of death,
missing this evidence would not be detrimental to the profile
because an autopsy would reveal that the
cause of death was strangulation.
Torture:
The victim has wounds on her body that are consistent with
torture. This is an important piece of evidence
that could provide the profiler with some additional clues about
the murderer.
Sexual assault:
The victim was sexually assaulted. This is a critical piece of
evidence for the profiler. Knowing that the
victim was sexually assaulted provides some insight about the
type of murderer on the loose. Moreover,
knowing that the victim was sexually assaulted while alive, and
not post-mortem, helps to determine the
typology of the murderer.
A wooden board is near the body:
While this evidence might be useful in tying a suspect to the
crime scene, it will not help the profiler create
a profile of the murderer.
Body near a river:
The victim's body was found near the river. This evidence might
not be important at this point but could be
important later in the investigation.
Congratulations! You have completed all of the scenes.

134. Crime Scene 2
During the early morning hours of September 12, 2008, an
elderly couple taking a walk discovered what
seemed to be the body of a young female near the bank of a
river. The man and woman walked back to
their car, drove to their house, and called the police.
Investigators arrived at the crime scene around 10
a.m.
Evidence:
A woman’s purse:
There is a purse near the victim's body, and by examining the
contents of the bag, investigators identified
the victim was a 21-year-old black female college student. This
might be important information in further
investigations when meeting the victim's friends, classmates,
and teachers and when trying to determine
the motive for the murder. Also, the victim's driving license is
missing. This evidence might not be
important at this point but could be important later in the
investigation.
Body was moved:
The victim's body was moved. This is an important piece of
information that helps the profiler determine
whether the murderer is an organized or disorganized offender.
Lacerations on the neck:
There are swollen marks around the victim's neck, which
indicates that the victim probably was strangled
to death, most likely with a belt. Although this evidence is
important in identifying the cause of death,
missing this evidence would not be detrimental to the profile
because an autopsy would reveal that the
cause of death was strangulation.

135. Sexual assault:
The victim was sexually assaulted. This is a critical piece of
evidence for the profiler. Knowing that the
victim was sexually assaulted provides some insight about the
type of murderer on the loose. Moreover,
knowing that the victim was sexually assaulted while alive, and
not post-mortem, helps to determine the
typology of the murderer.
Red bracelet found near the body:
While this evidence might be useful in tying a suspect to the
crime scene, it will not help the profiler create
a profile of the murderer.
Body near a river:
The victim's body was found near the river. This evidence might
not be important at this point but could be
important later in the investigation.
You have collected all the evidence. Please proceed to the next
crime scene.
Crime Scene 1
On the afternoon of June 14, 2008, a fisherman found the body
of a female along the shore of a river. He
immediately called the police, and the dispatcher instructed the
fisherman not to touch the body. Law
enforcement agents were at the crime scene within a few
minutes.
Evidence:
Footprints:

136. There are two footprints near the body. This might be important
evidence to link a suspect to the scene of
the crime. However, it is not beneficial to the profiler in the
beginning stages of the investigation.
A woman’s purse:
There is a purse near the victim’s body. While this evidence
might be useful in tying a suspect to the
crime scene, it will not help the profiler create a profile of the
murderer.
By examining the contents of the bag, investigators identified
the victim as a 21-year-old white college
student. This might be important information in further
investigations when meeting the victim's friends,
classmates, and teachers and when trying to determine the
motive for the murder. Also, the victim's
driving license is missing. This evidence might not be important
at this point but could be important later
in the investigation.
Body was moved:
It appears that the victim’s body was dragged into place. This is
an important piece of information that
helps the profiler determine whether the murderer is an
organized or disorganized offender.
Lacerations on the neck:
There are swollen marks around the victim's neck, which
indicates that the victim probably was strangled
to death, most likely with a belt. Although this evidence is
important in identifying the cause of death,
missing this evidence would not be detrimental to the profile
because an autopsy would reveal that the
cause of death was strangulation.

137. Sexual assault:
The victim was sexually assaulted. This is a critical piece of
evidence for the profiler. Knowing that the
victim was sexually assaulted provides some insight about the
type of murderer on the loose. Moreover,
knowing that the victim was sexually assaulted while alive, and
not post-mortem, helps to determine the
typology of the murderer.
Belt near body:
While this evidence might be useful in tying a suspect to the
crime scene, it will not help the profiler create
a profile of the murderer.
Soda can near the body:
While this evidence might be useful in tying a suspect to the
crime scene, it will not help the profiler create
a profile of the murderer.
Body near a river:
The victim's body was found near the river. This evidence might
not be important at this point but could be
important later in the investigation.
Tire tracks:
There are tire tracks on the road near the victim. The tire tracks
appear to be consistent with that of an old
pickup truck. While this evidence might be useful in tying a
suspect to the crime scene, it will not help the
profiler create a profile of the murderer.
You have collected all the evidence. Please proceed to the next
crime scene.

138. Behavioral Sciences and the Law
Behav. Sci. Law 22: 395–414 (2004)
Published online in Wiley InterScience
(www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/bsl.595
Serial Murder in America: Case
Studies of Seven Offenders
James O. Beasley II, B.S., M.P.A.*
This article summarizes and compares information on
seven interviewed serial killers in an ongoing project
designed to study similarities and differences among
these individuals. The aim of this article is to increase
our collective knowledge of the dynamics of serial murder
by examining the perpetrators’ backgrounds, as well as the
unique ways in which they view themselves and the world
around them. Although qualitative interview research
alone is not sufficient to fully understand such behavior,
it is useful in many ways. Some of the information
discussed based on the seven offenders interviewed is
compared with broader epidemiological studies, and the

139. strengths and limitations of each type of research are
discussed. Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
The initial FBI study on sexual homicide and crime scene
analysis, which included
interviews with 25 serial murderers by the Behavioral Science
Unit (BSU) at the
FBI Academy in Quantico, Virginia, was published nearly 20
years ago (The Men
Who Murdered, 1985). Since then, the phenomenon of serial
murder has been
mythologized in popular culture, sensationalized by the media,
and increasingly
scrutinized by academia. The results have been confounding,
with fiction blurring
with fact, and assumptions and guesses often treated as
certainty. Many of these
misperceptions are associated with the technique of profiling,
which involves
assessment of crime scenes to construct a set of behavioral
traits likely to be found
in a particular offender. Even today there is a common belief
that profiling is an
almost mystical experience, and that it is always accurate and

140. clear cut. However,
violent criminal behavior is extremely variable, making precise
predictions proble-
matic. Some researchers have addressed the issue of
predictability, among them
Farrington (1982); Goldberg (2000); Gottfredson and Hirschi
(1990); and
Malmquist (1996).
Notwithstanding some acceptance of the notion of past violent
behaviors being
predictive of future such behaviors (Samenow, 1998; Widom &
Toch, 2000),
there exists an abundance of psychological theories about
criminal behavior that
are varied and sometimes conflicting (Hall, 1999; Widom &
Toch, 2000). As Fox
and Levin (2001) have warned, ‘‘correlation does not imply
causation,’’ and
This article is a U.S. Government work and is in the public
domain in the U.S.A.
*Correspondence to: James O. Beasley II, B.S., M.P.A.,
Supervisory Special Agent, National Center for
the Analysis of Violent Crime, FBI Academy, Quantico, VA
22135, U.S.A.
E-mail: [email protected]

141. ‘‘correlation also does not guarantee predictability’’ (pp. 26–
28). Based partly on
these predictability issues, some academics have raised
concerns over the validity of
profiling, and have called for more empirical research (Homant
& Kennedy, 1998;
Kocsis, Hayes, & Irwin, 2002). Some have gone further,
criticizing perceived
shortcomings of early profiling research findings and resulting
procedures (Egger,
1998), including some done by the FBI (Godwin, 2000). Others
(Holmes &
Holmes, 2002) have noted the failure of FBI researchers to
disclose their metho-
dology regarding interviews of some of the prominent killers in
their studies.
That serial murder and profiling have become so fixed within
our national psyche
suggests that these subjects serve, even when true, as more than
unique criminal
behaviors and an associated investigative tool; they have
entered the realm of

142. entertainment (Tithecott, 1997). Narratives and descriptions of
these crimes and
those who commit them seem to horrify, to challenge, and to
satisfy our morbid
curiosity. Commentary about these individuals often includes
large doses of
melodrama. Tithecott (1997) quotes the lawyer for serial killer
Jeffrey Dahmer,
who referred to Dahmer as ‘‘a steamrolling killing machine,’’
and ‘‘a runaway train
on a track of madness’’ (p. 96).
The original findings of the FBI’s BSU were based on a small
sample size—36
subjects, of whom 25 were classified as serial killers. To this
day, early insights into
the behavior of those sexual murderers provide a basis for
behavioral profiles of
unknown offenders. They remain a key element of the expanded
criminal investi-
gative analysis services offered by the FBI’s National Center
for the Analysis of
Violent Crime (NCAVC), the unit responsible for operational
analytical assistance
within the Critical Incident Response Group (CIRG). These

143. services go beyond
profiling, and include consultations on investigative procedures,
interview techni-
ques, forensic considerations, media relations, behavioral
analysis regarding victims
and offenders, trial strategies, expert testimony, and data
collection and analysis.
Regarding profiles, the NCAVC has recognized a need for more
current research,
as well as caution in the use of these products. In concert with
the NCAVC, Witte
(unpublished doctoral dissertation) studied serial murder in
general, while Dudek
focused on serial versus single homicides among prostitute
victims.
Profiling has encountered other challenges as researchers have
sought to provide
support for its procedures and document its successes and
failures (Pinizzotto &
Finkel, 1990). A recent study has suggested that investigative
experience does not
necessarily confer an enhanced ability to profile serial
murderers (Kocsis et al.,
2002). Other inquiries into the efficacy of profiling have been

144. made by Alison,
Bennell, Mokros, and Ormerod (2002), Homant and Kennedy
(1998) and Wilson,
Lincoln, and Kocsis (1997).
The NCAVC’s Child Abduction and Serial Murder Investigative
Resources
Center (CASMIRC) was formed in early 2000 based on a
Congressional mandate
(Protection of Children From Sexual Predators Act, 1998).
Ongoing CASMIRC
research in the NCAVC includes epidemiological studies on
child abduction
(Boudreaux, Lord, & Dutra, 1999) and child homicide
(Boudreaux, Lord, & Jarvis,
2001), interviews of convicted child abductors who killed their
victims (Beyer &
Beasley, 2003), and detailed review of investigative files. In
order to update the data
on serial murder, a related project is underway that includes
interviews of offenders,
along with reviews of case files. In this study, interviews have
been conducted with
20 serial killers in five states.

