This document summarizes a study on the impact of Twitter use on the perceived credibility of 2016 US presidential candidates. It provides background on rhetoric, persuasion, and credibility in politics. Specifically, it discusses Aristotle's modes of persuasion (pathos, logos, ethos) and how they can impact a politician's credibility. The study examined how candidates' tweets may have influenced voters' opinions according to these persuasion modes. It reviewed literature on social media and politics, finding that Twitter has become an important campaign tool. The researcher surveyed 170 subjects on their views of different candidates' credibility, finding that Bernie Sanders was viewed as one of the most credible.
Kim, M.J., & Park, H. W. (2012). Measuring Twitter-Based Political Participat...Han Woo PARK
Kim, M.J., & Park, H. W. (2012). Measuring Twitter-Based Political Participation and Deliberation in the South Korean Context by Using Social Network and Triple Helix Indicators. Scientometrics. 90 (1), 121-140.
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs11192-011-0508-5#page-1
This paper presents the results of a new monitoring project of the US presidential elections with the aim of establishing computer-based tools to track in real time the popularity or awareness of candidates. The designed and developed innovative methods allow us to extract the frequency of queries sent to numerous search engines by US Internet users. Based on these data, this paper demonstrates that Trump was more frequently searched than the Democratic candidates, either Hillary Clinton in 2016 or Joe Biden in 2020. When analyzing the topics, it is observed that in 2020 the US users had shown a remarkable interest in two subjects, namely, Coronavirus and Jobs (unemployment). Interest for other topics such as Education or Healthcare were less pronounced while issues such as Immigration were given even less attention by users. Finally, some “flame” topics such as Black Lives Matter (2020) and Gun Control (2016) appear to be very popular for a few weeks before returning to a low level of interest. When analyzing tweets sent by candidates during the 2020 campaign, one can observe that Trump was focused mainly on Jobs and on Riots, announcing what would happen if Democrats took power. To these negative ads, Biden answered by putting forward moral values (e.g., love, honesty) and political symbols (e.g., democracy, rights) and by underlying the failure of the current administration in resolving the pandemic situation.
The Analysis of Ideological Practices in Sindo Newspaper through the Headline...AJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT: The Research Title: “The Analysis of Ideological Practices in Sindo Newspaper through the Headline of the 2014 Presidential Election Campaign”. The purpose of theresearch was to analyze the headline ideological discourse on the 2014 presidential election campaign. This type of research is qualitative. The research method is content analysis with Norman Faitclough‟s version of Critical Discourse Analysis. Research paradigm; critical paradigm with critical theory. Furthermore, the data collection techniques used in this research are Text Analysis, Indepth-interview, literature research and documentation, and observation. Based on the results of descriptive analysis at the text/ micro level, interpretive analysis at the level of discourse practice/ mezzo, and explanatory analysis at the level of sociocultural practice/ macro, the results of this research were obtained, about the ideology of the newspaper Sindo newspaper, theoretically or based on external symbols of this media and based on the acknowledgment of the key informant as the representative owner, it can be ascertained the ideological discourse of the 2014 Sindo newspaper‟s presidential election campaign is the Pancasila press. However, in the practice of press management the attitude of the owners of capital was very visible in favor of the presidential and vice presidential candidate pair of Prabowo-Hatta. But on the other handSindo Newspaper also gives the freedom to journalists to have slightly different attitudes with the policies of capital owners.
Kim, M.J., & Park, H. W. (2012). Measuring Twitter-Based Political Participat...Han Woo PARK
Kim, M.J., & Park, H. W. (2012). Measuring Twitter-Based Political Participation and Deliberation in the South Korean Context by Using Social Network and Triple Helix Indicators. Scientometrics. 90 (1), 121-140.
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs11192-011-0508-5#page-1
This paper presents the results of a new monitoring project of the US presidential elections with the aim of establishing computer-based tools to track in real time the popularity or awareness of candidates. The designed and developed innovative methods allow us to extract the frequency of queries sent to numerous search engines by US Internet users. Based on these data, this paper demonstrates that Trump was more frequently searched than the Democratic candidates, either Hillary Clinton in 2016 or Joe Biden in 2020. When analyzing the topics, it is observed that in 2020 the US users had shown a remarkable interest in two subjects, namely, Coronavirus and Jobs (unemployment). Interest for other topics such as Education or Healthcare were less pronounced while issues such as Immigration were given even less attention by users. Finally, some “flame” topics such as Black Lives Matter (2020) and Gun Control (2016) appear to be very popular for a few weeks before returning to a low level of interest. When analyzing tweets sent by candidates during the 2020 campaign, one can observe that Trump was focused mainly on Jobs and on Riots, announcing what would happen if Democrats took power. To these negative ads, Biden answered by putting forward moral values (e.g., love, honesty) and political symbols (e.g., democracy, rights) and by underlying the failure of the current administration in resolving the pandemic situation.
