[22134379 bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde journal of the humanities and social sciences of southeast asia] freeman and the abuse of authority
This document summarizes and discusses a case study by Victor King about Derek Freeman's alleged attempt to claim authority over anthropological research on the Iban people of Sarawak. It examines the evidence King presents and considers broader issues raised, including the nature of anthropological authority, the role of evolutionary theories, and the importance of women's textile art in Iban society. The document questions some of King's arguments and links in the causal chain while highlighting three general issues of interest: authority and its potential abuses, evolutionary anthropology's place in the field, and neglected areas of women's studies related to textiles.
The document discusses the deep history of information networks from prehistoric times to the modern digital age. It describes how networks of symbols, alphabets, codices, print, and industrial knowledge facilitated the proliferation and classification of information. More recently, digital networks like Facebook have continued fueling exponential growth of shared information. The document aims to provide historical context for better understanding today's information landscape.
This document provides an overview of studies on human-primate communication. It discusses the history of primatology and several key figures. It then examines different approaches to studying primate language abilities, including signing with gorilla Koko, using symbols with chimpanzees, and a lexigram system with bonobos Kanzi and Panbanisha. While the apes showed some understanding of language in these studies, the document argues they did not demonstrate full grammatical communication abilities or an understanding of deeper meanings. Anthropomorphization of the apes' behaviors is a common issue across studies.
Volume 23, No. 1 Bulletin of the General Anthropology.docxjolleybendicty
Volume 23, No. 1 Bulletin of the General Anthropology Division Spring, 2016
Tales of the ex-Apes
By Jonathan Marks
UNC-Charlotte
The GAD Distinguished Lecture, given
November 20, 2015, is based on a book
of the same title, recently published by
the University of California Press.
This will be an exploration of meaning
in human evolution without paleoanthro-
pology. I’m not talking about the foot of
Australopithecus sediba or the supraor-
bital torus of Homo erectus; I want to
talk about who we are and where we
came from. I am talking about origin
myths; I am talking about kinship. I am
not talking about human evolution; I’m
talking about how we talk about human
evolution.
Human evolution as bio-politics
Let me start off, then, with a sort of epi-
graph by Carleton Coon. Coon is not
remembered fondly today, because in the
early 1960s, as President of the Ameri-
can Association of Physical Anthropolo-
gists, he was secretly colluding with the
segregationists, giving them preprints of
his book which purported to demonstrate
that the reason that Africans were eco-
nomically and politically subjugated by
Europeans is that they hadn’t been mem-
bers of our species for very long, be-
cause whites had evolved into Homo
sapiens 200,000 years before blacks did.
And I’m happy to say that most of his
contemporaries smacked him down, and
in particular he got into a heated ex-
change with the great fruit fly geneticist
Theodosius Dobzhansky, who, I might
add, was a member of the American An-
(See Marks, page 2)
When the Mines Closed:
Heritage Building in North-
eastern Pennsylvania
By Paul A. Shackel and V. Camille
Westmont
University of Maryland
Introduction
Since 2009, the Anthracite Heritage Pro-
ject has focused on social issues in
Northeastern Pennsylvania (NEPA).
NEPA is a resource rich, economically
poor area located in the northernmost
reaches of the Appalachian Region.
While anthracite coal was discovered in
this region in the late eighteenth century,
large scale extraction of this carbon fos-
sil fuel did not occur until the middle of
the nineteenth century with the develop-
ment of railroads and canal systems. It is
the fuel that helped propel American
industry to become an international
leader in manufacturing. Our goal in this
project is to study the rise and fall of the
anthracite coal industry, and to address
inequities in the community, past and
present, related to work, labor, gender,
race, and immigration.
The NEPA communities, including
the city of Hazleton, the focus of our
study, developed in the mid-nineteenth
century with a massive influx of newly
arrived foreign immigrants who were
necessary for the extraction of coal. This
migration also created a ready workforce
with more available workers than jobs.
Surplus labor allowed the coal operators
to keep wages relatively low with the
threat that there were always willin.
The document summarizes a paper titled "Anarchism and the Archaeology of Anarchic Societies" which uses an anarchist framework to analyze the pre-contact Coast Salish society of the Pacific Northwest coast. The authors found that the Coast Salish valued individuality over communal ideals and any attempts to consolidate power were challenged, resulting in a decentralized society. While the reviewer praises the authors for challenging the dominant state-centered theories, they felt the authors could have applied anarchist theory more universally and ambitionly beyond just the Coast Salish society. Overall the research is straightforward and accessible, in line with anarchist principles of free information dissemination, and represents an important first step in introducing anarchist theory into anthropological studies.
Continuity and discontinuity in traditional african narrative ethicsAlexander Decker
This document summarizes a paper that discusses continuity and discontinuity in traditional African narratives. It argues that there are two parallel narratives about Africa: a traditional self-reflexive narrative and a conventional narrative imposed by colonialists. The conventional narrative, which was based on ideas of racial superiority, led to the loss of cultural memory among many African peoples as it replaced the traditional narrative. This discontinuity of the traditional African narrative has had significant ethical implications in West Africa. The paper examines how narrative ethics connects identity and morality, and suggests that understanding the nature of the discontinuity in West African narratives can help explain some ethical challenges in the region.
The document discusses the anthropological concept of paradigm shift through the example of Franz Boas' work in anthropology. It explains how Boas relied on empirical data rather than evolutionary viewpoints, collecting facts from various cultures. This challenged the existing paradigm and established Boas' approach as the new dominant force in anthropology, known as the four-field approach. The document argues this was a paradigm shift, as Boas stepped outside the existing bounds and his data collection provided anomalies that could not be explained by the current viewpoint, leading to a crisis and final emergence of his new anthropological theory.
Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 107-111, 1992 0277-9536192 S.docxedgar6wallace88877
Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 107-111, 1992 0277-9536192 S5.00 + 0.00
Printed in Great Britain Pergamon Press plc
FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE CONCEPT OF
RACE: IF RACES DON’T EXIST, WHY ARE FORENSIC
ANTHROPOLOGISTS SO GOOD AT IDENTIFYING THEM?
NORMAN J. SAUER
Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824, U.S.A.
Abstract-Most anthropologists have abandoned the concept of race as a research tool and as a valid
representation of human biological diversity. Yet, race identification continues to be one of the central
foci of forensic anthropological casework and research. It is maintained in this paper that the successful
assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction
that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed ‘racial’ category. A
specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have
been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature.
Key words-forensic anthropology, race, race identification, human variation
Several years ago, I was approached by the Michigan
State Police for assistance with the identification of a
set of decomposed human remains. The specimen,
obviously human, was discovered in a wooded area
by hunters, reported to police and transported to a
morgue at a local hospital. After a standard anthro-
pological evaluation of the material I concluded that
the remains represented a Black female, who was
18-23 years old at death and between 5’2” and 5’6”.
The condition of the remains suggested that depo-
sition occurred between 6 weeks and 6 months before
discovery. That information was reported to the
Investigative Resources Division of the State Police
who matched it against Missing person records. In a
few weeks time the remains were positively identified
as representing a Black female, who was 5’3” tall and
19 years of age when she disappeared about 3 months
earlier.
For many anthropologists there currently exists
a dilemma. While most have rejected the traditional
Western notion of race, as bounded, identifiable
biological groups and have renounced its use as
harmful, the race concept as it is understood by
the public continues to be one of the central
foci of forensic anthropological research and
application. Does the fact that forensic anthropolo-
gists are able to correctly guess the race of a subject
from skeletal remains in any way validate the
concept?
THE NON-EXISTENCE OF RACES
In the 1960s C. Loting Brace and Frank Living-
stone presented arguments for the nonexistence of
human races [l, 21. Extending a debate that began a
decade earlier in zoology [I, 31, they argued that the
discordance of traits made defining races on the basis
of more than one or two characters impossible. Since
no human biologist would support such limited
criteria for d.
This document contains an annotated bibliography by Wyatt Hilyard for an anthropology class. It includes 20 sources related to primatology, cultural anthropology, and critiques of George Ayittey's work on issues facing Africa. Hilyard's academic work has focused on primatology but he was surprised by how many cultural sources interested him as well, particularly analyses of Ayittey's ideas about internal reform in Africa. The annotated bibliography provides brief summaries of each source and how it relates to Hilyard's studies and research interests.
The document discusses the deep history of information networks from prehistoric times to the modern digital age. It describes how networks of symbols, alphabets, codices, print, and industrial knowledge facilitated the proliferation and classification of information. More recently, digital networks like Facebook have continued fueling exponential growth of shared information. The document aims to provide historical context for better understanding today's information landscape.
This document provides an overview of studies on human-primate communication. It discusses the history of primatology and several key figures. It then examines different approaches to studying primate language abilities, including signing with gorilla Koko, using symbols with chimpanzees, and a lexigram system with bonobos Kanzi and Panbanisha. While the apes showed some understanding of language in these studies, the document argues they did not demonstrate full grammatical communication abilities or an understanding of deeper meanings. Anthropomorphization of the apes' behaviors is a common issue across studies.
Volume 23, No. 1 Bulletin of the General Anthropology.docxjolleybendicty
Volume 23, No. 1 Bulletin of the General Anthropology Division Spring, 2016
Tales of the ex-Apes
By Jonathan Marks
UNC-Charlotte
The GAD Distinguished Lecture, given
November 20, 2015, is based on a book
of the same title, recently published by
the University of California Press.