145. 396 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
This interview-based, qualitative research aims to deepen our
knowledge of the
dynamics of serial murder by examining first-hand the unique
ways in which these
offenders view themselves and the world. Admittedly, offender
interviews alone do
not result in a complete understanding of serial homicide. Still,
individual case
studies provide a valuable way to learn about unusual
populations such as this.
Voluntary interviews do have some drawbacks. Among these are
subject acquisition
criteria that rely on self-selection, reliability of information
based on self-report, and
the amount of time required collecting and verifying data. It is
believed by this
author, however, that a comprehensive expertise and
understanding of the serial
homicide phenomenon can best be obtained through extensive,
systematic, and

146. direct contact with persons who exhibit these behaviors,
coupled with empirical data
derived from larger populations.
Skrapec (2001), for one, has stressed the need to explore serial
murder though in-
depth, one-on-one interviews with offenders. This type of
qualitative research,
though time consuming, is valuable in that it provides personal,
detailed knowledge
and a descriptive element not found in quantitative research.
Still, it has its place
alongside epidemiological studies that have larger populations
but may not provide
as much in-depth information. One of the strengths of these
epidemiological studies
is that they have examined factors that have some predictive
value (Witte, 2000).
Together, interview research and epidemiological research, each
with its unique
strengths and limitations, provide a more complete picture of
offenders and the
dynamics of their behaviors.
The purpose of this article is to review and compare information

147. obtained on
seven offenders interviewed and studied to date. These killers
individually revealed
some rather distinct variations, and a few similarities in their
offenses. The facts of
their crimes and their commentaries are not meant to broadly
categorize, but rather
serve a more descriptive purpose, and to demonstrate their
unique backgrounds and
behaviors. Because this is a small sample, the generalizability
of what they reported,
even when verified through comparison to case records, is
problematic. It is intended,
however, that these findings will ultimately provide support and
further considera-
tion for some of the assistance that the NCAVC offers in
ongoing, unsolved cases.
Most of this author’s NCAVC colleagues who are involved in
assessing offenders
in pending cases will readily acknowledge that while qualitative
interview research
focused on case studies is helpful, each new case that is
analyzed must be examined
individually and carefully, and that making judgments based on

148. comparison with
small populations is risky. Furthermore, reaching conclusions
and affixing labels to
individuals and situations without thorough and detailed
examination of the facts
can easily result in unhelpful, misleading, or erroneous
outcomes. This note of
caution should apply in any study of a limited number of
subjects. In this article, the
cases chosen are intended to demonstrate the wide variances in
behaviors that often
present difficult challenges for those who attempt to analyze
such behaviors in
unsolved crimes.
SELECTION PROCESS
The seven offenders selected for this review were identified
from the 20 interviewed
to date. These seven were chosen for two significant reasons.
First, detailed case
Serial murder in America 397
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)

149. materials were available for review, and second, the information
gleaned from the
interviews is believed to be representative of the variations
observed in the larger
pool of offenders interviewed to date. These seven all
demonstrated some degree of
sexual behavior in relation to some or all of their murders. This
criterion was used
because of prior studies that suggest sexual sadism is a common
feature among serial
killers (Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas, 1988; Warren, Hazelwood,
& Dietz, 1996).
These offenders have several additional features in common: (i)
all are male, (ii) all
had at least three homicide victims, (iii) all of their offenses
occurred within the past
30 years, (iv) all of the offenders were voluntary research
participants and were
guaranteed confidentiality, and (v) all were interviewed by this
author along with
other CASMIRC Supervisory Special Agents (SSAs) over
periods ranging from one
to five days, utilizing a standardized protocol, developed by
NCAVC personnel, of

150. just over 400 questions. This protocol addresses various
characteristics of victim
selection, as well as offender relationships, educational and
employment history,
military service, family structure, and criminal history, among
other factors. Certain
of these features were selected for discussion based on issues
that frequently merit
consideration in unsolved cases.
As already mentioned, self-selection and self-report are among
the chief concerns
of this type of research. Given that serial murderers are often
deemed to be
psychopaths who have repeatedly lied in the past, falsification
of answers is an issue
that must be considered. A thorough and systematic review of
case records helps
to address this problem. The degree to which each of the seven
interviewees
cooperated varied considerably, and in instances wherein
omissions or misrepre-
sentations were noted, case materials provided a means of
obtaining more accurate

151. answers to certain questions.
Some issues, though, can only be addressed through the
interview process. These
include responses to questions concerning an offender’s state of
mind during the
commission of his murders, his motivation(s), and his recall
concerning events of
which only he had knowledge. To the extent possible, motive
was considered, based
on interview responses and case information. Other factors
examined included post-
offense behaviors such as movement of the victims’ remains.
Psychopathy was another factor considered. Based on the
pioneering work of
Cleckley (1982) and Hare (1993), psychopathy has been found
to be a significant
factor in the behavior of violent criminals. The Hare
Psychopathy Checklist—
Revised (PCL-R), a 20-factor instrument, was utilized, due to
its widespread
acceptance within the academic community, its relative ease of
use, and its high
levels of reliability and validity in assessing psychopaths (Hare
& Hart, 1997).

152. Assessments were based on observations of offenders during
interviews, later review
of their responses and case records, and consultations with an
NCAVC staff psy-
chologist who is trained in the use of this tool.
Interviews were audio- and/or videotaped whenever feasible,
per the approval of
each individual institution and the consent of each interviewee.
In most instances,
this was not possible. In all cases, however, the interviewers
took extensive notes.
Following each interview, the interviewers reviewed their notes,
along with any
video and/or audio recordings, and all available collateral
records (at a minimum,
these included inmate files and investigative reports). Then,
through collaboration
with an NCAVC clinical psychologist who is certified in the use
of the PCL-R
instrument, an individual checklist was completed for each
interviewed offender.
398 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law

153. 22: 395–414 (2004)
Individuals included in this study were identified through
several means. Three
of the offenders had been previously examined by the NCAVC.
Two were subjects
of behavioral assessments during the operational phases of
criminal investigations
into their murders and prior to their apprehension and
conviction. A third was
included in a study by Safarik, Jarvis, and Nussbaum (2000) on
sexual homicide of
the elderly. The remaining four came to the attention of this
researcher through
previously compiled lists in the NCAVC of individuals fitting
the research criteria,
through data obtained from the FBI’s Violent Criminal
Apprehension Program
(VICAP), and through contacts developed in various state
correctional systems
assisting in the study. The murders the offenders are known to
have committed
occurred in various periods between 1969 and 1998.

154. CASE STUDY EXAMPLES
Narrative accounts of each offender and his murders are
important to consider in
comparing the offenders with each other, and in comparing and
discussing the
murders of individual offenders. Highlights of these are
provided below.
Offender Number One
This offender was a White male who at the age of 30 began
killing female prostitutes,
most of them White. He was adopted and grew up in a large
urban area. He had a
limited history of dating females his age and had no lasting
romantic relationships,
though he did have a few social friends of both sexes. He had
no record of treatment
for psychological disorders. As an adult, he took some college
courses, but dropped
out and later resumed living in his family home. He had a few
sporadic and low-
paying jobs and failed in several business ventures.
He had grown accustomed to using prostitutes to satisfy his
sexual urges, having

155. done so routinely for several years. He met them primarily on
inner-city streets, paid
for their services, and carried out his sexual interactions with
them while inside his
personal vehicle. Occasionally, though, he would bring a
prostitute back to his
mother’s home, where he also lived, for a longer liaison. (These
limited situations
occurred when his mother was away.) During these years of
frequenting prostitutes,
he was arrested once for solicitation, but was never charged
with any violent crimes.
The women he killed ranged in age from 21 to 41. He strangled
all 17. He varied
his methods of disposing of the victims’ bodies. He buried
them; placed them under
discarded items (e.g. a mattress); placed them in bodies of
water; and hid them in
wooded areas. He dismembered three, then scattered their
remains in locations in
and around the metropolitan area where he lived. No patterns or
discernable
changes over time were noted in these disposals. He stated he
simply took advantage

156. of opportunities that arose which allowed him to avoid or delay
detection. He some-
times kept personal belongings of his victims; many of these,
including jewelry and
photo identification, were found when his home was searched
following his arrest.
He felt his actions were influenced by several factors, among
them family
instability, the death of his father two years prior to the first
murder, social isolation,
and a deep resentment toward young women. He claimed to
have had consensual
Serial murder in America 399
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
sexual intercourse with all the victims before killing them. He
could not articulate
any specific reasons for the murders, but did profess an intense
interest in watching
some of them die. He had a look of detachment during the
interview, and the
researchers noted an apparent lack of remorse as he described
his actions. At one

157. point the offender admitted, unabashedly, that his killings had
become ‘‘a very
problematic hobby for me.’’
His murders spanned a period of just over four years. The time
between murders
varied considerably, from 1 to 18 months. During his interview
he attempted in vain
to explain why he chose certain victims over other potential
ones. He sometimes left
home knowing that he would kill later that day. At other times,
however, he did
not know he would kill until just before the opportunity
presented itself. (This
assessment of opportunity included his evaluation as to the
remoteness of the
location, the absence of other people in the area, his emotional
state, and his general
‘‘desire’’ to kill.) This self-reported variation in his thought
processes highlights
a tremendous challenge in projecting or tracking a serial killer’s
activities and
progress over a course of time. For this offender, for example,
his relative degree