The Analysis of Ideological Practices in Sindo Newspaper through the Headline...AJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT: The Research Title: “The Analysis of Ideological Practices in Sindo Newspaper through the Headline of the 2014 Presidential Election Campaign”. The purpose of theresearch was to analyze the headline ideological discourse on the 2014 presidential election campaign. This type of research is qualitative. The research method is content analysis with Norman Faitclough‟s version of Critical Discourse Analysis. Research paradigm; critical paradigm with critical theory. Furthermore, the data collection techniques used in this research are Text Analysis, Indepth-interview, literature research and documentation, and observation. Based on the results of descriptive analysis at the text/ micro level, interpretive analysis at the level of discourse practice/ mezzo, and explanatory analysis at the level of sociocultural practice/ macro, the results of this research were obtained, about the ideology of the newspaper Sindo newspaper, theoretically or based on external symbols of this media and based on the acknowledgment of the key informant as the representative owner, it can be ascertained the ideological discourse of the 2014 Sindo newspaper‟s presidential election campaign is the Pancasila press. However, in the practice of press management the attitude of the owners of capital was very visible in favor of the presidential and vice presidential candidate pair of Prabowo-Hatta. But on the other handSindo Newspaper also gives the freedom to journalists to have slightly different attitudes with the policies of capital owners.
Exposure to opposing views on social media can increase political polarizatio...eraser Juan José Calderón
Exposure to opposing views on social media can
increase political polarization. Christopher A. Baila & others.
Christopher A. Baila,1, Lisa P. Argyleb, Taylor W. Browna, John P. Bumpusa, Haohan Chenc, M. B. Fallin Hunzakerd, Jaemin Leea, Marcus Manna, Friedolin Merhouta, and Alexander Volfovskye
Cognitive Biases and Communication Strength in Social Networks.pdfssuser1867b7
Media stories often reach citizens via a two-step process, transmitted to them indirectly via their social
networks. Why are some media stories strongly transmitted and impact opinions powerfully in this twostep flow while others quickly perish? Integrating classical research on the two-step flow of political
communication and novel theories from cognitive psychology, this article outlines a model for
understanding the strength of political frames in the two-step flow. It argues that frames that resonate
with cognitive biases (that is, deep-seated psychological decision rules) will be transmitted more and have
a stronger influence on opinion when citizens recollect media frames in their social networks. Focusing on
the case of episodic and thematic frames, the study tests this model. It introduces a novel research design:
implementing the children’s game ‘Telephone’ in consecutive experimental online surveys fielded to
nationally representative samples. This design helps gauge the reliability of transmission and the degree of
persuasiveness in actual chains of transmission.
What Kind of Cultural Citizenship? Dissent and Antagonism when Discussing Pol...Jakob Svensson
Framed in ideas of cultural citizenship and acknowledging the importance of popular cultural sites for political participation, this short paper attends to a study of political discussions in the Swedish LGTB community Qruiser. The research is netnographic through online interviews, participant observations and content analyses. Preliminary results suggest an atmosphere that is geared rather towards conflict and dissent between participants than towards deliberation, opinion formation and consensus. This paper will therefore shortly discuss the results in light of Mouffe's (2005) normative lens of agonism and radical democracy.
The shooting of Michael Brown by a police officer cued an intense reaction from citizens, officials, and activists. Guided by the theory of indexing during “event-driven” news and the literature on protest coverage, this paper investigates the voices in the news following Brown’s shooting. A content analysis of five newspapers during the first cycle of protests analyzed three aspects of the media coverage of Ferguson. First, we assessed the reliance on official and nonofficial sources in the content published. Second, we tested the relationship between official and nonofficial sources to episodic or thematic coverage. Third, we tested the relationship between sources and the frames of the “protest paradigm,” a pattern of coverage emphasizing violence and deviant behavior. Findings reveal that nonofficial sources dominated the coverage after the shooting. But such sources challenged neither the episodic nature of the coverage nor negative portrayal of protestors. Therefore, our unique linking of the theory of indexing and protest coverage literature reveals that the nonofficial sources’ access is not enough to deter “protest paradigm” coverage. Frames emphasizing violence and clashes with the police were overwhelmingly more present than those emphasizing protestors’ grievances and demands. Our findings also reveal that frames emphasizing deviance prevailed more in the local newspaper than in national outlets. Overall, the predominance of nonofficial sources was not accompanied by thematic stories and critical viewpoints.