This will be an exploration of meaning
in human evolution without paleoanthro-
pology. I’m not talking about the foot of
Australopithecus sediba or the supraor-
bital torus of Homo erectus; I want to
talk about who we are and where we
came from. I am talking about origin
myths; I am talking about kinship. I am
not talking about human evolution; I’m
talking about how we talk about human
evolution.
Human evolution as bio-politics
Let me start off, then, with a sort of epi-
graph by Carleton Coon. Coon is not
remembered fondly today, because in the
early 1960s, as President of the Ameri-
can Association of Physical Anthropolo-
gists, he was secretly colluding with the
segregationists, giving them preprints of
his book which purported to demonstrate
that the reason that Africans were eco-
nomically and politically subjugated by
Europeans is that they hadn’t been mem-
bers of our species for very long, be-
cause whites had evolved into Homo
sapiens 200,000 years before blacks did.
And I’m happy to say that most of his
contemporaries smacked him down, and
in particular he got into a heated ex-
change with the great fruit fly geneticist
Theodosius Dobzhansky, who, I might
add, was a member of the American An-
(See Marks, page 2)
When the Mines Closed:
Heritage Building in North-
eastern Pennsylvania
By Paul A. Shackel and V. Camille
Westmont
University of Maryland
Introduction
Since 2009, the Anthracite Heritage Pro-
ject has focused on social issues in
Northeastern Pennsylvania (NEPA).
NEPA is a resource rich, economically
poor area located in the northernmost
reaches of the Appalachian Region.
While anthracite coal was discovered in
this region in the late eighteenth century,
large scale extraction of this carbon fos-
sil fuel did not occur until the middle of
the nineteenth century with the develop-
ment of railroads and canal systems. It is
the fuel that helped propel American
industry to become an international
leader in manufacturing. Our goal in this
project is to study the rise and fall of the
anthracite coal industry, and to address
inequities in the community, past and
present, related to work, labor, gender,
race, and immigration.
The NEPA communities, including
the city of Hazleton, the focus of our
study, developed in the mid-nineteenth
century with a massive influx of newly
arrived foreign immigrants who were
necessary for the extraction of coal. This
migration also created a ready workforce
with more available workers than jobs.
Surplus labor allowed the coal operators
to keep wages relatively low with the
threat that there were always willin.
The document summarizes a paper titled "Anarchism and the Archaeology of Anarchic Societies" which uses an anarchist framework to analyze the pre-contact Coast Salish society of the Pacific Northwest coast. The authors found that the Coast Salish valued individuality over communal ideals and any attempts to consolidate power were challenged, resulting in a decentralized society. While the reviewer praises the authors for challenging the dominant state-centered theories, they felt the authors could have applied anarchist theory more universally and ambitionly beyond just the Coast Salish society. Overall the research is straightforward and accessible, in line with anarchist principles of free information dissemination, and represents an important first step in introducing anarchist theory into anthropological studies.
Continuity and discontinuity in traditional african narrative ethicsAlexander Decker
This document summarizes a paper that discusses continuity and discontinuity in traditional African narratives. It argues that there are two parallel narratives about Africa: a traditional self-reflexive narrative and a conventional narrative imposed by colonialists. The conventional narrative, which was based on ideas of racial superiority, led to the loss of cultural memory among many African peoples as it replaced the traditional narrative. This discontinuity of the traditional African narrative has had significant ethical implications in West Africa. The paper examines how narrative ethics connects identity and morality, and suggests that understanding the nature of the discontinuity in West African narratives can help explain some ethical challenges in the region.
The document discusses the anthropological concept of paradigm shift through the example of Franz Boas' work in anthropology. It explains how Boas relied on empirical data rather than evolutionary viewpoints, collecting facts from various cultures. This challenged the existing paradigm and established Boas' approach as the new dominant force in anthropology, known as the four-field approach. The document argues this was a paradigm shift, as Boas stepped outside the existing bounds and his data collection provided anomalies that could not be explained by the current viewpoint, leading to a crisis and final emergence of his new anthropological theory.
Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 107-111, 1992 0277-9536192 S.docxedgar6wallace88877
Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 107-111, 1992 0277-9536192 S5.00 + 0.00
Printed in Great Britain Pergamon Press plc
FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY AND THE CONCEPT OF
RACE: IF RACES DON’T EXIST, WHY ARE FORENSIC
ANTHROPOLOGISTS SO GOOD AT IDENTIFYING THEM?
NORMAN J. SAUER
Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824, U.S.A.
Abstract-Most anthropologists have abandoned the concept of race as a research tool and as a valid
representation of human biological diversity. Yet, race identification continues to be one of the central
foci of forensic anthropological casework and research. It is maintained in this paper that the successful
assignment of race to a skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the race concept, but rather a prediction
that an individual, while alive was assigned to a particular socially constructed ‘racial’ category. A
specimen may display features that point to African ancestry. In this country that person is likely to have
been labeled Black regardless of whether or not such a race actually exists in nature.
Key words-forensic anthropology, race, race identification, human variation
Several years ago, I was approached by the Michigan
State Police for assistance with the identification of a
set of decomposed human remains. The specimen,
obviously human, was discovered in a wooded area
by hunters, reported to police and transported to a
morgue at a local hospital. After a standard anthro-
pological evaluation of the material I concluded that
the remains represented a Black female, who was
18-23 years old at death and between 5’2” and 5’6”.
The condition of the remains suggested that depo-
sition occurred between 6 weeks and 6 months before
discovery. That information was reported to the
Investigative Resources Division of the State Police
who matched it against Missing person records. In a
few weeks time the remains were positively identified
as representing a Black female, who was 5’3” tall and
19 years of age when she disappeared about 3 months
earlier.
For many anthropologists there currently exists
a dilemma. While most have rejected the traditional
Western notion of race, as bounded, identifiable
biological groups and have renounced its use as
harmful, the race concept as it is understood by
the public continues to be one of the central
foci of forensic anthropological research and
application. Does the fact that forensic anthropolo-
gists are able to correctly guess the race of a subject
from skeletal remains in any way validate the
concept?
THE NON-EXISTENCE OF RACES
In the 1960s C. Loting Brace and Frank Living-
stone presented arguments for the nonexistence of
human races [l, 21. Extending a debate that began a
decade earlier in zoology [I, 31, they argued that the
discordance of traits made defining races on the basis
of more than one or two characters impossible. Since
no human biologist would support such limited
criteria for d.
This document contains an annotated bibliography by Wyatt Hilyard for an anthropology class. It includes 20 sources related to primatology, cultural anthropology, and critiques of George Ayittey's work on issues facing Africa. Hilyard's academic work has focused on primatology but he was surprised by how many cultural sources interested him as well, particularly analyses of Ayittey's ideas about internal reform in Africa. The annotated bibliography provides brief summaries of each source and how it relates to Hilyard's studies and research interests.
This document provides acknowledgements and dedication for a research project on how American civilization annulled and transformed the lives of Negroes. It thanks the academic institution, supervisor, family and friends for their support during the research process. The abstract summarizes that the research traces how slavery left a lasting negative impact on relations between whites and blacks in America, and how whites used their power to control Negroes and restrict their lives even after slavery was abolished. Key literary works that will be analyzed include Roots, The Autobiography of the Ex-Colored Man, and Native Son to understand how slavery and racism impacted Negroes at different time periods in American history.
This document summarizes and critiques several anthropological approaches used by historians to study early modern Europe. It discusses Keith Thomas' influential book Religion and the Decline of Magic, which employed functionalist anthropology to explain witchcraft. While pioneering, Thomas' use of anthropology is now dated. The document also examines Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie's study of the village of Montaillou, which used inquisition records as an ethnographic source, though they were produced under unequal conditions. Overall, the document highlights the strengths and limitations of applying anthropological concepts to historical contexts.
Death Penalty Argumentative Essay - Free Essay Example. Essay About Death Penalty English. Death Penalty Persuasive Essay | Essay on Death Penalty Persuasive for .... The Death Penalty - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Business paper: Argument essay on death penalty. Wonderful Death Penalty Essay Against Argumentative ~ Thatsnotus. 018 Essay Example On Death ~ Thatsnotus. Argument writing - The death penalty | Teaching Resources. Essay On Death Penalty | PDF | Capital Punishment | Deterrence (Legal). Death penalty argumentative essay - College Homework Help and Online .... Death Penalty - Essay - GRIN. The death penalty should not be legal - Free Essay Example | PapersOwl.com. Death Penalty Introduction Essay Example for Free - 775 Words | EssayPay. Death penalty reduces crime essay. Argument Against Death Penalty Essay. Argumentative Essay.docx English - Argumentative Essay Death Penalty in .... Does the Death Penalty Effectively Deter Crime? - Free Essay Example .... Anti Death Penalty Essay | Deterrence (Legal) | Capital Punishment.