158. of stealth, his selection of vulnerable victims with a transient
lifestyle, and the
variations in his methods of body disposal allowed him to
remain undetected for
many months.
When arrested, he readily confessed to the murders, expressing
little feeling.
During his interview, he displayed some traits of psychopathy.
These included
irresponsibility, impulsivity, poor behavioral controls,
promiscuous sexual behavior,
a parasitic lifestyle, callousness, and lack of empathy. However,
with a score of 24
(out of a possible 40) on the PCL-R, he did not reach the higher
level historically
noted for psychopaths.
He described having an extremely high degree of mobility, in
that he drove
extensively throughout the area where he lived. It was the
impression of the
interviewers that driving in this seemingly aimless and restless
fashion was perhaps
in fact more purposeful, allowing him to evaluate and mentally
map the area, so that

159. he could later strategize as to how he would obtain and/or
dispose of future victims.
Offender Number Two
This inmate was also a White male, adopted and raised as the
only child in a middle
class home. His early childhood was unremarkable, but in
adolescence he began
abusing drugs. He reached adulthood, though, without a
criminal record. He com-
mitted two assaults against women just prior to his murders, and
following one of
these he began receiving psychological treatment. He attended
several semesters of
college, but his heavy use of cocaine and marijuana caused him
to drop out before
obtaining a degree. This substance abuse seems to also have
factored heavily in the
murders he committed.
He had been married for two years, but was unhappy in the
relationship. He
maintained a stable job, though he stole from his employer to
obtain money for
drugs. At the age of 25, he killed three White females during a

160. two-week period.
He later claimed he had felt intense anger and rage toward
women for some time
prior to the murders. There are some indications that this may
have stemmed from
difficulties in his marriage.
400 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
The first victim was a 20-year-old woman who lived in his
neighborhood, but who
was unknown to him. He gained entry to her residence through a
ruse, then raped
her. He shot her twice in the head with a handgun, and then
consumed a beer he had
found in her refrigerator. He left her nude, face up on her bed.
Before departing,
he placed a bottle of hot sauce in her vagina, and positioned a
stuffed animal next
to her body.
His second victim was a relative, 43 years of age, who lived a
few miles from him.

161. She had come to his residence one evening while his wife was
away, to return a
borrowed item. He raped her, and shot her once in the head with
the same handgun
he had used before. He tried, unsuccessfully, to clean up a large
amount of the
victim’s blood. He also left a note at the scene, which stated, ‘‘I
kill your sister, now I
kill your husband.’’ He placed her corpse in her vehicle and
drove less than a mile
away, disposing the body by the side of a well-traveled road.
The victim was found
nude, face up, with one of her shoes placed between her legs.
Regarding both of
these encounters, the offender detailed his sexual interactions
with the victims
before he killed them. He stated he forced each to masturbate
and then perform
fellatio on him. He also masturbated, and raped each victim
anally and vaginally.
While he denied that these two events were specifically
scripted, the similarities, at
least in terms of his sexual behaviors, are striking.

162. Immediately following the second homicide, the offender drove
in the victim’s
car, through several states. The next evening he shot and killed
another stranger,
a 25-year-old woman who was working as a motel desk clerk at
the time of the
encounter. Though there was evidence of sexual assault, he
denied this. He did,
however, admit that this was what he had intended. He stated
that he later returned
to the murder scene and, prior to the arrival of police, stole
money from the motel’s
cash drawer. He was arrested without further violence a few
hours later, in a nearby
town.
This offender’s personal history reflected pathological lying,
manipulative
behavior, shallow affect, and lack of guilt. However, in his
general lifestyle he did
not demonstrate as many psychopathic traits (he scored 15 on
the PCL-R) as most
of the other serial killers studied.
Offender Number Three

163. This subject was a 32-year-old White male, never married, who
was highly transient.
His early life was extremely unstable, as a result of his mother’s
multiple marriages,
two of which were during the offender’s childhood while he
lived with her. His
mother was an alcoholic. He had little interaction with her; he
described her as cold
and distant. He fought with his stepfather, who beat him often.
He was often truant
from school, and managed to complete the seventh grade before
running away from
home at age 13. Following that, he had contact with his mother
just three times.
By the age of seven he was torturing animals by ‘‘putting
firecrackers up cats’
butts,’’ which he dismissed as ‘‘nothing major.’’ At age nine,
he was taken from his
mother’s home and placed for several months with a foster
family. At 10, he was
arrested for burglary and housed in a juvenile detention center
for nine months.
He admitted to at least ten burglaries as a juvenile. After
leaving home he lived off

164. and on for several years with an older homosexual male and
engaged in sexual
Serial murder in America 401
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
relations with him. He used a variety of illicit drugs and
frequently abused alcohol.
His adult criminal history included arrests for aggravated
battery, robbery, sodomy,
grand larceny, drug possession, disorderly conduct, and alcohol-
related offenses.
During the eight-month period of his homicides, he traveled
across six states,
killing at least six men in three of those states. All his victims
were White, and five
were known to be homosexuals. He met some at nightclubs,
leaving the establish-
ments after they propositioned him and he agreed to have sexual
relations with
them. He killed all these men during his apparently random
travels, using public
transportation or stolen vehicles (some belonging to his murder
victims).

165. With a score of 38 on the PCL-R, he scored in the ‘‘very high’’
range on the
psychopathy scale. He expressed no remorse, commenting that
after the second or
third murder, he was beginning to ‘‘enjoy’’ what he was doing.
He exhibited
grandiose behavior, seeming to relish the attention he garnered
from his murders.
He conceded, though, that he continued to kill not to further
this infamy, but
because he simply had no feeling for those he killed. He said he
did not care if he was
caught, since he assumed his arrest was inevitable. In discussing
one aspect of his
complex motivations for murdering, he acknowledged a need to
exact revenge on
‘‘all the people who ruined my life.’’ He was quite versatile as
a criminal, and had
had probationary terms revoked while under supervision. He
was sexually promis-
cuous, extremely manipulative, and exercised few controls over
his behavior.
Indications of this individual’s lack of empathy toward his
victims, his impul-

166. sivity, grandiosity, and lack of remorse—all of which are among
the indicators of
psychopathy—are evident in comments he made concerning
three victims:
‘‘And I just seen that lamp sitting there and it was just on the
spur of the moment.
I reached over and grabbed that lamp and smacked him right
across the head with it.
And he fell across the little table by the couch there and I went
around over there and
strangled him and stuck that rag down his throat . . . ’’
‘‘Yeah, I was going to, well, I wanted to fuck him up. [He] just
pissed me off.
I guess, well, I don’t want to say I was gonna plan to kill him,
but I guess maybe in
the back of my head I was thinking it . . . ’’
‘‘ . . .when I was downstairs and I looked at the knives was
when I decided
I’m gonna kill the bastard, you know . . . . So I grabbed the
other knife and I stabbed
him right through the heart with it. I guess it was probably right
through the heart
because I put it in his chest and he didn’t even move . . . So, I
just pushed him off the

167. bed, and, uh, got me a couple pillows and just propped them up
and sat there and
drank my drink and watched a baseball game [on television]. It
was probably like
sixth or seventh inning.’’
Of note is that this offender varied his killing methods, using
blunt objects to
strike some victims, while stabbing, strangling, and shooting
others. He tended
to use weapons that were close at hand, and he exercised little
planning in these
attacks.
He professed to be mostly interested in what he could obtain of
monetary value
from his victims, but his stated motives also included anger,
retaliation, and revenge.
He insisted that his sexual interactions with some of the victims
were not factors in
his reasons to kill. He even emphasized that he did not consider
himself a
homosexual, because he was engaging in this activity simply to
make money from
these men, who paid him for the purpose of them performing
oral sex acts on him.

168. He felt that his repulsion to performing sex acts on other men
precluded him from
402 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
being a homosexual. His statements as to his sexual orientation
and his financial
desires notwithstanding, sexual motives seem likely to have
been present at the
time of some of the murders, and appear almost certainly to
have figured promi-
nently in his victim selection. In addition, while he seemed to
have some preference
for homosexual victims, this offender could not explain why he
killed some men he
met and not others. It seems clear that his selection of male
sexual partners was
consistent with his desire to earn and/or steal money from them,
because they came
from a vulnerable population, which made these activities
possible. However, his
stated motives at the times of the murders included profit,

169. generalized anger, and
rage toward some of the victims who refused to pay him or who
were too rough with
him during their sexual activities.
One specific aspect in some of his crimes was that he forcibly
shoved objects and
debris into some victims’ mouths after death. These included
dirt, leaves, cloth, and,
in one instance, a dildo. Though he did not express a reason for
these actions,
perhaps they served to degrade the victims, and may have been
intended to cover
or conceal evidence of the sexual activity that had occurred.
Such behavior can
sometimes be considered to be so rare as to provide a link
between certain cases,
especially in those wherein sufficiently detailed data are
available for review and
comparison. (In NCAVC consultations, these factors can take
two forms: focusing
on a particular feature that provides linkage possibilities based
on its very unique-
ness, versus multiple but less distinctive factors that, taken
together, can still make a

170. compelling case for linkage of certain cases.) While noted as a
possible linkage
feature in this offender’s murders, it appears unlikely that this
element alone would
have been essential to the solution of these cases, since he had
already been
identified and was being aggressively sought as a fugitive early
in this series of
homicides. Further, his willingness to travel great distances,
coupled with his
preference for male homosexual victims, had already been noted
by authorities.
Offender Number Four
This subject was a White male with a highly unstable
upbringing wherein his father
frequently verbally and physically abused him. In elementary
school, he demon-
strated belligerent behavior and low self-esteem after learning
that he would have to
repeat the third grade. He had no history of juvenile arrests. At
16 he dropped out
of high school to join the military. Though he earned his
G.E.D., his service lasted

171. only 19 months, due to an ‘‘underlying immature personality.’’
As a result, he was
recommended for a general discharge, but upon reconsideration
he ultimately
received an honorable discharge. His three-year marriage was
stormy and included
at least one incident wherein he threatened his wife by putting a
shotgun to her head.
The marriage ended in a bitter divorce, leaving him with an
intense hatred of women.
Over the next nine years he committed armed robberies in
multiple states.
He served several prison sentences and probations. He was
sporadically employed
and frequently used illicit drugs. He was arrested once for
possession of marijuana.
Starting at the age of 35, he killed eight White victims (three
males and five
females). Their ages ranged from eight to 55. Five of the eight
were college students.
These murders occurred in four separate incidents over a nine-
month period. This
offender also scored in the ‘‘very high’’ range on the PCL-R
psychopathy measure,

172. Serial murder in America 403
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22: 395–414 (2004)
with a score of 36. He committed a variety of crimes including
assault, rape,
burglary, grand larceny, armed robbery, auto theft, and
trespassing. He led an
irresponsible and nomadic lifestyle. Though some planning went
into his murders,
he was exceedingly impulsive. He had a shallow affect, and was
extremely conning
and manipulative. He lacked the ability or desire to set or
maintain long-term goals.
His attempts at displaying charm were superficial, and he was in
continuous need
of stimulation. He told interviewers that he prowled around
frequently at night,
sometimes for hours at a time, and said that peering into
windows was exciting to
him. This voyeuristic behavior may have led to the methods he
employed when he
began to commit these murders, which involved breaking into
victims’ homes at night.