These are my slides from the Internet Researcher's Conference (#IR15.0) in Daegu, Korea in October 2014... you can read more about it at my research blog over at www.incitestories.com.au
Octopus and Midget in the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: Who Determines W...AJSSMTJournal
The age-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict has raised global security concerns and attracted solution
trajectories which emphasised two-state solution and ignored policy framework towards “one-state” solution,
especially based on the new dynamics in the aftermath of U.S. declaration of Jerusalem as the capital city of
Israel. The U.S. declaration introduced unequal relationship between Israel and the Palestinian Authority at the
Washington peace negotiations. Consequently, the Palestinian Authority protested that the U.S. acted in selfinterest based on her historical relationship with Israel rather than for peace and security in the Middle East
and the world. The Palestinian Authority withdrew from direct negotiation with Israel and questioned U.S.
moral ground to act as an ‘honest broker’ in packaging a new peace plan. As a reprisal, the U.S. cut all aid to
Palestine, except some $42 million for security cooperation, and closed down Palestinian Liberation
Organisation liaison office in Washington. Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas reacted and cut off security
cooperation with the U.S. Israeli-Palestinian relationship demonstrates that where parties play it dirty,
morality is hardly the option. The broad objective of this paper is to analyse the opportunities and challenges
in the Israeli-Palestinian two-state, one-state and no-state solution within the rubrics of global realpolitik of
asymmetrical relationship between power-studded Israel and the putative power-drought Palestinian
Authority. The specific aim is to recommending policy solution for enduring peace and stability in the Middle
East region and the world at large.
The phenomenon of interest may be described as the extent to which social media may be used inpolitical campaigns, including past campaigns and future campaigns. This includes four main questions: (1) Was there significant use of social media in past political campaigns, namely the 2008 campaign of President Barack Obama? (2) Has social media continued to be used in subsequent political campaigns? (3) If social media has been used, have there been any problems with its use? (4) What is the best way to utilize social media in future political campaigns?
Exposure to opposing views on social media can increase political polarizatio...eraser Juan José Calderón
Exposure to opposing views on social media can
increase political polarization. Christopher A. Baila & others.
Christopher A. Baila,1, Lisa P. Argyleb, Taylor W. Browna, John P. Bumpusa, Haohan Chenc, M. B. Fallin Hunzakerd, Jaemin Leea, Marcus Manna, Friedolin Merhouta, and Alexander Volfovskye
Cognitive Biases and Communication Strength in Social Networks.pdfssuser1867b7
Media stories often reach citizens via a two-step process, transmitted to them indirectly via their social
networks. Why are some media stories strongly transmitted and impact opinions powerfully in this twostep flow while others quickly perish? Integrating classical research on the two-step flow of political
communication and novel theories from cognitive psychology, this article outlines a model for
understanding the strength of political frames in the two-step flow. It argues that frames that resonate
with cognitive biases (that is, deep-seated psychological decision rules) will be transmitted more and have
a stronger influence on opinion when citizens recollect media frames in their social networks. Focusing on
the case of episodic and thematic frames, the study tests this model. It introduces a novel research design:
implementing the children’s game ‘Telephone’ in consecutive experimental online surveys fielded to
nationally representative samples. This design helps gauge the reliability of transmission and the degree of
persuasiveness in actual chains of transmission.
What Kind of Cultural Citizenship? Dissent and Antagonism when Discussing Pol...Jakob Svensson
Framed in ideas of cultural citizenship and acknowledging the importance of popular cultural sites for political participation, this short paper attends to a study of political discussions in the Swedish LGTB community Qruiser. The research is netnographic through online interviews, participant observations and content analyses. Preliminary results suggest an atmosphere that is geared rather towards conflict and dissent between participants than towards deliberation, opinion formation and consensus. This paper will therefore shortly discuss the results in light of Mouffe's (2005) normative lens of agonism and radical democracy.