S9S P E C I A L R E P O R T T h e G e n e t i c s o .docxtarifarmarie
S9S P E C I A L R E P O R T: T h e G e n e t i c s o f I n t e l l i g e n c e : E t h i c s a n d t h e C o n d u c t o f Tr u s t w o r t h y R e s e a r c h
F
rancis Galton was the first to envision a science
that would assess the extent to which a trait like
“genius” was due to nature or due to nurture. In
Hereditary Genius, published in 1869, Galton docu-
mented several centuries’ worth of British judges, poets,
and statesmen and concluded that these eminent men
were confined to a relatively small number of families,
which he took to point to the “hereditary” origin of such
genius.1 From the very beginning, then, studies of na-
ture and nurture were focused on understanding human
intelligence.
Galton’s interest in investigating the nature and
nurture of intelligence was more than mere curiosity
about the phenomenon. He wanted to intervene in the
world. If human intellect was as hereditary in origin as
speed was in dogs, Galton reasoned, then just as the
dog breeder could produce a variety of dog with great
running ability, “so it would be quite practicable to pro-
duce a highly-gifted race of men by judicious marriages
during several consecutive generations” (p. 1). In addi-
tion to introducing and developing a science of nature
versus nurture, Galton envisioned a social program that
would draw on the results of that science to shape future
generations—what he eventually called “eugenics.”2 For
Galton, eugenics was largely a matter of encouraging
individuals with desirable traits like high intelligence—
“the fit”—to breed more. However, as Galton’s eugenic
vision gathered momentum and followers, others fo-
cused their efforts on encouraging individuals deemed
to have undesirable traits like low intelligence—“the un-
fit”—to breed less. And when encouragement alone was
not enough to discourage the unfit from breeding, eu-
genicists resorted to more drastic measures, such as ster-
ilization.3 From the very beginning, then, studies of the
nature and nurture of intelligence were closely associated
with an interest in intervening, and those interventions
were surrounded by controversy.
The nature of those controversies has not always been
the same, however. Geneticists today who study the he-
redity of genius are separated by nearly 150 years from
Hereditary Genius. In that time, the science and tech-
nology have changed dramatically, and so have the in-
terventions that have been envisioned in light of those
developments. A scientist today can search for particular
stretches of DNA and assess whether differences in those
stretches are associated with differences in a human trait
of interest; a genetic counselor today can genetically test
an individual (be it an embryo, fetus, newborn, child, or
adult) and provide information about what that genetic
result means, allowing for interventions that can range
from terminating a pregnancy to prescribing a special
diet or chemotherapy. Such a stu.
This document provides a summary of the history of primatology and research on great ape language abilities. It discusses pioneering primatologists like Robert Yerkes, Jane Goodall, Dian Fossey, and Birute Galdikas. Language studies included signing with gorillas like Koko, using tokens with chimpanzees by David Premack, and an asymmetric communication system with symbols developed by Sue Savage-Rumbaugh for bonobos Kanzi and Panbanisha. The document also notes debates around anthropomorphization versus avoiding human comparisons in primate research.
Lewis H. Morgan's book "Ancient Society" aimed to summarize mankind's progression from savagery through barbarism to civilization based on factual evidence about primitive communal societies. Morgan believed that human society evolved over time through inventions, discoveries, and the development of institutions like the family, private property, and government. He traced this evolution using evidence from ancient societies like those of Native Americans. Karl Marx greatly praised Morgan's work, believing it provided a materialist conception of history by showing how society developed through changes in production and social relations rather than being predetermined.
Anthropology is the study of humans and human behavior across different cultures. It integrates the study of communication, economics, politics, religion, and other aspects of human societies. While anthropology originated in the Renaissance, key figures like Morgan, Tylor, and Boas advanced the field in the 19th-20th centuries by emphasizing cross-cultural comparisons and fieldwork. Anthropology is closely related to sociology and psychology as they both study human behavior and social organization. The document then discusses aspects of Philippine culture like languages, arts, mythology, social structures, and property systems. It notes how understanding a culture's history can provide insights into implications for education and directing the future.
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Essay On Evolution Of Man. Evolution of man short essay. Short Essay on Earl...Heidi Marshall
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Haste Makes Waste Essay. Education Is The Key To Success: Short Stories -Hast...Susan Campos
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Good vs. Evil as found in “Beowulf”: [Essay Example], 316 words | EssayPay. Good Vs Evil - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Fairy Tale Good Vs. Evil Free Essay Example. How does Stevenson present the conflict between good and evil in Dr .... Good vs Evil Essay. The Concept of Good and Evil Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... Quotes About Good Vs Evil. QuotesGram. Free essay on good and evil shown in macbeth direct essays. Images of Good and Evil. - A-Level English - Marked by Teachers.com. Socrate's Concept of Good and Evil Essay Example | Topics and Well .... ⇉Are people naturally good or evil? Essay Example | GraduateWay. Good vs evil macbeth essay - proofreadingbackwards.web.fc2.com. Good and Evil - GCSE Religious Studies (Philosophy & Ethics) - Marked .... Essay on good and evil in beowulf. Essay evil good - writingquizzes.web.fc2.com. The concepts of good and evil: [Essay Example], 814 words GradesFixer. Good vs evil free 5 paragraph philosophy essay example. Jekyll and Hyde full mark example essay AQA Grade 9 9-1 specification .... Power, Morality and the Ambiguity of Evil Essay | English (Extension 1 .... Good and evil. Good and evil. Good and evil, - Spirituality and .... Lesson 5 – Good and Evil – Universal Way. Lesson 5 – Good and Evil – Sheen Groups. AQA GCSE English Literature Grade 9 example: The theme of good versus .... Problem of evil essay - Grade: b+ - The existence of evil in our world .... What is Evil Essay - 2045 Words | Free Essay Example on GraduateWay. Problem of Evil Essay A-Level AQA Philosophy (7172) | Teaching Resources. Good For Essay Writing Quotes. QuotesGram. Fall Short of Good Vs. Evil Essays? Here Is the Way Out. Alexis Chan.
This document provides an overview of Aboriginal culture in Australia. It discusses differing conceptions of Aboriginal culture depending on the source. The core beliefs of Dreamtime and the creation of geographical features are described. Aboriginal conceptions of time and the sacred/profane distinction differ from Western views. Women's roles varied in descriptions depending on the source and time period. Colonization impacted Aboriginal culture and exploitation of indigenous lands continues to be an issue.
IAHTopic Whose work goes into space science How do different .docxflorriezhamphrey3065
IAH
Topic: Whose work goes into space science? How do different kinds of work contribute? Who besides astronauts and scientists do work that makes a difference?
文体:Annotated Bibliography
页数: two pages ( two resource)(single)1000 words要求: · MLA, APA, or Chicago style bibliographic entry
· A summary of the article; someone who hasn’t read it should be able to understand what the article is saying overall
o Include the main claims and types of evidence used to support the argument (if an argument is made)
· A summary of the most relevant details
· A brief explanation of what your group could use this source for – it should be clear why this is a relevant source
· An analysis of the audience and purpose
o Scholarly or popular published media or other?
o Publication – where was it published? Who is the audience of this journal/website/etc.?
o What is the main purpose? How is the author trying to intervene in a larger conversation?
o Audience knowledge/values/interest
· An analysis of the credibility of the source
o Who wrote it? Where was it published?
o What in the article itself suggests credibility or not?
· An analysis of what shapes the knowledge work (at least one of the following, but not all):
o Fairness or bias
o Discipline or field of specialization of the author/publication
Cultural or historical contexts/other communities the author/audience are part of
All analysis should show precise, clear reasoning – think about how to make your language explain the reasons for your conclusions in a precise way.
due:02/03/2019
Example:
Martin, Emily. "The Egg and the Sperm: How Science has Constructed a Romance
Based on Stereotypical Male-Female Roles."
Signs
16.3 (1991): 485-501.
ProQuest.
Web. 14 Jan. 2019.
This article analyzes how stereotypical gender roles have affected scientific writing about human reproduction. Using numerous examples from science textbooks and other scientific communications, Martin demonstrates how the role of the egg is portrayed as passive or negative, while the role of the sperm is portrayed as active, assertive, and heroic. Martin begins by explaining how the reproductive biology associated with (cis) women is viewed in scientific literature as wasteful and negative, which places her analysis in the context of a broader pattern of how reproductive systems are portrayed in anti-woman ways. Martin notes that these portrayals persist even when they are not scientifically well-supported, which suggests that these gender stereotypes are detrimental to scientific understanding. For example, Martin notes that while the egg is often portrayed as waiting passively without taking action, this portrayal is counter to the usual scientific convention of calling the protein member of a pair of binding molecules “the receptor” (496). Moreover, recent research has shown that “sperm and egg are mutually active partners” (Schatten and Schatten, qtd.
This introduction discusses the case study genre and its role in the construction of modern knowledge and identities. It examines how case studies were used by sexologists, psychoanalysts, physicians, writers and others between the 19th and 20th centuries to classify new phenomena, further understanding, and disseminate information to wider audiences. The following chapters analyze specific pioneers of the case study approach and how they participated in debates around sexuality, psychology, literature and law through their case writing practices.
Factual Essay. Factual Essays | English Language - Form 5 SPM | Thinkswap. How To Write A Factual Essay - Guide & Topics by Elbert Roy - Issuu. Factual Description | Paragraph | Sentence (Linguistics). Factual report. ENGLISH FACTUAL ESSAY.docx - Factual Essay 3. Ways to leave a greener .... 5 Examples of Factual Statements, Definition and Examples - English ....
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genius.1 From the very beginning, then, studies of na-
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intelligence.