173. Following the murders of his last two victims, he fled the area
and survived
financially by committing property crimes, including
automobile thefts and
burglaries. He later confessed to some of the murders, but
demonstrated little
convincing remorse. His limited efforts to express shame and
regret were superficial
and largely directed outward, indicating that his repentance was
more for having
been caught than for any feeling of empathy for his victims.
He raped four of his female victims and mutilated their bodies
through cutting,
stabbing, biting, and evisceration. He attempted to remove
evidence through unique
means, by using household cleaning agents found in their
homes. He also posed
some of the female victims in ways that indicated his desire to
taunt, shock, and
offend those who found them. For example, he left them nude
on beds or on the
floors of their residences, with their legs spread apart. He
decapitated one and left

174. her head positioned prominently in her home. Because these
unusual behavioral
features were repeated in some of the murders, a possibility
existed for the killings to
be linked to one offender. However, it is noted that in these
murders, there were
more outwardly discernable common features present, including
location, timing,
and victim characteristics, such as age and gender.
His preferred weapon was a large knife, which he felt enabled
him to become a
more efficient ‘‘killing machine.’’ He reported that his choice
of this weapon was
derived from his desire to exact revenge for the pain and
suffering he had endured
throughout his life, at the hands of his ex-wife, his parents, and
law enforcement and
correctional personnel. As an example, he stated that he had
suffered immensely
during one period of incarceration for robbery, when the prison
cell he occupied
flooded frequently with raw sewage, as he put it, ‘‘ . . . day [in],
day out for months.
I went nuts. I went stir crazy . . . I was very angry.’’ It is

175. noteworthy that he used this
perceived maltreatment as one of the justifications for his later
crimes, again failing
to accept responsibility for his behavior.
He believed he was successful as a killer because he could
assimilate easily into
society, while embracing his own unique, rage-filled view of the
world, without
others suspecting he could commit such crimes. He stated,
‘‘People like me are . . .
right on the fringe of society. They blend right in just like you,
like me. They’re like
everybody.’’
Finally, he related that he was influenced by a ‘‘force,’’ in the
form of an imaginary
person, who identified specific residences for him to enter, and
then instructed him
to kill at those locations. It is significant that he used this
invented individual as a
partial explanation for his crimes, though it falls short of
acceptance of responsibility
for them and allowed him to dissociate himself from his actions.
It is also another
factor indicative of his high degree of psychopathy.

176. 404 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
Offender Number Five
This inmate was a Black male whose formative years were
marked by family
instability, including his mother’s divorce and remarriage. He
found some measure of
adult supervision in his grandmother, but when she died
everything went, according
to the offender, ‘‘downhill after that.’’ He became involved
with youth street gangs
that engaged in numerous property crimes and assaultive
behaviors. He incurred
numerous juvenile arrests for criminal acts including burglary,
assault, shoplifting,
auto theft, trespassing, sex crimes, vandalism, disorderly
conduct, and robbery.
His first murder was as a teenager, when he and three
accomplices suffocated an
elderly White woman in her home. He was charged as an adult
and convicted of

177. this murder, serving 25 years in prison before being paroled.
Almost immediately
upon release he began killing again, beginning with another
elderly White woman
who was walking home at night. He bound her wrists and ankles
with duct tape,
sexually assaulted her with a stick, and left her for dead. Upon
returning several
minutes later and realizing that she was still alive, he ‘‘finished
her’’ by stabbing her
with a ball point pen six times, then beating and choking her.
She died from manual
and ligature strangulation, and suffered fractures to her skull
and several vertebrae.
Several days later, he beat and killed a White male. Also during
this period, he
repeatedly raped and beat another White woman. She survived
and later testified
against him at his trial.
During his interview, this offender indicated that he liked to jog
at night,
sometimes looking into the homes of various people. While this
statement could

178. be his rationalization for his voyeuristic behavior, he insisted
that this window
peeping was not to fulfill any sexual purpose, but to satisfy his
general curiosity
about how others lived. This behavior could also be viewed as
preparation—a sort
of surveillance, or reconnaissance—for some of his crimes,
especially the rape he
committed.
He admitted to powerful feelings of isolation. When he felt
frustrated as a child
he would often go off by himself to release his pent-up feelings,
brooding silently
and avoiding interaction with others. He reported that as he
grew older, he realized
that he could not experience sexual gratification unless his
sexual activities were
accompanied by violence and pain inflicted on others. He could
even be sexually
aroused through violence alone, with or without any overt
sexual aspects to an event.
He stated that following the second and third murders, he
experienced spontaneous
orgasms, hours later, while recalling the details of the violence

179. he had committed.
His sexual fantasies prior to these two homicides had a violent
component, in which
torture and foreign object insertion into genital orifices were
paramount. Based in
part on his criminal history and violent behavior, he scored 33
on the PCL-R,
surpassing the diagnostic criteria for psychopathy. He led a
parasitic lifestyle, lacked
remorse for his violent acts, and was enormously manipulative.
He failed to accept
responsibility for his actions, and exhibited few behavioral
controls.
Offender Number Six
This offender was also a Black male with a highly unstable
home life while growing
up. He claimed to have been verbally abused by his father.
While there are no
Serial murder in America 405
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22: 395–414 (2004)
indications of any psychological problems, he attended special

180. education classes due
to learning difficulties. He had a speech impediment and an IQ
of 68 (mentally
deficient). These developmental problems may have contributed
to his unaccep-
table behaviors; they certainly did not deter him from becoming
immersed in
criminal activity. In early adolescence, he was extremely
isolated and stole fre-
quently from others. He was also involved in fire-setting and
animal cruelty. As he
entered adulthood, he continued stealing, abused illegal drugs,
and became
assaultive against adults. He served time in a state penitentiary
for a burglary. It
was there that he claimed to have learned ways to improve his
chances of success as a
criminal.
Starting at the age of 33, he killed three women (two White and
one Hispanic)
and two men (one Black and one White) over an 18-month
period. Though reported
in prison records to be of low intellect, he possessed, in some
limited respects,

181. a remarkable level of criminal sophistication, which contributed
to his being rated a
psychopath. For example, although he used the same handgun
for all five offenses,
he altered it after each murder so that the cases could not be
forensically linked
through ballistic comparisons.
He demonstrated a considerable range of motives, from profit (a
failed burglary,
during which the victim woke up and was shot); to revenge (a
burglary he planned
with a male cohort, whom he killed during the burglary in
retaliation for a joke the
partner had previously played on him); to a situation wherein a
male relative of two
teenage girls the offender had just raped confronted him
unexpectedly, at which
time the offender shot the man to death. Of note is that, in a
separate incident during
this period, he also exacted revenge against a woman who had,
he reported, played a
joke on him. He achieved his vengeance by raping her ten-year-
old daughter, and

182. professed no remorse for this crime.
This offender’s choice of victims seems to have been
indiscriminate; they
ranged in age from 38 to 87. Three were women and two were
men, and they
were of various races, including White, Black, and Hispanic. It
appears that
rather than meticulously planning each murder, he killed simply
because of
circumstances that arose at the times he was engaged in
committing burglaries,
robberies, and rapes. The murders, then, went beyond his initial
profit and/or
sexual motives. These conditions included burglaries in which
homeowners
awoke and confronted him, and one situation wherein he
attacked a woman
outside her home with a quickly formed plan to rob her, but
killed her instead.
While these actions could be symptomatic of his lack of self-
control, more likely
they were simply indicative of impulsive self-preservation.
Only in one situation
did he set out specifically to kill the victim, and in that case his

183. motive was
revenge.
His low IQ seems to have precluded him from developing a
sense of insight
and self-examination. This can be seen in the reason he gave for
stealing a woman’s
scarf during a burglary and homicide: ‘‘I thought it was pretty
and would look
good with a gold suit I’ve got.’’ On the other hand, he had the
foresight to hide his
murder weapon in the attic of his father’s home after the
homicides (though he later
admitted where it was). This offender scored in the ‘‘high’’
range (33) on the PCL-R
psychopathy scale, due to numerous early behavioral problems,
juvenile delin-
quency, criminal versatility, impulsivity, proneness to boredom,
chronic lying, and
other factors.
406 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)

184. Offender Number Seven
This subject was a White male with an early home life marked
by many personal
problems. He claimed to have been verbally and physically
abused by his father.
He was of average intelligence, and completed the eleventh
grade. He served two
and a half years in the military, receiving a dishonorable
discharge due to his conduct
and willful absences, caused, he said, by his excessive use of
alcohol and drugs
(including marijuana, barbiturates, LSD, and PCP, which he
began using at the age
of 13). He became addicted to heroin and amphetamines at the
age of 21. He was
treated twice for drug dependence. He exhibited other problem
behaviors during
late adolescence and early adulthood, including extreme
isolation, self-mutilation,
and chronic lying. He claimed to have suffered from depression
and twice received
psychological treatment. He attempted suicide twice, once at
age 19 and again at age

185. 26. He accumulated five adult arrests for thefts and drug
charges, and was confined
once for lying to a police officer.
Over 17 months he killed five women, all White and ranging in
age from 20 to 25.
Sexual assault was a primary motive, and he killed them in
several ways, including
strangulation, stabbing, suffocation, and beating. He claimed
that another promi-
nent factor was his rage toward women, stemming from a
broken marriage and
fueled by heavy use of drugs and alcohol. He said he felt that
his victims all ‘‘looked
like my wife.’’
He knew two of the victims, and used this familiarity to gain
access to them. He
befriended one victim in a bar, later becoming enraged when
she rebuffed his sexual
advances. He found another victim at the home of one of her
friends, where she was
spending the night. He approached the front door, pushed his
way inside and
immediately assaulted her. He came upon another victim in her
car in a parking lot.