The shooting of Michael Brown by a police officer cued an intense reaction from citizens, officials, and activists. Guided by the theory of indexing during “event-driven” news and the literature on protest coverage, this paper investigates the voices in the news following Brown’s shooting. A content analysis of five newspapers during the first cycle of protests analyzed three aspects of the media coverage of Ferguson. First, we assessed the reliance on official and nonofficial sources in the content published. Second, we tested the relationship between official and nonofficial sources to episodic or thematic coverage. Third, we tested the relationship between sources and the frames of the “protest paradigm,” a pattern of coverage emphasizing violence and deviant behavior. Findings reveal that nonofficial sources dominated the coverage after the shooting. But such sources challenged neither the episodic nature of the coverage nor negative portrayal of protestors. Therefore, our unique linking of the theory of indexing and protest coverage literature reveals that the nonofficial sources’ access is not enough to deter “protest paradigm” coverage. Frames emphasizing violence and clashes with the police were overwhelmingly more present than those emphasizing protestors’ grievances and demands. Our findings also reveal that frames emphasizing deviance prevailed more in the local newspaper than in national outlets. Overall, the predominance of nonofficial sources was not accompanied by thematic stories and critical viewpoints.
These are my slides from the Internet Researcher's Conference (#IR15.0) in Daegu, Korea in October 2014... you can read more about it at my research blog over at www.incitestories.com.au
Octopus and Midget in the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: Who Determines W...AJSSMTJournal
The age-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict has raised global security concerns and attracted solution
trajectories which emphasised two-state solution and ignored policy framework towards “one-state” solution,
especially based on the new dynamics in the aftermath of U.S. declaration of Jerusalem as the capital city of
Israel. The U.S. declaration introduced unequal relationship between Israel and the Palestinian Authority at the
Washington peace negotiations. Consequently, the Palestinian Authority protested that the U.S. acted in selfinterest based on her historical relationship with Israel rather than for peace and security in the Middle East
and the world. The Palestinian Authority withdrew from direct negotiation with Israel and questioned U.S.
moral ground to act as an ‘honest broker’ in packaging a new peace plan. As a reprisal, the U.S. cut all aid to
Palestine, except some $42 million for security cooperation, and closed down Palestinian Liberation
Organisation liaison office in Washington. Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas reacted and cut off security
cooperation with the U.S. Israeli-Palestinian relationship demonstrates that where parties play it dirty,
morality is hardly the option. The broad objective of this paper is to analyse the opportunities and challenges
in the Israeli-Palestinian two-state, one-state and no-state solution within the rubrics of global realpolitik of
asymmetrical relationship between power-studded Israel and the putative power-drought Palestinian
Authority. The specific aim is to recommending policy solution for enduring peace and stability in the Middle
East region and the world at large.
The phenomenon of interest may be described as the extent to which social media may be used inpolitical campaigns, including past campaigns and future campaigns. This includes four main questions: (1) Was there significant use of social media in past political campaigns, namely the 2008 campaign of President Barack Obama? (2) Has social media continued to be used in subsequent political campaigns? (3) If social media has been used, have there been any problems with its use? (4) What is the best way to utilize social media in future political campaigns?
Did Social Media Really MatterCollege Students’ Use of Onli.docxcuddietheresa
Did Social Media Really Matter?
College Students’ Use of Online
Media and Political Decision
Making in the 2008 Election
Matthew James Kushin
Department of Communication
Utah Valley University
Masahiro Yamamoto
The Edward R. Murrow College of Communication
Washington State University
This study examined college students’ use of online media for political
purposes in the 2008 election. Social media attention, online expression, and
traditional Internet attention were assessed in relation to political self-efficacy
and situational political involvement. Data from a Web survey of college stu-
dents showed significant positive relationships between attention to traditional
Internet sources and political self-efficacy and situational political involve-
ment. Attention to social media was not significantly related to political
self-efficacy or involvement. Online expression was significantly related to
situational political involvement but not political self-efficacy. Implications
are discussed for political use of online media for young adults.
Matthew James Kushin (Ph.D., Washington State University, 2010) is Assistant Professor in
the Department of Communication at Utah Valley University. His research interests include
political campaigns, online media, and social media.
Masahiro Yamamoto is a Doctoral Candidate in The Edward R. Murrow College of
Communication at Washington State University. His research interests include online media,
mass media and social organization, and public health.