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This document provides an overview of Aboriginal culture in Australia. It discusses differing conceptions of Aboriginal culture depending on the source. The core beliefs of Dreamtime and the creation of geographical features are described. Aboriginal conceptions of time and the sacred/profane distinction differ from Western views. Women's roles varied in descriptions depending on the source and time period. Colonization impacted Aboriginal culture and exploitation of indigenous lands continues to be an issue.
IAHTopic Whose work goes into space science How do different .docxflorriezhamphrey3065
IAH
Topic: Whose work goes into space science? How do different kinds of work contribute? Who besides astronauts and scientists do work that makes a difference?
文体:Annotated Bibliography
页数: two pages ( two resource)(single)1000 words要求: · MLA, APA, or Chicago style bibliographic entry
· A summary of the article; someone who hasn’t read it should be able to understand what the article is saying overall
o Include the main claims and types of evidence used to support the argument (if an argument is made)
· A summary of the most relevant details
· A brief explanation of what your group could use this source for – it should be clear why this is a relevant source
· An analysis of the audience and purpose
o Scholarly or popular published media or other?
o Publication – where was it published? Who is the audience of this journal/website/etc.?
o What is the main purpose? How is the author trying to intervene in a larger conversation?
o Audience knowledge/values/interest
· An analysis of the credibility of the source
o Who wrote it? Where was it published?
o What in the article itself suggests credibility or not?
· An analysis of what shapes the knowledge work (at least one of the following, but not all):
o Fairness or bias
o Discipline or field of specialization of the author/publication
Cultural or historical contexts/other communities the author/audience are part of
All analysis should show precise, clear reasoning – think about how to make your language explain the reasons for your conclusions in a precise way.
due:02/03/2019
Example:
Martin, Emily. "The Egg and the Sperm: How Science has Constructed a Romance
Based on Stereotypical Male-Female Roles."
Signs
16.3 (1991): 485-501.
ProQuest.
Web. 14 Jan. 2019.
This article analyzes how stereotypical gender roles have affected scientific writing about human reproduction. Using numerous examples from science textbooks and other scientific communications, Martin demonstrates how the role of the egg is portrayed as passive or negative, while the role of the sperm is portrayed as active, assertive, and heroic. Martin begins by explaining how the reproductive biology associated with (cis) women is viewed in scientific literature as wasteful and negative, which places her analysis in the context of a broader pattern of how reproductive systems are portrayed in anti-woman ways. Martin notes that these portrayals persist even when they are not scientifically well-supported, which suggests that these gender stereotypes are detrimental to scientific understanding. For example, Martin notes that while the egg is often portrayed as waiting passively without taking action, this portrayal is counter to the usual scientific convention of calling the protein member of a pair of binding molecules “the receptor” (496). Moreover, recent research has shown that “sperm and egg are mutually active partners” (Schatten and Schatten, qtd.
This introduction discusses the case study genre and its role in the construction of modern knowledge and identities. It examines how case studies were used by sexologists, psychoanalysts, physicians, writers and others between the 19th and 20th centuries to classify new phenomena, further understanding, and disseminate information to wider audiences. The following chapters analyze specific pioneers of the case study approach and how they participated in debates around sexuality, psychology, literature and law through their case writing practices.
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[22134379 bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde journal of the humanities and social sciences of southeast asia] freeman and the abuse of authority
2. freeman and the abuse of authority 451
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 174 (2018) 450–471
tile art. Like all such concatenated chains, any weakness in one of the links
casts doubts on the strength of the overall chain.This article will examine each
link.
King’s article focuses wholly on the Iban. A reader with little to no interest
in the Iban might wonder how the issues raised might be of any interest what-
soever to themselves or to anthropology in general. Three issues in this article
stand out for those with an interest that goes beyond Borneo and the Iban, and
in anthropology in general.
The question of authority and its abuses is always pertinent in a discipline
like anthropology, where often a scholar is uniquely placed because no one else
has a similar experience of a particular group. King starts his article with the
observation that ‘anthropological authority, or the command of a field of cul-
tural studies, has come into question in recent years, and doubts have been
raised about field data based on participation observation’ as well as about the
accuracy of anthropological findings of ‘foreign cultures’. Such comments pre-
pare a reader for failures in Iban ethnography. King’s ‘case study’ of Freeman’s
purportedanthropologicalauthorityovertheIbananditscontinuationimplies
that this imposition was not in the best interests of the study of the Iban, nor
of anthropology in general.
The Iban are well studied. Nevertheless, the challenge for King, who has
not studied the Iban, is to present a case that offers incontrovertible evid-
ence that Freeman did undertake such a venture and that it was malign in
the sense that it distorted or misrepresented aspects of Iban culture or did
harm to other anthropologists. The evidence could be circumstantial, in that
Freeman’s ethnographic data possessed error; it could be based on the work of
other anthropologists who have studied the Iban and exposed Freeman’s eth-
nographic error; or it could demonstrate that identified anthropologists have
suffered from this imposition. Given that there are now a number of PhDs
by native Iban, all but one of whom were not supervised by Freeman, the
question of authority becomes particularly pertinent as his influence would
have extended to them and, presumably, they did not study a ‘foreign cul-
ture’.
King gives no clear indication of what he considers constitutes authority,
good or bad. Such an indication would be helpful to guard against the accusa-
tion that his ‘case study’ is an exercise in one authority claiming greater author-
itythananother.Inpursuitof hiscase,King(2017:84)presentsalistof attributes
a person requires to be able to claim authority, including language fluency and
time in the field, which can be measured, and a number of other ‘attributes’,
such as level of commitment, work, intensity, and endurance, which cannot.
Freeman meets all the measurable criteria and, in the context of the Iban, King
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via free access
3. 452 heppell
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 174 (2018) 450–471
meets none. Had King established a benchmark for himself in the context of
the group he studied, the Maloh, a general reader could assess his credentials
in prosecuting his case and gain some idea of what he meant by expressions
such as intensity and endurance.
Asecondquestionof generalinterestinadvertentlyraisedbyKingiswhether
or not evolutionary theories have any place in modern anthropology. Given
there is a journal titled Evolutionary Anthropology, they clearly do. What that
placemightbeseemstobequestionableinKing’sview.Inhisarticle,Kingraises
questions about the falsification—and, perhaps, verification—of the conclu-
sions of such approaches, and these need to be considered.
A third question concerns a neglected area of woman’s studies. For most
anthropologists, mention of the word ‘textiles’ induces a yawn and is of little
interest. However, in a great many societies in the world, textiles were asso-
ciated with marriage. In these societies, textiles were produced by women.
Households set out to ensure that the textiles comprising marriage gifts were
of the highest quality. Why, then, was there such an emphasis on quality? One
answer may be that the quality of the textiles reflected important information
about the household or extended family concerned. This naturally leads to the
question of in what way was that information important?
The Iban present an excellent case study to address this question. Textiles
were a central feature of Iban life. No ceremony or ritual could be held without
them. They were the principal medium for initiating communication with the
deities.Textileswereessentialtosuccessbecausesuccesscouldnotbeachieved
withoutthesupportof thedeities.Thus,womenheldthekey:therewasnothing
produced by men that had such importance. Men had ritualized the require-
ment for textiles. That raises questions as to how and why textiles might have
come to have such an important role in a society, and how women were able to
exploit the situation.
King’s article takes the reader straight into controversy, which has always
been a feature of anthropology, especially where Freeman is concerned. Con-
troversy is important because it can result in inaccuracy being purged and
issues being nuanced so that their presentation is more accurate. Borneo eth-
nography has had its fair share of controversy. For convenience, these con-
troversies can be divided into two kinds. There are those in which a conten-
tious idea or approach is presented that raises the hackles of other researchers
because they consider it fundamentally flawed. The second kind occurs when
a generalist researcher reinterprets the findings of an anthropologist who has
worked with a particular people or, alternatively, reinterprets the findings of
others who have also had no fieldwork experience of the people. King’s case
study presents examples of both kinds of controversy.
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via free access
4. freeman and the abuse of authority 453
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 174 (2018) 450–471
An example of the first kind of controversy is the idea, promulgated by Carl
Hoffman, that hunters and gatherers in Borneo were not groups which had
practised this adaptation from time immemorial, but were former agricultur-
alists who had adopted such a practice to take advantage of opportunities for
trade in valuable forest products (Hoffman 1986). He raised the ire of many,
including Brosius (1988) and Sellato (1988), both of whom had done extensive
fieldwork with hunting and gathering groups. Brosius argued that Hoffman’s
‘misrepresentation of ethnographic reality [was] a serious concern’. Brosius
andSellatopresentedawealthof ethnographicdataandevidenceof Hoffman’s
deficient methodology to support their case. They reasserted a baseline about
hunter and gatherer communities in Borneo and Hoffmann’s discordant noise
was expurgated.