186. He moved only one of the bodies after the murder. Of the
remaining four victims,
he left two in their homes and two (whom he had abducted) in
remote fields.
He sexually assaulted all the women vaginally and anally prior
to killing them.
He claimed that he was using large quantities of
methamphetamine and heroin at
the time of some of the murders; he felt these lowered his
inhibitions, making the
crimes easier for him to commit. He reported that following the
first four murders,
he was able to convince himself that he was not the perpetrator
and therefore felt no
remorse. After the fifth and last known homicide, he turned
himself in and
confessed, but only to that murder. When the other murders
were linked to him
years later through DNA matches, he ultimately made a full
admission.
With a score of 26, within the ‘‘high’’ range on the PCL-R
psychopathy scale, this
offender had fewer psychopathic traits than others in this group.
He displayed

187. pathological lying, manipulative behavior, lack of remorse,
shallow affect, lack of
empathy, and impulsivity.
DISCUSSION
These seven case descriptions are informative and provide some
insight into the
thought processes of the murderers. As previously mentioned,
wide variations exist
in their backgrounds and their crimes. Comparisons of the
offenders and their
murders are addressed in the tables and comments below. Table
1 shows variations
Serial murder in America 407
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
among the offenders on several factors, including age at time of
first murder,
psychopathy, motives, drug and alcohol use at the time of the
murders, and criminal
history.
Not surprisingly, motives dominated by sexual desires were

188. present (in four
cases), but profit motives and emotions (e.g. anger, revenge)
were also found, at
times in combination. Elements of sexual motivation were found
in at least some
of the murders of all seven offenders. However, in some cases
this did not appear to
be the sole, or even primary, motivation. For example, offender
No. 3 was adamant
that his exclusive motivation was profit and/or anger,
notwithstanding his use of sex
with homosexual men as part of the lure to get them into
positions of greater
vulnerability. Offender No. 5 was likewise insistent that his
chief motive was profit,
but there were indications of intense sexual arousal (per his
report) immediately
following some of his murders. This suggests the possibility of
sexual motivation
even when there are no obvious signs of such at the crime scene
itself.
Offender No. 6 was judged to have profit and/or revenge
motives, but he was also
motivated by sex to some degree. In his last murder, while the

189. murder victim was not
sexually assaulted (he was the uncle of two teenage girls the
offender had just raped),
there was still a sexual motive inherent in the offender’s
presence at the location
where the homicide occurred.
These varied circumstances demonstrate the difficulty of
identifying a precise
motive, considering the combinations of influences on a given
offender at a partic-
ular time. Such is the nature of human behavior in general, and
criminal behavior in
particular. Unfortunately, even with extensive interviews,
determining a single
motive is highly problematic.
Table 2 shows variations in the numbers of victims overall and
victim selection
(by race and sex), as well as causes of death and postmortem
movement of bodies.
Table 1. Offender data
Offender age
Offender No. at 1st murder Psychopath Primary motive
Drugs/alcohol Criminal history

190. 1 30 No Sex No Minimal
2 25 No Sex/emotion Yes Minimal
3 32 Yes Profit/emotion Yes Extensive
4 35 Yes Sex No Extensive
5 16 Yes Profit No Extensive
6 26 Yes Profit/emotion Yes Extensive
7 25 No Sex Yes Minimal
Table 2. Victim data
Offender No. Victims Races of victims Causes of death Bodies
moved
1 17 females Varied All strangled All
2 3 females White All gunshot 1
3 6 males White Varied 0
4 3 males/5 females White All stabbed 0
5 1 male/2 females White Varied 1
6 3 males/2 females Varied All gunshot 0
7 5 females White Varied 1
408 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
In some respects, the seven offenders and their 47 victims were
diverse.
Five offenders were White and two were Black. Their murders
occurred in at least
seven states; only three offended solely within one state. The
victims were males

191. (28%) and females (72%) whose ethnicity usually matched that
of the offenders
(this was true in 33 of the 47 murders (70%). Of the three
offenders who killed
outside their race, one was White and two were Black. The
number of victims per
offender ranged from 3 to 17.
The victims’ backgrounds were diverse as well: Some were
prostitutes (36%),
some were elderly (15%), and some were students (19%). They
were predominantly
White, but one was Black, two were Hispanic, and one was
Asian. The methods
used by the killers to perpetrate their murders were varied and
included shooting,
stabbing, strangulation, and blunt force with instruments and/or
hands.
Table 3 shows variations in post-offense behaviors,
transportation used, items
taken/kept, and media awareness. As can be seen, even murders
committed by
the same individual may be dissimilar. For example, method of
murder, victim

192. characteristics, and disposal of bodies vary both within and
among the killers’ victim
groups.
Some problems are apparent when moving beyond these
individual descriptions
and into comparisons. Within this small group, it is possible
that the observed
diversity and variability indicate a lack of adequate
representation of these traits in
larger populations. Again, larger samples (Dudek, unpublished
doctoral disserta-
tion; Witte, unpublished doctoral dissertation) have produced
support for more
precise comparisons. This qualitative study instead focuses on
the descriptive nature
of information derived directly from individual perpetrators.
Of specific interest, for instance, is the movement of bodies
following the
murders. Dudek (unpublished doctoral dissertation), in his study
of 123 murdered
prostitutes, suggested that such activity is more common among
serial killers than
single homicide offenders. This finding can be seen to a degree
in the information

193. derived from these seven cases, wherein movement of bodies
was sometimes
noted, though again with some variation, even among the
homicides of individual
offenders.
Table 3. Offender behavior
Media
Post-offense awareness/
Offender No. behaviors Transportation Items taken Items kept
impact
1 3 bodies Car/truck Jewelry, ID Jewelry, Yes/minimal
dismembered ID (for souvenirs)
2 Item placed in victim; Car Beer can, Vehicle Yes/none
note left at one scene; vehicle (escape)
left area
3 Items placed in Car/foot Money, jewelry Money Yes/great
mouths, throats
of victims
4 Cleaned vaginal Foot/bicycle Body parts None Yes/minimal
areas of victims (discarded)
5 Item placed in Foot/car/train Victims’ vehicles Vehicle,
Yes/none
victim’s vagina (escape) ATM card
6 Remained in area Foot/bicycle Jewelry, money, Clothing

194. Yes/minimal
clothing
7 Remained in area Foot/car None None Yes/minimal
Serial murder in America 409
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
Witte (unpublished doctoral dissertation) has reviewed studies
into the locations
of the murders of serial offenders; some of these have disputed
the concept of the
wide-ranging, nomadic type of serial killer. Nevertheless, in
these seven offenders,
restlessness and mobility were found to be common, even if
only within a limited
geographic area.
Four of seven offenders reported heightened use of alcohol or
drugs associated
with some or all of their murders. This activity may contribute
to the commission
of murder by lowering inhibitions, allowing offenders to
dissociate, or repressing
emotions. Four of seven (not the same combination) were

195. deemed psychopaths,
based on PCL-R data and applying a cut-off score of 30.
Interestingly, offenders
with the more extensive criminal histories also were the ones
judged to be
psychopaths. This should perhaps not be surprising, since
criminal versatility is
one of the factors assessed by the PCL-R, and a lack of
conscience would certainly
facilitate this type of criminal behavior. Also noted was that
four of seven subjects
used only one method to kill all their victims; the other three
used a variety of
methods. This versatility suggests a lack of planning on the part
of some offenders,
who seemed able to kill without employing the same means each
time.
Four offenders had extensive criminal records, with arrests for
multiple crimes
prior to their murders. The other three, though, had minimal
arrest histories.
With this group, it is uncertain how directly these histories are
related to their
serial crimes; they could be indicative of more generalized

196. conditions, such as their
antisocial nature, low self-esteem, self-destructive behaviors,
and lack of self-
concern. Their ages at the time of their first murders ranged
from 16 to 35.
However, if one offender’s first murder is excluded, the range
of ages is 25 to 35,
which is more comparable to data in prior studies.
Emphasis was also placed on other facets of serial killers’
backgrounds. These
include the notion that they have been victims of child abuse.
Among the seven
offenders discussed herein, family problems were common, but
the frequency of
physical and/or sexual abuse was found to be less than one
might assume. Only two
reported physical abuse by a parent during childhood. Further
confounding this
issue is that most victims of child abuse do not become serial
killers. Animal torture
was not pervasive among these offenders; only three reported
having engaged in
this activity. Regarding the question as to whether serial killers
escalate in their