Correspondence should be addressed to Matthew James Kushin, Department of Communi-
cation, Utah Valley University, Orem, UT 84058. E-mail: [email protected]
Mass Communication and Society, 13:608–630, 2010
Copyright # Mass Communication & Society Division
of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
ISSN: 1520-5436 print=1532-7825 online
DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2010.516863
608
During the 2006 and 2008 election seasons, new technologies emerged
that enable individuals to participate in media-rich online communities
organized around the creation and exchange of media content (Kolbitsch
& Maurer, 2006; O’Reilly, 2005; Rainie, 2007b; Tapscott & Williams,
2006).1 Such social media were quite popular in the 2008 election
campaign among young adults. For example, young adults used video
sharing and social network sites to obtain campaign information and=
or share campaign news with others, exchange their political views,
and express support for a candidate (Kohut, 2008; Smith & Rainie,
2008).
As political actors used social media for their campaign, and young
adults were relying less on traditional news media and more on new
online media for political information (Kohut, 2008), some political
and media observers commented that social media played a significant
role in the 2008 campaign in affecting young voters’ political cognition
and behaviors (Hesseldahl, MacMillan, & Kharif, 2008; Marchese,
2008; Owen, 2008). Existing li ...
Did Social Media Really MatterCollege Students’ Use of Onli.docxmariona83
Did Social Media Really Matter?
College Students’ Use of Online
Media and Political Decision
Making in the 2008 Election
Matthew James Kushin
Department of Communication
Utah Valley University
Masahiro Yamamoto
The Edward R. Murrow College of Communication
Washington State University
This study examined college students’ use of online media for political
purposes in the 2008 election. Social media attention, online expression, and
traditional Internet attention were assessed in relation to political self-efficacy
and situational political involvement. Data from a Web survey of college stu-
dents showed significant positive relationships between attention to traditional
Internet sources and political self-efficacy and situational political involve-
ment. Attention to social media was not significantly related to political
self-efficacy or involvement. Online expression was significantly related to
situational political involvement but not political self-efficacy. Implications
are discussed for political use of online media for young adults.
Matthew James Kushin (Ph.D., Washington State University, 2010) is Assistant Professor in
the Department of Communication at Utah Valley University. His research interests include
political campaigns, online media, and social media.
Masahiro Yamamoto is a Doctoral Candidate in The Edward R. Murrow College of
Communication at Washington State University. His research interests include online media,
mass media and social organization, and public health.
Correspondence should be addressed to Matthew James Kushin, Department of Communi-
cation, Utah Valley University, Orem, UT 84058. E-mail: [email protected]
Mass Communication and Society, 13:608–630, 2010
Copyright # Mass Communication & Society Division
of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
ISSN: 1520-5436 print=1532-7825 online
DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2010.516863
608
During the 2006 and 2008 election seasons, new technologies emerged
that enable individuals to participate in media-rich online communities
organized around the creation and exchange of media content (Kolbitsch
& Maurer, 2006; O’Reilly, 2005; Rainie, 2007b; Tapscott & Williams,
2006).1 Such social media were quite popular in the 2008 election
campaign among young adults. For example, young adults used video
sharing and social network sites to obtain campaign information and=
or share campaign news with others, exchange their political views,
and express support for a candidate (Kohut, 2008; Smith & Rainie,
2008).
As political actors used social media for their campaign, and young
adults were relying less on traditional news media and more on new
online media for political information (Kohut, 2008), some political
and media observers commented that social media played a significant
role in the 2008 campaign in affecting young voters’ political cognition
and behaviors (Hesseldahl, MacMillan, & Kharif, 2008; Marchese,
2008; Owen, 2008). Existing li.
Selectively Social Politics The DifferingRoles of Media Use.docxbagotjesusa
Selectively Social Politics: The Differing
Roles of Media Use on Political
Discussion
J. D. Ponder and Paul Haridakis
Department of Studies Studies
Kent State University
In the modern media environment, people are afforded a variety of options for
political information. In addition, people now use multiple media sources (e.g.,
television, radio, blogs) to obtain information about all aspects of politics
(Eveland, 2004; Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, 2009).
The purpose of this study was to examine how use of particular media sources
influenced the frequency of political discussion with people from the same
political party (political in-group members) and people from a different polit-
ical party (political out-group members). Guided by a uses and gratifications
perspective, which emphasizes the role of the user in media effects, we exam-
ined how specific user background characteristics (e.g., age, sex, political opi-
nion leadership, political social identity, political content affinity), motives for
using traditional and social media for political information, and use of
different media sources work together to influence discussion with political
in-group and out-group members. Our results allowed us to identify several
distinct differences between people who talk to political in-group and out-
group members.
J.D. Ponder (Ph.D., Kent State University, 2012) is an Assistant Professor in the
Department of Studies Studies at Kent State University. His research interests include media
uses and effects, identity, learning, and political communication.