The Iban have held a particular fascination for people engaged in the second
kind of controversy. An example was when Andrew Vayda and Ulla Wagner,
neither of whom had done fieldwork with the Iban, associated Iban migrations
and warfare with ecological pressures on land. King (1976:326), who had stayed
for two weeks at an Iban longhouse just above Lubok Antu before proceeding
to the Maloh in West Kalimantan, disputed their hypothesis and, to prosec-
ute his case, introduced fanciful ethnographic facts, such as the idea that Iban
unity outside the village was at best temporary and fluctuating (1976:311–2);
that Iban migration was ‘peaceful into uninhabited lands’ (1976:314); and that
Iban warfare did not extend to the Maloh because of their ‘potential for resist-
ance and defence’ (1976:322–3). Individual Iban groups actually inhabited river
drainages where unity was stable. Sandin (1967), among others, has shown that
Ibanmigrationwasfarfrompeaceful.ItissurprisingtheIbanwerefearfulof the
Maloh when the upper Batang Ai’ engaged fearlessly with the Brookes for many
decades.Icollectedexamplesof IbanengagingwiththeMaloh,defeatingthem,
and gaining territory as a result. Conventional wisdom agrees with King that
Vayda’s and Wagner’s hypothesis warranted challenging. There should be con-
cerns, however, about King’s ethnographic data, including what his unnamed
sources were.
2 Authority, Freeman, and the Iban
Authority has received considerable attention in anthropology and is a vexed
issue.When Freeman completed his work on the Iban in the 1950s, there would
have been little debate about him being regarded as an authority on the Iban.
Indeed, he was commissioned by the British government to study and write
an authoritative report on the Iban, so that the incoming colonial authorit-
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ies would have a basis of expert knowledge to guide them in the formulation
of policies to govern the indigenous population of Sarawak. Freeman’s ethno-
graphicdataarefreelyavailabletothepublicintheAustralianNationalLibrary,
Canberra, and the Tun Jugah Foundation, Kuching, a fact that does not seem
consistent with the actions of a man bent on excluding others from his so-
called domain. As far as I am aware, there have been no calls for a serious
revision of Freeman’s ethnography. Certainly, studies like Cramb’s (2007) of
long-settled areas have expanded the data on the Iban and their diversity and
adaptability, but Freeman’s work—Iban agriculture (1955), in Cramb’s case—
was their starting point.
HavingproducedhisreportonIbanagriculture,accordingtoKing(2017:107),
‘Freeman became identified with the Iban and he defended his close bond with
them by attempting to exclude others from his domain and develop a legacy or
lineage of authority’.
The claim of a close bond was disputed by Freeman’s wife, Monica, in an
interview with biographer Peter Hempenstall (2017:248), in which she
explained that Freeman had not produced a major work on Iban religion in
part because he was never integrated as intimately into Iban society as he was
into that of Samoa.
If Freeman attempted to exclude others from his alleged hegemony, one
might expect King to produce a list of anthropologists who had suffered such
a fate. Instead of disappointed students, King presents four ‘incidents’ as evid-
ence of Freeman exerting his authority over Iban studies to the exclusion of
others.
The first incident was an article Freeman (1968) wrote titled ‘Thunder, blood
andthenicknamingof God’screatures’,inwhichhechallengedanearlierpaper
written by an old foe, Rodney Needham, about the Penan, a hunting and gath-
ering group in Sarawak and the Semang of Peninsular Malaya. This incident
fails to provide any evidence because it had nothing to do with the Iban.
The second incident unfolded over the question of whether or not affines
should be included among the Iban kindred.The question arose in a PhD thesis
by John Smart (1971), which promoted the analytical importance of the con-
jugal pair in cognatic societies based on fieldwork with the Karagawan Isneg in
northern Luzon. Like Smart, King (1976) contended that affinal kin should be
included in a kindred; this was in marked contrast to Freeman, who excluded
them in his prize-winning essay ‘The concept of the kindred’ (1961) and in his
Report on the Iban (1970). My data show that on marriage, the kin of each part-
ner were joined at that level and formed the kin of their children.The incoming
kin were not included in the kin of the parents’ generation. In an evolution-
ary context, the Iban concept is consistent with kin selection theory. Divorce
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was high among the Iban, and its frequency would have made the operational
inclusionof affinesverydifficulttomanageduetothefrequentchangesinpart-
nerships.
Freeman privately corresponded with Smart and later, in 1977, with King
(2013a:18). Other anthropologists were unaware of this correspondence until
King revealed it in 2013 in Ngingit, a little read, Iban-centric journal. Perversely,
in his monograph on the Maloh, King (1985:24) wrote that he had applied a
‘kindred concept’, including both consanguines and affines, to his Maloh data.
However, he found that doing so confused rather than clarified the character-
istics of Maloh kinship and he therefore abandoned the idea.
This vignette is an example of the second kind of controversy alluded to
earlier: an anthropologist without direct knowledge of the Iban made pro-
nouncements about Iban ethnographic facts and was challenged (privately
in this case). Freeman, not unreasonably, was concerned that accurate eth-
nographic facts were reported. The private correspondence would not have
discouraged other scholars from embarking on studies of the Iban and was as
likely to have encouraged Smart to study the Iban for himself as to discourage
him from doing so.
The third incident concerned a review Freeman (1975) wrote of Erik Jensen’s
(1974) The Iban and their religion. Iban religion was the primary focus of Free-
man’s research in the Baleh. Freeman (1975:277) wrote that Jensen failed ‘to
comprehend the protean realities of the remarkable religion of the pagan Iban
of Sarawak’.
For a comparable view of the lack of depth of Jensen’s research, another
anthropologist, Christine Padoch (1982:10) commented on his (Jensen 1966:7)
summary of land use. She remarked: [the phrase] “‘having exhausted the nat-
ural resources of soil, game, and timber of one district [Iban migrate] to fresh
jungle’ is hardly plausible as a description of an area which has been continu-
ously settled for over three hundred years”, adding that the ‘cultivation of hill
rice among all Iban cannot be done as Freeman described it, nor among any as
Jensen reported’.
It is doubtful that Jensen carried out any dedicated anthropological research
on the Iban. He started working for the Anglican church in Sarawak and was
perceived as a priest by the Iban, who called him Apai Ragum—Father Beard.
Then followed full-time employment as a community development officer in
the Lemanak and, finally, as an administrative officer based in the town of
Simanggang. An example of his apparent lack of focus on research occurred
early in his period in Sarawak, when Jensen (2013:113) was present at a gawai
kenyalang (a major festival recognizing the achievements of a successful head-
hunter) in the Undup. Such a festival had a level of importance for the Iban
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equivalent to Easter for a devout Christian. Jensen ignored this gawai and all
other major ones in his The Iban and their religion.
According to King (2017:89–90), Freeman’s review asserted that ‘only Free-
man had captured the “essential” character of traditional Iban culture’. Jensen’s
book of course was about Iban religion, not about traditional Iban culture, and
thatwaswhatFreemanwaswritingabout.King(2017:96)findsmeritinJensen’s
work. Given that Jensen managed to ignore just about every aspect of Iban reli-
gion other than the rituals directly associated with the rice cult, he did little to
reveal anything of interest about the character of traditional Iban religion, let
alone culture. Much has been published since on the various aspects of Iban
religion not addressed by Jensen, which only further demonstrates the exigu-
ousness of Jensen’s work.1 Freeman’s review drew deserved attention to the
complexity of Iban religion, in contrast to the belittling attention it was given
by Jensen, whose initial ‘mission’ was to ensure that the Iban abandoned their
religion.
King’s fourth situation concerned a claim by Jérôme Rousseau (1980:59–60),
whose fieldwork was with the Kayan, that Iban society was divided into three
status levels: a ‘prestige-seeking category’, commoners, and slaves. Not surpris-
ingly, he gave no Iban terms for the first two levels, as they did not exist. The
Iban did have two quite distinct kinds of slave, both of which were called ulun.
In contrast, the Kayan Rousseau studied had four named classes: ruling aris-
tocrats (maren), ‘lower aristocrats’ (hipuy), commoners (panyin), and slaves
(dipen). Status with the Iban was achieved; status with the Kayan was ascribed.
There could not have been a more pronounced difference.
Freeman called the Iban ‘egalitarian’ and made that clear in a response to
Rousseau (Freeman 1980). Being egalitarian did not mean that in life all Iban
enjoyed the same circumstances, as essentially, under the adat (customary
law), everyone was equal. That was reinforced at law where fines did not vary
with status. In life, certain Iban achieved more than others, and such achieve-
ment determined his or her status.With men status was established by holding
greater festivals in the gawai burung series (the series of festivals celebrating
the successful headhunter), while women achieved status through their weav-
ing. Opportunities to succeed were certainly greater for those born to high-
status parents. But there were no institutional barriers, as there were for the
Kayan,whichpreventedapersonbornintothepooresthouseholdfromachiev-
ingthehigheststatus.AsChristineHelliwell(1995:360)remarked,Ibanequality
was one of opportunity rather than one of condition.
1 See, for instance, Graham 1987, Masing 1997, Sather 1977 and 2001, Sutlive 2012, and Uchibori
1978.
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King (2017:92–3) finds merit in Rousseau’s argument. He argues that occa-
sional Iban leaders were ennobled by Malay sultans, and that the Mualang,
an Ibanic group living in the Sekadau and Belitang areas of West Kalimantan
that split from the main Iban group probably in the early fifteenth century,
had classes. On King’s first point, an ennoblement was personal and non-
inheritable and did not result in a class of nobles being established among
the Iban. In the case of the Mualang, Freeman was describing the Iban. The
Mualang were as irrelevant to King’s claim as was Freeman’s earlier joust with
Needham. This is a further example of the second kind of controversy.