197. violence as they continue killing, this did not appear to be
common among these
seven offenders. Likewise, these offenders displayed little
evolution or improvement
in their methods of killing. Even when noted to some degree, an
offender’s changes
in strategies are not always consistent or predictable, and
present great difficulty to
those attempting to quantify them.
The races of those killed were consistent for four offenders,
who had all White
victims. However, two of the offenders (one White, one Black)
had victims of varied
races. The White offender had victims of White, Hispanic, and
Asian descent. The
Black offender’s victims were Black, White, and Hispanic.
Only one offender moved the bodies of his victims in all of his
murders. Of the
remaining six offenders, three moved one body each, and three
did not move any
bodies.
It was found that these offenders used mixed modes of
transportation in con-

198. nection with their murders (see Table 3). Five used a motor
vehicle at least some of
the time, but also used bicycles, trains, and walking as means of
transport. Two
410 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
traveled exclusively by bicycle or on foot. Two used motor
vehicles for all their
murders. Further noted was the issue of mobility and associated
feelings of rest-
lessness. This suggests proneness to boredom, attention deficit
problems, and
perhaps a greater likelihood of predisposition for some of these
offenders to commit
repeated acts of murder. Six of the offenders stated that they
felt compelled to drive
and/or walk extensively, either as a means of relieving boredom
or to prepare for
murders and/or disposal of bodies, or both. The remaining
offender, though less
widely traveled, was an experienced burglar who himself

199. roamed frequently on foot
at night in search of targets, and so even his wanderings were
important to him in his
criminal behaviors.
All the offenders were questioned about their awareness of
media attention being
focused on their murders. All reported knowing of such
coverage, through radio,
television, or newspaper accounts, or a combination of those. Of
more direct
interest, however, was determining whether news coverage of
their crimes affected
their behavior with regard to future murders. Only one offender
reported being
greatly affected by news coverage of his murders, and he was
admittedly more
interested because he enjoyed reading about what he had done
and feeling superior
to the law enforcement agencies that were attempting to
apprehend him. Of the
remaining six offenders, four reported feeling minimal impact,
and two reported
feeling none. Absent data to the contrary, it appears that
offender behavior was

200. minimally affected by knowledge of media coverage of specific
crimes. This raises
the question as to whether the media would have been a logical
or effective means of
communication with these offenders.
Among items taken by these offenders from the scenes of their
murders or the
persons of their victims were vehicles (for escape), jewelry,
cash, ATM cards, and
clothing. In one instance an offender reported taking a can of
beer he had opened at a
victim’s residence, due to his concern that his fingerprints could
be found on it if he
had left it at the victim’s home. One offender excised some
body parts (e.g. nipples
he had cut from one of his victims) when he left the murder
scenes, but he claimed
that he discarded them soon afterward. Another offender
dismembered three of his
victims and discarded the body parts in various locations miles
away from the
murder scenes. This served to delay discovery and identification
of bodies. This

201. same offender kept numerous items of personal identification
and jewelry he had
taken from some of his victims. He stated that these personal
belongings had special
meaning for him; they therefore appear to have been taken as
‘‘souvenirs’’ or
‘‘trophies.’’
In only one other case did an offender keep items he took from
a murder scene.
These were garments that he thought he could use; it therefore
is more difficult to
justify the classification of these articles as souvenirs. In the
remaining instances of
items taken, the thefts seem more related to exigencies the
offenders encountered in
escaping (hence the taking of vehicles) or the monetary value of
the items when sold
at later times.
Among other behaviors exhibited by these seven offenders were
dismemberment
of some victims (e.g. for body disposal), cleaning of vaginal
areas of some victims,
placement of items in the orifices of some victims (e.g. vagina,
mouth), and display of

202. bodies in gruesome and offensive ways (e.g. to shock and
offend those who were
likely to find the victims). These behaviors can be viewed in
some instances as unique
enough to support case linkages, but this appears to be a rather
uncommon feature.
Serial murder in America 411
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
COMMENT
Although these descriptions of murders and those who commit
them may be
interesting, they have limitations. Generalization remains
problematic, and of
further concern is the possibility that the individual narratives
may unduly highlight
unique factors and lead to excessive attention to the bizarre at
the expense of more
mundane but also more common features identified by other
studies. However,
these cases do emphasize the need for great diligence in their
application to criminal

203. investigative analysis.
The systematic analysis of behaviors exhibited at crime scenes,
particularly those
related to homicides, can provide valuable investigative
considerations. It must be
stressed, though, that such analysis is only a tool, to be
considered in concert with
other investigative techniques. Behavioral analysis of serial
killers, therefore, should
not be held to unreasonably high expectations, since it involves
the assessment of
violent human behaviors that are relatively rare and subject to
much variation. With
recent advances in forensic technology, more concrete
connections can now be
established between cases in a shorter time. Such links may
even be established
before behavioral comparisons are considered. Forensic
analysis, however, is not
instantaneous, and is dependent on the presence and successful
recovery of physical
evidence. Behavioral-based analysis, when conducted in a
timely manner, may

204. prove useful to investigators, particularly in cases wherein
physical evidence is
lacking or scientific examination is delayed.
As can be seen in the discussion of these seven subjects, the
idea that serial killers
evolve and improve their ‘‘techniques’’ over time is a
subjective one. While some
may become stealthier, more ‘‘evidence conscious,’’ and/or
more efficient as they
continue to kill, this is hardly a trend upon which, at present,
much reliability can be
placed.
Furthermore, profiles, even when they can be based on more
empirical data,
are not ends unto themselves, to be judged only in terms of
accuracy when an
offender is identified, arrested, and convicted. For those truly
interested in improv-
ing their knowledge for future assessments, the conclusion of a
case is very often the
point at which the most attention should be focused, for it is
only at that time that
the majority of facts become known. A solved case, then,
becomes an important

205. addition to what should be an ever-growing collection of data
for behavioral
assessments in serial murder cases.
Today a more relevant addition to the concept of profiling is
criminal investiga-
tive analysis (discussed above), which includes the provision of
strategies and
techniques to assist investigators, based on what is being
learned about the back-
grounds of serial murderers. With knowledge of their criminal
and psychological
histories, better advice can be given regarding types of
behavioral traits that might
characterize suspects who come under scrutiny as an
investigation progresses.
Certainly, the results of previous studies, beyond those already
cited, merit con-
sideration. These include work by, for example, Hickey (1997),
Holmes and
Holmes (2002), and Warren et al. (1996).
With these cautionary notes in mind, what remains clear is that
continued,
thorough examination of serial murder is an important pursuit.

206. One recommenda-
tion for further empirical study would be the relationship
between offender
psychopathy and other variables, as determined through analysis
of case records
412 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
for a larger population of offenders. Overall the study of serial
murder should be
objective and standardized, should include as many cases and
subjects as possible,
and should be undertaken with a sincere devotion to the highest
of professional
and academic principles.
REFERENCES
Alison, L., Bennell, C., Mokros, A., & Ormerod, D. (2002). The
personality paradox in offender
profiling: A theoretical review of the processes involved in
deriving background characteristics from
crime scene actions. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 8(1),
115–135.
Beyer, K. R., & Beasley, J. O. (2003). Nonfamily child

207. abductors who murder their victims: Offender
demographics from interviews with incarcerated offenders.
Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 18(10),
1167–1188.
Boudreaux, M. C., Lord, W. D., & Dutra, R. L. (1999). Child
abduction: Age-based analyses of offender,
victim, and offense characteristics in 550 cases of alleged child
disappearance. Journal of Forensic
Sciences, 44(3), 539–553.
Boudreaux, M. C., Lord, W. D., & Jarvis, J. P. (2001).
Behavioral perspectives on child homicide: The
role of access, vulnerability, and routine activities theory.
Trauma, Violence and Abuse, 2(1), 56–78.
Cleckley, H. (1982). The mask of sanity. St. Louis, MO: Mosby.
Egger, S. (1998). The killers among us: An examination of
serial murder and its investigation. Upper Saddle
River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Farrington, D. P. (1982). Longitudinal analyses of criminal
violence. In M. E. Wolfgang, & N. A. Weiner
(Eds.), Criminal violence (pp. 171–200). Beverly Hills, CA:
Sage.
Fox, J. A., & Levin, J. (2001). The will to kill: Making sense of
senseless murder. Needham Heights, MA:
Allyn and Bacon.
Godwin, G. M. (2000). Hunting serial predators: A multivariate
classification approach to profiling violent
behavior. Boca Raton: CRC Press.
Goldberg, C. (2000). The evil we do: The psychoanalysis of
destructive people. Amherst, NY: Prometheus.

208. Gottfredson, M. R., & Hirschi, T. (1990). A general theory of
crime. Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press.
Hall, H. V. (1999). Overview of lethal violence. In H. V. Hall
(Ed.), Lethal violence: A sourcebook on fatal
domestic, acquaintance and stranger violence (pp. 1–51). Boca
Raton, FL: CRC Press.
Hare, R. D. (1993). Without conscience: The disturbing world
of the psychopaths among us. New York:
Guilford.
Hare, R., & Hart, S. (1997). Psychopathy and the PCL-R:
Clinical and forensic applications. North
Tonawanda, NY: Multi-Health Systems.
Hickey, E. (1997). Serial murderers and their victims (2nd ed.).
Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Holmes, R. M., & Holmes, S. T. (2002). Profiling violent
crimes: An investigative tool (3rd ed.). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
Homant, R. J., & Kennedy, D. B. (1998). Psychological aspects
of crime scene profiling: Validity
research. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 25(3), 319–343.
Kocsis, R. N., Hayes, A. F., & Irwin, H. J. (2002). Investigative
experience and accuracy in psychological
profiling of a violent crime. Journal of Interpersonal Violence,
17(8), 811–823.
Malmquist, C. P. (1996). Homicide: A psychiatric perspective.
Washington, DC: American Psychiatric
Press.