Thesefourincidentsarethesumof King’scasethatFreemanexertedauthor-
ity to exclude others from his domain, the first link in the concatenated chain.
King’s case might have been enhanced if there was error in Freeman’s eth-
nography or interpretation. There was not. King’s case depends on a fiction:
that students were sufficiently scared that they avoided studying the Iban for
fear that if they got anything wrong, they would be subject to robust criticism.
Anthropologists generally seem confident in their arguments, as was demon-
strated by Freeman’s incursion into Margaret Mead’s Samoan ethnography.
Rather than frightening others off, he elicited equally robust ripostes. In Free-
man’s case, it led to the American Anthropological Association taking a vote
deploring the recommendation of his book Margaret Mead and Samoa by the
magazine Science 83.
With these four incidents, King acts more like a prosecutor in an adversarial
judicial process, presenting his case and that alone; the more persuasive
approach of juge d’instruction is eschewed. In a well-balanced case, Freeman’s
ethnography would have deserved some consideration.
Next, there is the question of the evidence King presents of Freeman act-
ively discouraging a scholar from working with the Iban. King presents none.
He omits any mention of the opposite behaviour by Freeman: encourage-
ment. King himself has recorded that he experienced such encouragement.
His first contact with Freeman started at the beginning of 1972, when he ‘intro-
duced’ himself and explained that he hoped to undertake fieldwork among the
WestKalimantanIban.Freemanwas‘extraordinarilyencouraging,fulsomeand
helpful’ in his replies, expressed the hope that King would undertake research
with the Kapuas Iban, and expressed a wish to keep in touch concerning the
progress of his research (King 2013a:15–6). King chose to do fieldwork with the
Maloh and did not keep in touch.
There could, of course, be circumstantial evidence that Freeman discour-
aged others from studying the Iban, the most important of which would be
the paucity of scholars who have worked with the Iban. Upwards of twenty
doctoral studies of the Iban have now been made. Scholars including Robert
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Cramb (2007:xix), Christine Padoch (1982:ix), and Traude Gavin (2003:x) have
been effusive in their gratitude for the assistance Freeman gave them, despite
theirpublishedworknotbeinginaccordancewiththebookof theIbanaccord-
ing to Freeman. The evidence is all on the opposite side of the ledger.
If King’s claim about Freeman’s determination to keep the Iban free of the
unwanted is accurate, Freeman was supremely unsuccessful, as King (2013b:7)
remarks:
It is also true that of all Borneo peoples it is the Iban, both in Sarawak and
in West Kalimantan who have been the most extensively studied across
a wide range of subjects and themes. After all only the Iban have a four-
volume encyclopaedia devoted to them and several dictionaries of their
language. Students of other Borneo societies most certainly view with
enormous envy the considerable level of scholarly work and publications
on the Iban.
A second link in the chain has thus proved defective.
King (2017:106), while admitting that many of Freeman’s findings have stood
the test of time, sums up a job well done by this part of his case study: ‘[S]ome
of [Freeman’s] observations and analyses in relation to Iban egalitarianism and
cognatic kinship, for example, are subject to revision, qualification, and elabor-
ation.’ Certainly both are open to elaboration, as Freeman presented summa-
tions,butnottorevisionandqualification,especiallyinthedirectionsthatKing
proposes. King forgets he fruitlessly tried the path he now proposes with cog-
natic kin. Forcing classes on the traditional Iban system would be tantamount
to what Hoffman proposed for hunters and gatherers. If indeed King were cor-
rect in this observation, it is surprising that no Iban researcher has seen fit to
correct the record.
Early in his article, King (2017:85) states that there ‘is a need to investig-
ate who has the authority to interpret and present Iban culture, and why the
authoritytodosoisclaimed’.Thisisaquestionthatcanbeposedforanysociety.
With the Iban, the question is becoming increasingly complex. With the Inter-
net, anyone interested in Iban culture can refer to a number of blogs intent
on publishing information about their history, culture, and everyday affairs.
Some might be based on sound ethnographic data. For example, there are two
sets of typed transcriptions, one by a great Saribas bard called Mujah anak
Mambang, and the second, of taped interviews, by Benedict Sandin, the where-
abouts of which are no longer known. Given the quality of some of the material
of some of these blogs, any number of them could be referencing this material.
I was offered this material but declined, believing that it should remain in the
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Sarawak Museum—though I did accept some carbon duplicates and therefore
am fully aware of its quality. There are now many trained Iban anthropologists
working in Iban studies, many with PhDs.Who, then, has the authority to inter-
pret and present a culture like the Iban, as King seeks? There seem to be many
possibilities. The crucial condition is that the data they present are accurate.
And the problem for King’s critique of Freeman’s work in the four incidents he
selected is that, as with his critique of Vayda andWagner, in three his data were
deficient and the fourth incident had nothing to do with the Iban.
Four years before his Bijdragen article, King (2013b:7) expressed a view of
Freeman’s work which contrasts markedly with the view expressed in his art-
icle under discussion:
In this connection, I think it can be argued that of all anthropological
monographs on Borneo communities it has been (J.D.) Derek Freeman’s
very widely quoted Report on the Iban (1970) and Iban agriculture (1955a)
which have been the most influential and which have provided a baseline
and set a standard for the study of cognatic societies and for our under-
standingof shiftingorswiddenagriculturaleconomiesinthehumidtrop-
ics.
3 The Interactionist Paradigm
Freeman’s interactionist paradigm must be mentioned because, according to
King (2017:95), my books on Iban art (Heppell, Limbang and Enyan 2005) and
on Ibanic weaving (Heppell 2014) sought to maintain Freeman’s anthropolo-
gical terrain and confirm the analytical value of his interactionist paradigm. In
fact, the intention of the first one, at least, was to draw attention to a softer side
of the Iban than the popular one of wild and successful headhunters. Neither
book mentioned Freeman’s interactionist paradigm nor, indeed, referred to it
obliquely, which would seem to be a very careless omission if my intention was
to confirm its value. That leads to a fundamental question: did Freeman ever
formulate an interactionist paradigm rather than simply talk about one?
King (2017:86) explained Freeman’s paradigm as ‘focused on the complex
interrelationships between biological, socio-cultural, and environmental
factors, drawing on the fields of ethology, primatology, neuroscience, psycho-
logy,psychoanalysisandpsychiatry,molecularbiology,andevolutionarygenet-
ics’.
As Thomas Kuhn (1962) wrote: ‘Paradigms provide scientists not only with a
map but also with some of the directions essential for mapmaking’. King might
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think what he describes constitutes a paradigm, but Kuhn surely would not.
King’s description is simply a catch-all of a number of disciplines.
Freeman talked a great deal to me about developing a new anthropological
paradigm. He spent the last years of his life in vain pursuit of Margaret Mead
and died without writing anything to demonstrate how such a paradigm would
actuallywork.Tomyknowledge,henevercompletedtheparadigmnordemon-
strated a working paradigm as it applied to subjects such as Iban religion or
Samoan sexuality. Thus, another link in King’s chain seems unsound. If there is
no paradigm, it can hardly be applied to the interpretation of Iban culture.
In contrast, John Bowlby’s trilogy Attachment and loss (1969, 1973, 1980)
demonstrated an evolutionary framework adapted to the social sciences. In it
he addressed some of the ‘how come’ questions of attachment behaviour and
its relationship with separation anxieties that have greatly advanced an under-
standing of these phenomena. He used an evolutionary/ethological model,
which he applied effectively to psychology. More recently, and not long after
Freeman’s death, the American anthropologist Melvin Konner published his
monumental The evolution of childhood (2010), which describes numerous
paradigms and, as manyother anthropologistshavedone, synthesizesthe work
of anthropologistsandotherscientistsontherelationshipof evolutiontochild-
hood development. This is an approach that Freeman would certainly have
described as an interactionist paradigm. It demonstrates that such a paradigm
is alive and well in anthropology. The idea of such a paradigm therefore hardly
deserves to be impliedly targeted as somehow deeply or fundamentally flawed.
After all, King (2017:97) professes to have ‘some sympathy with elements of the
interactionist paradigm’, but clearly not with all.
4 Freeman’s Lineage of Authority
Freeman’s approach to establishing a lineage was somewhat Jesuitical. He tar-
geted young and suggestible minds not yet initiated in fieldwork. Once trained,
Freeman did not follow the transparent stratagem of ensuring that his students
remained employed in academia, publishing suitable encomia and then, in
turn,passingontheparadigmtoyetanothergenerationof successorstoensure
thecontinuingsuccessof thelineage.UnliketheJesuits,heletallbutoneof the
fourstudentshesupervised(oneonSamoa)leaveacademia,andtheremaining
one, Moto Uchibori, published in Japanese.
A second student, James Masing, returned to Sarawak where, initially, he
found it difficult to find employment as an anthropologist. He joined an oppos-
ition political party, was elected to state parliament, and rose to be the party’s
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leader.Perceivingthattherewasnogreatfutureinbeingonthestateopposition
benchesandnodoubtguidedbytheinteractionistparadigm,hejoinedthegov-
ernment benches and has done spectacularly well ever since. Goro Hasegawa
(2017:32–33), working on the Mujong, Masing’s natal river, found that there
‘people worship Dr. Masing as god’. Hasegawa (2017:36) revealed how the inter-
actionistparadigmwasprojectedinMasing’shands.Theheadof thelonghouse
in which Hasegawaworked confided to him that ‘oncehe had received an order
from Masing in a dream to perform a large gawai, and so he obeyed and did
it’.
In my case, my reappearance on the Iban scene might appear serendipit-
ous, but now we know it was not. I left academia immediately after submit-
ting my dissertation, nine months before my scholarship terminated, for a job,
manufacturedbyAustralianNationalUniversityacademics(possiblyincluding
Freeman), managing an NGO. The NGO worked in Aboriginal affairs in Aus-
tralia and had briefly employed Freeman as a consultant. Unlike Masing, I was
inexpert at utilizing the interactionist paradigm. After about four years, I had
antagonized the Australian government sufficiently for it to stop all funds to
the organization and issue a directive to all Aboriginal organizations that they
would lose all their government funding if they employed either the NGO or
myself. I unsuccessfully tried to obtain an academic position in anthropology
in Australia. After two years of unemployment I went undercover, returning to
the safety of chartered accountancy, where dyadic pairs were always in unison
and binary oppositions were anathema.
Twenty-two years later, in 1996, still working in accountancy, I was
approached by an unscrupulous Dutch publisher who asked me to write a book
on Iban textiles. He had approached some people in Kuching, who recommen-
ded me. By that time Gavin’s book The women’s warpath (1996) was available.
I recommended Gavin as the authority. The Dutch publisher was adamant it
should be me.
I did know a little about Iban textiles. When in Sarawak, an Iban divorcee
called Enyan had started presenting me with a string of small textile gifts. She
was from the Labuyan, so I never asked her if she was in cahoots with Freeman.
Her final gift was a narrow, shortish sungkit loincloth, which, when I wore it,
immediately made me aware of why women paid so much attention to bikini
lines. The cloth had two pairs of copulating reptiles along its length. Bowled
over, as no woman had ever woven a loincloth for me, I invited her back to Aus-
tralia, where she spent about six months weaving for about eighteen hours a
day and talking incessantly about weaving.Thus started an intensive course on
the mysteries of Iban weaving. I suggested to my wife, Marguerite, that she take
notes. Those copulating reptiles did mean something. Enyan, though, assured
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me that it was not what I had flattered myself into thinking. After all, she was
ten years my senior.
Accountancy did not give me access to a university and, therefore, to an
academic library and journals. So, armed with the only two things that anthro-
pology had given me: ethnocentric fieldnotes and an interactionist paradigm, I
started to put together something on Iban art based in part on Iban oral literat-
ure. My data were buttressed by Freeman’s and others’ fieldnotes. I sent a draft
to the Dutch publisher. He liked it and asked me to arrange, at his expense, a
suite of photographs. Photographic transparencies of objects were taken, and
they and the relevant slides were sent to the Dutch publisher. He then refused
to pay the photographer’s bill or to return the transparencies and slides to
Australia. I was left with an unwanted draft book, no slides, and a financial
obligation to a photographer.
The depths of the subterfuge that Freeman was prepared to go to, to get his
interactionist paradigm in print, now became apparent. In Singapore, I was
approached by a CIA operative interested in Dayak artefacts. I visited his house,
and in a general conversation he mentioned the name of another Dutch pub-
lisher who might be interested in publishing a book on Dayak material culture.
I got in touch with him and he expressed an interest.
The book still needed a conclusion. On a long Singapore Airlines interna-
tional flight, a flight attendant dropped a copy of the Economist on my lap. In
it was a glowing review of a book by evolutionary psychologist Geoffrey Miller
(2000), which discussed sexual selection in the context of art. The fuse was
lit. The dormant interactionist paradigm stirred and, in one of only two ref-
erences to Miller in the book’s conclusion (the other was about the appeal of
symmetry), I wrote (2005:166): ‘In this regard [the oral literature insisting war-
riors wed accomplished weavers and vice versa], the Iban strongly illustrate
Geoffrey Miller’s thesis in his book The Mating Mind that the basic mechanism
for the evolution of art was sexual selection.’
Just before the book was to be published, the publisher became aware of
Gavin’s Iban ritual textiles and asked me to comment to differentiate Iban art
from Gavin’s work. The body of the text could not be altered at such a late date.
Footnotes were the only avenue.
Freeman and I managed my working undercover carefully. In the twenty
yearsbetweenmyleavingCanberraandFreeman’sdeath,wecorrespondedjust
twice:once with myaskinghim tocomment on adraftof Ibanart andthe other
when Freeman wrote to me to tell me that he had not long to live and I replied.
I also met him once in 1994. I was in Canberra marking time before a meet-
ing with a Commonwealth government department. I went into a public toilet.
Another person was present: it was Freeman. I greeted him and asked how he
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was. He replied: ‘We are winning Mike. We are winning the war.’ I replied how
pleasedIwasandthoughtaboutsuggestingwepopoutandhaveacupof coffee
and a catch up. But Freeman was finished. He zipped himself up and headed
for the exit. On his way, he half turned and repeated: ‘We are winning, Mike,
we are winning.’ The federal police monitoring the public urinal’s CCTV prob-
ably noted the complicit use of the word ‘we’. The consorting males, patriarch
and anointed successor, passed like two ships in the night, unaware that their
dark secret might now be fatally compromised. That was the last time I saw
Freeman.
Hempenstall (2017:258) writes that ‘critics of Freeman, especially in Aus-
tralia, point out that Freeman founded no school of anthropological training,
no pool of students to pursue it’. He might agree that another link in King’s
chain was defective.
5 The Interactionist Paradigm at Work
As mentioned, King’s idea of an interactionist paradigm was a catch-all. His
critique about my so-called use of this chimera raises the question of whether
or not evolutionary theory has any part to play in anthropology. His critique
divestsa proposedtheory of its context.He focuseson successfulwarriorsactu-
ally marrying good weavers and demands spurious proofs that are required to
demonstrate that they do.
Because of their complexity and the richness of remembered information,
Iban textiles offer opportunities to propose answers to ‘how come’ questions
such as how their textiles came to be so ubiquitous (their beginnings were
simple and crude) and why and how their production was maintained over
centuries, when no other indigenous group in Borneo developed such a range.
In fact, very few inland groups wove at all and most contented themselves with
barkclothclothinguntilaboutthemiddleof thetwentiethcentury.Thatsimple
covering was all a male Iban wore for his daily activities. Textiles were a luxury.
There was absolutely no basic need to make them.
A quick summary of the development of textiles by the Iban is that they pro-
gressed from small pieces of slit tapestry not requiring a loom, to sungkit (sup-
plementary brocaded weft), and then to pilih (supplementary floating weft)
and ikat (tie and dye). Five principles, ignored by King in his article, governed
progression to the next stage. There were two core principles. Each new stage
introduced a more efficient way of producing a cloth, but was accompanied
by the establishment of an increased degree of difficulty, requiring the reten-
tion of the previous method and the introduction of intricacies in the new
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method, the most conspicuous of which were ever more complex coils. There
were two principles directly consequent on the change. The first two were that
each change was incremental and facilitated the production of symmetry (the
brain processes symmetry more quickly than asymmetry, which makes sym-
metry visually more appealing). The final principle, the ritualization of each
previousstage,revealedaninterestonthepartof meninthetextiles.Menmust
have decided that textiles were potentially important, and to ensure their pro-
duction, they ritualized their use. For example, if an Iban wanted to be sure to
communicate with the gods, he must wear a sungkit jacket. Sungkit cloths were
required for receiving severed heads. This example of sungkit introduces more
dissonance to this article. Gavin (2003:1), in her Iban ritual textiles, did not dis-
cuss sungkit because it was not ‘as important as ikat’. In fact, historically, it was
much more important.
Afundamentalquestion,then,iswhydidIbanweaversintroducethevarious
levels of difficulty and why did men establish a requirement for textiles in all
religious rituals? For the women, who, like Iban men, were hugely competitive,
the complexities ensured that the best weavers would shine. The introduction
of evereasiertechnicalstagesextendedthecompetitiontomostwomen.Inthis
way,anagonisticarenawasestablished.Butthatdidnotanswerthe‘howcome’
question, which required an explanation as to why, in the early origins of tex-
tile production, very small, slit-tapestry pieces (a sword belt and a small badge
for a twined war jacket) were sufficiently attractive to warrant the interest of
men and their intervention by ritualizing the use of textiles and, in so doing,
ensure their continued production through the centuries. Not coincidentally,
both pieces were designed for warfare. There also remained the question of
the purpose of women competing through their weaving. Why would one sex
compete amongst themselves if not to attract the attention of the other? The
hypothesis,then,wasthatthedrivingforcebehindthecontinueddevelopment
of weaving was sexual selection.
The ideal of successful warriors marrying excellent weavers was celebrated
in verse. In one, a girl, impatient to be married, is told by her lover (Heppell et
al; 2005:92)
Icannottakeyoubackhomemydarling,Becausemycutlasswhichshould
have tufts of hair hanging; Is but an empty sheath, with no locks of hair
dangling, […] And, besides, you are the same, my love so longstanding,
[…] Nor in a cloth, have you woven a fine blue edging […] As for a cloth
dyed burgundy red, of crocodiles, With feet splayed and long snouts, it is
yet to be in the making.