209. Men Who Murdered, The. (1985, August). FBI Law
Enforcement Bulletin, 2–31.
Pinizzotto, A. J., & Finkel, N. J. (1990). Criminal personality
profiling: An outcome and process study.
Law and Human Behavior, 14(3), 215–233.
Protection of Children From Sexual Predators Act of 1998,
Public Law No. 105–314, 105th Congress,
page 112, Title VII, Section 703.
Ressler, R. K., Burgess, A. W., & Douglas, J. E. (1988). Sexual
homicide: Patterns and motives. New York:
Lexington.
Safarik, M. E., Jarvis, J., & Nussbaum, K. (2000). Elderly
female serial sexual homicide: A limited
empirical test of criminal investigative analysis. Homicide
Studies, 4(3), 294–307.
Samenow, S. E. (1998). Straight talk about criminals.
Northvale, NJ: Aronson.
Skrapec, C. A. (2001). Phenomenology and serial murder:
Asking different questions. Homicide Studies,
5(1), 46–63.
Tithecott, R. (1997). Of men and monsters: Jeffrey Dahmer and
the construction of the serial killer. Madison,
WI: The University of Wisconsin Press.
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22: 395–414 (2004)

210. Warren, J. I., Hazelwood, R. R., & Dietz, P. E. (1996). The
sexually sadistic serial killer. Journal of
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Widom, C. S., & Toch, H. (2000). The contribution of
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Fishbein (Ed.), The science, treatment, and prevention of
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Institute.
Wilson, P., Lincoln, R., & Kocsis, R. (1997). Validity, utility
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414 J. O. Beasley
Published in 2004 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Behav. Sci. Law
22: 395–414 (2004)
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211. B E H A V I O R
5 Myths about Serial Killers and Why They Persist [Excerpt]
A criminologist contrasts the stories surrounding serial
homicide with real data to help explain society’s
macabre fascination with these tales
Unlimited Knowledge Awaits. Subscribe
By Scott Bonn on October 24, 2014
Ted Bundy in court, January 1980. Credit: Getty Images
Excerpted with permission from Why We Love Serial Killers:
The Curious Appeal of the
World’s Most Savage Murderers, by Scott Bonn. Skyhorse
Publishing. Copyright © 2014.
Much of the general public’s knowledge concerning serial
homicide is a product of
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212. photo/515117974
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sensationalized and stereotypical depictions of it in the news
and entertainment media.
Colorful story lines are written to pique the interest of
audiences, not to paint an accurate
picture of serial murder.
By focusing on the larger-than-life media images of socially
constructed “celebrity monsters,”
the public becomes captivated by the stylized presentation of
the criminals rather than the
reality of their crimes. Media stereotypes and hyperbole create
myths and great distortions in
the public consciousness regarding the true dynamics and
patterns of serial murder in the
U.S.
The Reality of Serial Homicide in the U.S.
Serial killings account for no more than 1 percent of all murders
committed in the U.S. Based
on recent FBI crime statistics, there are approximately 15,000
murders annually, so that
means there are no more than 150 victims of serial murder in
the U.S. in any given year.1 The
FBI estimates that there are between twenty-five and fifty serial
killers operating throughout
the U.S. at any given time.
If there are fifty, then each one is responsible for an average of
three murders per year. Serial

213. killers are always present in society. However, the statistics
reveal that serial homicide is
quite rare and it represents a small portion of all murders
committed in the U.S.
Persistent misinformation, stereotypes and hyperbole presented
in the media have combined
with the relative rarity of serial murder cases to foster a number
of popular myths about
serial murder. The most common myths about serial killers
encompass such factors as their
race, gender, intelligence, living conditions and victim
characteristics.
Myth #1: All Serial Killers Are Men.
Reality: This is simply not true but it is understandable why the
public would hold this
erroneous belief. As late as 1998, a highly regarded former FBI
profiler said “there are no
female serial killers.” The news and entertainment media also
perpetuate the stereotypes that
all serial offenders are male and that women do not engage in
horrible acts of violence.
When the lethality of a femme fatale is presented in book or
film, she is most often portrayed
as the manipulated victim of a dominant male. This popular but
stereotypical media image is
consistent with traditional gender myths in society which claim
that boys are aggressive by
nature while girls are passive. In fact, both aggressiveness and
passivity can be learned
through socialization and they are not gender specific.
The reality concerning the gender of serial killers is quite
different than the mythology of it.

214. Although there have been many more male serial killers than
females throughout history, the
presence of female serial killers is well documented in the
crime data. In fact, approximately
17 percent of all serial homicides in the U.S. are committed by
women.2 Interestingly, only 10
percent of total murders in the U.S. are committed by women.
Therefore, relative to men,
women represent a larger percentage of serial murders than all
other homicide cases in the
U.S. This is an important and revealing fact that defies the
popular understanding of serial
murder.
Myth #2: All Serial Killers Are Caucasian.
Reality: Contrary to popular mythology, not all serial killers are
white. Serial killers span all
racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. The racial diversity of
serial killers generally mirrors that
of the overall U.S. population. There are well documented cases
of African-American, Latino
and Asian-American serial killers. African-Americans comprise
the largest racial minority
group among serial killers, representing approximately 20
percent of the total. Significantly,
however, only white, and normally male, serial killers such as
Ted Bundy become popular
culture icons.
Although they are not household names like their infamous
white counterparts, examples of
prolific racial minority serial killers are Coral Eugene Watts, a

215. black man from Michigan,
known as the “Sunday Morning Slasher,” who murdered at least
seventeen women in
Michigan and Texas; Anthony Edward Sowell, a black man
known as the “Cleveland
Strangler” who kidnapped, raped and murdered eleven women in
Ohio; and Rafael
Resendez-Ramirez, a Mexican national known as the “Railroad
Killer,” who killed as many as
fifteen men and women in Kentucky, Texas, and Illinois.
Myth #3: All Serial Killers Are Isolated and Dysfunctional
Loners.
Reality: The majority of serial killers are not reclusive social
misfits who live alone, despite
pervasive depictions of them as such in the news and
entertainment media, including the
socially challenged “Tooth Fairy” serial killer in the film Red
Dragon. Real-life serial killers
are not the isolated monsters of fiction and, frequently, they do
not appear to be strange or
stand out from the public in any meaningful way.
Many serial killers are able to successfully hide out in plain
sight for extended periods of
time. Those who successfully blend in are typically also
employed, have families and homes
and outwardly appear to be non-threatening, normal members of
society. Because serial
killers can appear to be so innocuous, they are often overlooked
by law enforcement officials,
as well as their own families and peers.
In some rare cases, an unidentified serial killer will even
socialize and become friendly with
the unsuspecting police detectives who are tracking him. The

216. incredible tale of Ed Kemper
(the “Co-ed Killer”) provides an example of this phenomenon.
Serial killers who hide out in plain sight are able to do so
precisely because they look just like
everyone else. It is their ability to blend in that makes them
very dangerous, frightening and
yet very compelling to the general public.
Myth #4: All Serial Murderers Travel Widely and Kill
Interstate.
Reality: The roaming, homicidal maniac such as Freddy Krueger
in the cult film A
Nightmare on Elm Street is another entertainment media
stereotype that is rarely found in
real life. Among the most infamous serial killers, Ted Bundy is
the rare exception who
traveled and killed interstate. Bundy twice escaped from police
custody and committed at
least thirty homicides in the states of Washington, Utah,
Florida, Colorado, Oregon, Idaho
and California. Articulate, educated, well-groomed and
charming, Bundy was truly atypical
among serial killers in his cross-country killing rampage.
Unlike Bundy, most serial killers have very well defined
geographic areas of operation. They
typically have a comfort zone—that is, an area that they are
intimately familiar with and
where they like to stalk and kill their prey. Jack the Ripper
provides the classic example of
this geographic preference because he stalked and killed
exclusively in the small Whitechapel

217. district of London in the fall of 1888.
The comfort zone of a serial killer is often defined by an anchor
point such as a place of
residence or employment. Crime statistics reveal that serial
killers are most likely to commit
their first murder very close to their place of residence due to
the comfort and familiarity it
offers them. John Wayne Gacy “The Killer Clown” buried most
of his thirty-three young, male
victims in the crawl space beneath his house after sexually
assaulting and murdering them.
Serial killers sometimes return to commit murder in an area
they know well from the past
such as the community in which they were raised. Over time,
serial murderers may extend
their activities outside of their comfort zone but only after
building their confidence by
executing several successful murders while avoiding detection
by law enforcement
authorities.
As noted by the FBI in its 2005 report on serial murder, the
crime data reveal that very few
serial predators actually travel interstate to kill.3 The few serial
killers who do travel
interstate to kill typically fall into one of three categories: 1)
Itinerant individuals who
periodically move from place to place; 2) Chronically homeless
individuals who live
transiently; or 3) Individuals whose job function lends itself to
interstate or transnational
travel such as truck drivers or those in the military service.

218. The major difference between these individuals who kill serially
and other serial murderers is
the nature of their traveling lifestyle which provides them with
many zones of comfort in
which to operate. Most serial killers do not have such
opportunities to travel and keep their
killings close to home.
Myth #5: All Serial Killers Are Either Mentally Ill Or Evil
Geniuses.
Reality: The images presented in the news and entertainment
media suggest that serial
killers either have a debilitating mental illness such as
psychosis or they are brilliant but
demented geniuses like Dr. Hannibal Lecter. Neither of these
two stereotypes is quite
accurate. Instead, serial killers are much more likely to exhibit
antisocial personality
disorders such as sociopathy or psychopathy, which are not
considered to be mental illnesses
by the American Psychiatric Association (APA). An
examination of psychopathy and
sociopathy, and a discussion of the powerful connection
between antisocial personality
disorders and serial homicide is presented in chapter 4.
In fact, very few serial killers suffer from any mental illness to
such a debilitating extent that
they are considered to be insane by the criminal justice system.
To be classified as legally
insane, an individual must be unable to comprehend that an
action is against the law at the
exact moment the action is undertaken. In other words, a serial