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The Iban quite consciously linked head-taking and weaving to sexual selec-
tion.
Here we have the ideal of a warrior marrying a weaver, which King tries
to make much of. But the ideal is a cultural construct; it has nothing to do
with sexual selection. King required a ‘proof’ to demonstrate that the Iban did
implementsuchmaritalarrangements.Hisdemandthatgenealogicalevidence
reaching back through time must be presented to show such preferences, is
sophistical. The proof is unscientific because, even if you could provide the
evidence required, how many such marriages would have to be met to satisfy
theproof?Andthen,howdoyoutreatexceptions?Thesameargumentapplies.
If there are many exceptions, do they falsify the theory?
King misrepresents the evolutionary argument that weaving provided
information about a level of skill, possessed by individual women, which could
not be faked, just as a man returning from a raid with a severed head could
not fake its existence, which revealed information about the man. Sexual selec-
tion applied to this information implies that the information is of interest to
the opposite sex and is used in mate selection. Human sexual selection is not
based on one criterion, like an Argus pheasant’s tail. Even with the pheasant
there are likely to be many factors acting on the brain influencing a selection.
As an Iban woman told Freeman (n.d.): a woman who spent all her time weav-
ing was no good to anyone (nadai guna sekali). Human sexual selection will
be many times more complex than that of another kind of vertebrate, such as a
bird, and will involve a broad variety of factors and senses, including body sym-
metry and capacity for hard work, as well as other factors that still have to be
identified.Weaving demonstrates hard work, but it also demonstrates a kind of
intelligence. The latter might be significant.
Anthropologists have long had an interest in sexual selection. Much of their
early interest relates to marriage forms. This interest has more recently been
expanded by evolutionary anthropologists to include issues such as costly sig-
nals. A full understanding of human sexual selection will require the addi-
tion of many stones by scientists in many different disciplines to complete
the mosaic. Anthropology is but one such discipline. And, in my case, one
small fleck in the general mosaic is the potential of textiles. In contrast, sexual
selection might provide an insight into the origins of textile art. Textile art’s
association with marriage provides an impetus. While that association is not
universal, its frequency invites enquiry. Hence, there is an incentive for anthro-
pologists to pose ‘how come’ questions about the frequency of textiles as mar-
riage gifts.
This discussion relates to another link in King’s chain: that, tarred with the
same brush as Freeman, I applied the interactionist paradigmtothe interpreta-
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tion of Iban textiles. If there is a paradigm involved, it derives from Bowlby, not
Freeman—though Freeman’s hand was pronounced in posing the ‘how come’
questions about Iban behaviour. But, for King’s chain, the link of an interac-
tionist paradigm is a chimera.
6 Authority Damned
The final link in King’s chain is that I have set out to impose my authority
on the interpretation of Iban textiles and, thereby, to exclude Gavin from the
subject. Worse, my authority is based on ethnocentric Western assumptions,
also held by Freeman, about images in art which, as King (2017:83) remarks,
‘can be traced back to the ethnocentric tendencies of writers from literate cul-
tures in their search for meaning’ and which are not based on rigorous ethno-
graphic evidence of what the Iban say about these images. Compounding the
ethnocentricity, King (2017:105) maintains that ‘Heppell, like his mentor Free-
man, has adopted Haddon’s evolutionary assumptions that Iban woven cloths
embody a “language of symbols”’.
King is concerned to promote Gavin’s (2015:29–30) view that the symbols I
refer to do not exist in the Iban weaver’s world view: ‘Heppell’s main conten-
tion with my work seems to be that I do not use the word “symbol” in relation to
Iban patterns. This is true and done with full intent, because, in the strict sense
of the word, Iban patterns do not contain symbols.’ King and Gavin make a lot
of the idea of a ‘language of symbols’. The phrase was not mentioned in Iban
art (Heppell, Limbang anak Melaka and Enyan anak Usen 2005) and only men-
tioned once, en passant, in The seductive warp thread (Heppell 2014). But they
were prominent in patterns or designs. The contrast therefore is great. Gavin’s
view has serious consequences for an understanding of Iban textile design and
the creativity of Iban women, as Sandra Niessen (2009:95) points out: ‘[Gavin]
describes what she calls a chaotic situation: while some patterns are faithfully
copied, patterns are also “turned around; parts are incorporated into other pat-
terns and given new names. Dissimilar patterns are ascribed the same name
and so on”.’
Let us touch on the ethnocentricity. Freeman’s fieldnotes describe two
women explaining that a representation of food must always be provided to
a water serpent pictogram lest the water serpent attacks and kills the weaver.
My fieldnotes include an incident in which Enyan, weaving a sungkit figure,
refused to go to an appointment because she had not completed the heart of
thefigure,explainingthatthefigurewouldbeangrywithherif sheleftitincom-
plete and might attack her on her return.These fieldnotes also correspond with
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what the Indonesian Kobus Foundation (2000) reported about the Kantu’ and
Iban: ‘every motif represents something from the human, the extraterrestrial,
the animal and the plant worlds’.
King airbrushes out a number of Iban, who have written that Iban motifs
are symbols, from his discussion: Jabu (1991a and b), Linggi (1998 and 2001),
Kedit (1994, 2009, 2013, and 2017), Inggai (n.d.), and the Kobus Foundation
(2000). No Iban has declared in writing that the motifs are not symbols. For
Gavin, these airbrushed out Iban lacked authority. According to her, Jabu and
Linggi were both educated, making them ethnocentric and ‘raised far from a
longhouse setting’ (Gavin 1996:12). However, in reality both grew up in a tra-
ditional longhouse setting, with Jabu being adopted in the Layar, and Linggi
growingupinherbirthplaceintheJulau.InKedit’scase,accordingtoGavin,his
informants preserved the memory of their family’s cloths with such certainty
and often with astonishing detail, unmatched by any other Saribas Iban family,
and Kedit himself provided improvised interpretations of the patterns (Gavin
2015:31–2). Kedit’s informants were the last two living Saribas ‘master’ weavers
who explained the cloths they had woven to him. Both were alive when Gavin
was in the field, but were not interviewed by her.
In a recent article, Kedit analyses a number of sungkit motifs. One analysis
states (2017:220):
[In] the representation of antu gerasi berayah [a demon performing a tri-
umphant dance] […] he is depicted with a small head. The small head
shows the Iban belief that all decapitated beings in the afterlife, when
invited to a gawai (festival), declined because they were embarrassed
by their small heads. The sex of the demon is clearly indicated with the
exaggerated phallus and a palang (penis-pin) protruding at the base. Its
enlarged feet are curled to the motions of a dance. In the sagas, an antu
gerasi, who was actually Nising the arch-enemy of Singalang Burung [the
Iban Mars], was finally decapitated by the latter. This act of decapitation
then takes on a profound meaning: a metaphor of the Iban triumphing
over their enemies supernatural and natural.
Kedit’s description gives lie to the idea of poor downtrodden Iban weavers who
are living in a chaotic world in which every weaver is a Humpty Dumpty, giving
any name she feels like to a motif or pattern she weaves.
King’slastlinkraisesanimportantquestionforanthropology:whenindigen-
ous people reveal something about their culture that has merit but contradicts
what an anthropologist has reported, do other anthropologists rush to support
the anthropologist concerned? Is the reputation of a member of the discipline
more important than the ethnographic record?
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7 Conclusion
King has presented a ‘case study’ of the alleged abuse of authority by Freeman
in particular. The evidence presented by King against Freeman is tenuous. Not
one link in the chain of alleged abuses that King presents stands up to scrutiny.
Freeman now carries a lot of baggage as a result of his jousting with Amer-
ican anthropology over Mead and cultural determinism. Freeman’s respect for
accurate ethnographic data, however, was exemplary. One of the tasks he set
me in the field was to falsify his data. The only aspect I found to query was
the concept of kuasa (authority) in the bilek (household), which Freeman had
subsumed under his description of the tuai bilek (household head) but not
elaborated.2
Authority seems to be an unfortunate concept to apply to anthropologists.
So complex are the societies that they investigate that, inevitably, the good
anthropologistwill find thatthe morehe orshe discovers,themorethe abyssof
what they realize they do not know opens up. I ask the Iban questions; rarely is
it the other way round. On the few occasions it is, I report what other Iban have
told me. The ethnographic facts are ascendant and the anthropologist has a
heavyresponsibilitytoreportthemaccurately.Theyare,afterall,withtherapid
social changes occurring, the flesh and blood of important social histories.
As a chartered accountant expecting both sides of a ledger to be balanced,
King’s one-sided account, which ignores the contribution that Freeman has
made to Borneo and Iban studies, comes as a surprise. Even on irrelevant
points, like, for example, the number of years in the field, the number of long-
houses visited, the number of cloths documented to support a claim to author-
ity, he provides the information for Gavin but no one else.What King has failed
todoistogiveanycredencetoanumberof accountsproducedbyIbanthatrun
counter to Gavin’s findings. These accounts are consistent in their opposition
to Gavin. It could be that within them resides the authority King seeks.
Acknowledgements
Enormous gratitude to two muses whose cheerless critique of an earlier draft
has led to this offering.
2 The Batang Ai’ occupied long-settled land, so their agricultural system was quite different
from the pioneering situation investigated by Freeman.
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