219. killer must be unaware that
murder is legally wrong while committing the act of murder in
order to be legally insane. This
legal categorization of insanity is so stringent and narrow that
very few serial killers are
actually included in it.
Psychopathic serial killers such as John Wayne Gacy and
Dennis Rader are entirely aware of
the illegality of murder while they are in the process of killing
their victims. Their
understanding of right and wrong does nothing to impede their
crimes, however, because
psychopaths such as Gacy and Rader have an overwhelming
desire and compulsion to kill
that causes them to ignore the criminal law with impunity.
When they are apprehended, serial killers rarely are determined
to be mentally incompetent
to stand trial and their lawyers rarely utilize an insanity defense
on their behalf. Once again,
this is due to the extremely narrow legal definition of insanity
which simply does not apply to
most psychopathic killers. Even David Berkowitz, the infamous
Son of Sam, who told his
captors tales of satanic rituals and demonic possession, was
found to be competent to stand
trial for his murders following his arrest in 1977.
Considerable mythology also surrounds the intelligence of serial
killers. There is a popular
culture stereotype that serial killers are cunning, criminal
geniuses. This stereotype is heavily
promoted by the entertainment media in television, books and
films. In particular,
Hollywood has established a number of brilliant homicidal

220. maniacs like John Doe in the
acclaimed 1995 film Se7en. John Doe personifies the stereotype
of the evil genius serial killer
who outsmarts law enforcement authorities, avoids justice and
succeeds in his diabolical
plan.
The image of the evil genius serial killer is mostly a Hollywood
invention. Real serial killers
generally do not possess unique or exceptional intellectual
skills. The reality is that most
serial killers who have had their IQ tested score between
borderline and above average
intelligence. This is very consistent with the general population.
Contrary to mythology, it is
not high intelligence that makes serial killers successful.
Instead, it is obsession, meticulous
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planning and a cold-blooded, often psychopathic personality
that enable serial killers to

221. operate over long periods of time without detection.
1 Uniform Crime Report. 2011. Retrieved
http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/crime-in-
the-u.s/2011/crime-in-the-u.s.-2011/violent-crime/murder
2 Hickey, E. W. 1997. Serial Murderers and Their Victims.
Belmont, Calf.: Wadsworth.
3 Morton, R. J. 2005. Serial Murder: Multi-Disciplinary
Perspectives for Investigators.
National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime. Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of
Justice. Retrieved http://www.fbi.gov/stats-
services/publications/serial-murder
A B O U T T H E A U T H O R ( S )
https://group.springernature.com/gp/group/about-us
http://www.springernature.com/us
http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/crime-in-the-
u.s/2011/crime-in-the-u.s.-2011/violent-crime/murder
http://www.fbi.gov/stats-services/publications/serial-murder
In the week two assignment, the typology discussed
were organized nonsocial offender
and hedonistic. I chose the organized nonsocial offender for the
case studies because of how the

222. murderer controlled the three crime scenes, the victim's bodies
were moved, and little evidence
was left at the crime scene. The behaviors of organized
nonsocial offenders are believed to show
a level of premeditation and control. As a result, the crime
scene will reflect a planned and
careful approach. The pristine crime scene is viewed as a result
of the organized offender's social
skills and ability to deal with interpersonal problems. The
interactive crime scene displayed that
the murderer has a type of victim, and that's female college
students in their late teens to early
twenties. The murderer shows aggressive acts with the sexual
assaults and manual strangulation
of the victims. The murderer also has a preferred location to
dispose of the bodies, and that is the
river. Lust, thrill, and power/ control serial killers are the most
likely kinds of serialists to dispose
of the bodies of their victims. The reasons they dispose of the
bodies are varied, and whether the
killer intends for the body to be found can be a factor (Holmes
and Holmes, 2009).
The other typology used to describe the murderer in the case
study is hedonistic.

223. Hedonistic killer’s crimes are process-focused, generally taking
some time to complete (Holmes
and Holmes, 2009). Sexual gratification or personal gain drives
hedonistic serial killers. In the
case study, all three victims were tortured and sexually
assaulted. Hedonistic killers thrive on
deviant behavior that enhances and creates sexual arousal
through acts of violence and murder.
Apprehension of lust or thrill hedonistic serial murderers can be
especially difficult if they are
geographically transient (Holmes and Holmes, 2009).
This study source was downloaded by 100000800531006 from
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criminal-profilingdocx/
Criminal profiling can give a visual of the suspect based on the
physical and nonphysical
evidence of the crime scene and witness statements. Profiling
can identify personality traits,
psychopathologies, behavior patterns, and demographic
characteristics like age, race, and
geographic location, which can all be included in the

224. description. Criminal profiling can help
narrow down the suspect list and implement techniques that are
more likely to result in an arrest.
Profiling can also be helpful when there is little to no evidence
at the crime scene; profiling can
help law enforcement find another resource or tool. The profile
can be updated or expanded if
more murders occur or new information is discovered.
The limitation of criminal profiling is that it can lead to
inaccurate profiles and cause the
criminal investigation to stall. Assuming specific predictions
about offenders and suspects based
on data from previous cases or clients is also a limitation in
criminal profiling. In the course
reading (Beasley, 2004), varied circumstances demonstrate the
difficulty of identifying a precise
motive, considering the combinations of influences on a given
offender at a particular time. Such
is the nature of human behavior in general and criminal
behavior in particular.
References
Beasley, J.O., 2004. Serial Murder in America: Case Studies of
Seven Offenders. Behavioral

225. Sciences and Law 22(3), 395-414
Holmes, R. M., & Holmes, S. T. (2009). Profiling violent
crimes: An investigative tool (4th ed.).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc
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Week 2: Profiling and Typologies
Serial and mass murderers not only prey on innocent victims,
but also incite a considerable amount of fear and cost society
millions of dollars annually. Therefore, apprehending these
violent offenders is critically important for protecting citizens,
reducing fear, and decreasing costs. Profiling can be an integral
tool in apprehending serial and mass murderers. However, most
people are unaware of how criminal profilers construct profiles
of serial and mass murderers without ever interviewing them.
How are profilers able to provide law enforcement agents with
physical descriptions of serial and mass murderers without ever
meeting the offenders? How can profilers use crime scene
evidence to create a profile of the serial or mass murderer?
Although the answers to these questions vary, they all rely on
the notion of the criminal typology. This week, you examine the
typologies in criminal profiling. In addition, you consider
strengths and weaknesses of using typologies in criminal
profiling.
Learning Objectives
Students will:

226. Apply profiling typologies to serial and mass murderers
Analyze the strengths and limitations of profiling
Identify and apply typologies related to profiling serial and
mass murderers
For this week’s assignments and discussion board posts.
Please use the information in Chapter 5 to develop an actual
profile of the killer. What are the personal and social
(demographic) characteristics of this killer? What are the
personal characteristics of an organized killer? The Killers
personal and social characteristics would be the killer’s profile.
Please discuss these characteristics in detail. Please be sure to
use the FBI’s Organzied/Disorganized Typology of Serial
Killers to help you write your answer. Use the textbook and
read my course announcements! Do not use the Holmes
typology to develop a profile. Note: Be sure to read the
transcripts of all 3 crime scenes found in Week 2 resources
(scroll down to the bottom).
IN THIS DISCUSSION QUESTION THERE WILL BE A LOT
OF READING TO BE DONE IN ORDER TO COMPLETE THIS
ASSIGNMENT THERE ARE 4 CASE STUDIES THAT NEED
TO BE READ ALONG WITH SOME OTHER READING THAT
WILL ALL BE ATTACHED WITH THIS ASSIGNMENT. YOU
WILL BUILD YOUR PAPER FROM THE READING AND
PLEASE MAKE SURE YOU READ EVERYTHING ON THIS
PAGE FROM TOP TO BOTTOME AND PAYING CLOSE
ATTENTION TO THE READING THAT’S HIGHLIGHTED.
THIS ASSIGNMENT WILL BE 2 PAGES USING TEXTBOOK
AND OUTSIDE REFERENCES. I HAVE ALSO ATTACHED A
SAMPLE PAPER FOR YOU TO ONLY LOOK AT NOT TO BE
USED AT ALL. AND MAKE SURE THE PAPER IS

227. PLAGARIZM FREE SO THAT WE DON’T HAVE THE ISSUE
WE HAD FROM THE PASS WEEK. REMEMBER ALL MY
WORK GOES THROUGH SAFEASSIGN. IF YOU SHOULD
HAVE ANY QUESTION ABOUT THIS ASSIGNEMENT JUST
PING ME AND I WILL ANSWER AS SOON AS I CAN
THANKS….
Discussion: Typologies
Although typologies are widely used to create accurate profiles
of violent offenders, especially serial and mass murderers, they
usually do not lead to the immediate apprehension of a
murderer. In fact in some cases, the use of typologies can lead
to inaccurate profiles that can impede the identification and
apprehension of a murderer. For example, many profilers
incorrectly identified the D.C. Snipers as white males. Only
after they were apprehended was it obvious that the vast
majority of criminal profilers were wrong. The number of
innocent lives that could have been saved had the race of the
D.C. Snipers been correctly identified is unknown. Despite
limitations, typologies are extremely useful to criminal profilers
in attempting to create profiles of serial and mass murderers.
Without typologies, profilers would be "shooting in the dark"
when trying to identify the characteristics of murderers.
To prepare for this Discussion:
Reflect on the typologies you used in your Application this
week.
Review Scientific American’s "5 Myths about Serial Killers and
Why They Persist [Excerpt]"
5 Myths about Serial Killers and Why They Persist [Excerpt]
Review the article "Serial Murder in America: Case Studies of
Seven Offenders." Reflect on the key limitations and criticisms
of profiling serial murderers.
Review Chapter 7 of your course text, Profiling Violent Crimes:
An Investigative Tool. Pay attention to the strengths and the

228. shortcomings associated with profiling serial murderers.
Based on what you learned about profiling this week, identify at
least one strength and one limitation of profiling to detect and
apprehend serial and mass murderers.
With these thoughts in mind:
Post a brief explanation of the typologies you used to describe
the murderer in the case study. Then explain why you chose
each typology. Finally, given what you learned about profiling
this week, explain at least one strength and one limitation of
using profiling to detect and apprehend serial and mass
murderers. Be specific.
Be sure to support your postings and responses with specific
references to the Learning Resources.