Paul Haridakis (Ph.D., Kent State University, 2000) is a Professor in the Department of
Studies Studies at Kent State University. His research interests include media uses and effects,
new communication technologies, freedom of expression and media history.
Correspondence should be addressed to J. D. Ponder, Department of Studies Studies, Kent
State University, 135 Taylor Hall, 300 Midway Drive, P.O. Box 5190, Kent, OH 44240. E-mail:
[email protected]
Mass Communication and Society, 18:281–302, 2015
Copyright # Mass Communication & Society Division
of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
ISSN: 1520-5436 print=1532-7825 online
DOI: 10.1080/15205436.2014.940977
281
mailto:[email protected]
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2014.940977
INTRODUCTION
In the contemporary media environment, people have a variety of different
media sources from which to acquire political information. People interested
in learning about politics or gaining political information can watch tele-
vision; listen to the radio; read newspapers, magazines, or books; in addition
to using online sources (e.g., blogs, social networking sites, video sharing
sites). In most cases, people now use multiple media sources (e.g., television,
radio, blogs) to obtain information about politics, political actors, and polit-
ical issues (Eveland, 2004; Pew Research Center for .
Running head EFFECT OF THE MEDIA ON POLITICS1EFFECT OF THE .docxtodd271
Running head: EFFECT OF THE MEDIA ON POLITICS 1
EFFECT OF THE MEDIA ON POLITICS 6
Effects of the media on politics
Name:
Course:
Instructor’s Name:
Date:
Effects of the Media on Politics
The media, through its primary role in communication, has always been at the heart of American society. Technological advancements in the recent past have changed how people consume information, increasing the accessibility to the media. One of the aspects of American society that has been impacted by the more accessible media is American politics. The media is now more visible in the political scene. For instance, according to a research by the Pew Research Center on the primary source of political information in the 2016 American Presidential elections, researchers found that 24% of the Americans that learned about the elections did so from cable news, 14% from local TV, 14% from social media, 13% from news websites/apps and 10% from network nightly news (Mitchell et al., 2016). In contrast, only 1% of the American voters relied on the candidate’s or campaign website (Mitchell et al., 2016). Therefore, the different streams of media are the primary source of information in the American political scene.
The primacy of the media as a source of political information comes with a range of both positive and negative impacts. This study examines the role that the media plays in American politics by asking the question; what is the utility of the media in American politics? This research shows that the media has significant positive and negative effects on the political discourse, political reputation, and political participation, but the opportunities for benefits seem to be outweighed by the potential for harm. While the media enriches the political discourse through fact-checking, builds a political reputation by connecting the politicians to their constituents and energizes democracy by stimulating political participation, it also has a polarizing effect on the political discourse, can be used for character assassination through fake news, and robs its users of the time they would have used to participate in the political process.
Literature Review
Effect of the media on political discourse
Scholars studying the role of the media in politics are divided about the value that the media brings to the political discourse in American politics. On one side, there are those that claim that the media has the overall effect of enriching the political discourse in American politics. One of the dominant views among scholars that subscribe to this position is that the media acts as a referee for the participants in the political discourse (including other media outlets) and keeps them accountable. In “The Effect of Fact-Checking on Elites: A Field Experiment on U.S. State Legislators,” Brendan Nyhan and Jason Reifler (2015) argue that the political discourse in a democratic society is enriched by the fact-checking practice of the media outlets. In a nutshell.
Sports, Business, Theatre or Drama; change seldom discriminates. It resonates in each and every walk of life. On the brink of a terrific change is Politics, courtesy the social media. Social media has rapidly grown as a forum for political discourse and activism. Its various platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Youtube etc. are providing a plethora of new ways to engage citizens in politics (Benkler, 2006). A great advantage inherent in social media is the possibility of personal, ie., one to one communication. Politicians as well as political parties are seemingly benefitting with this new found ability to reach out to their potential voters. It has become possible for politicians to reach voters in a well targeted manner without relying on the media as an intermediary (Gentle, 2012). Various reactions, messages, feedbacks and debates are generated online. In addition to this, support for offline causes of a political party are also generated through social media petitions
Week 3Rational and Expressive Choice Rational Choice The.docxmelbruce90096
Week 3
Rational and Expressive Choice
Rational Choice Theory and the Rational Voter Model (P = B > C; or Participation or voter choice (P) = perceived benefits of participation or choice (B) > perceived costs of participation or choice (C)) became popular in the 1970s. Pursuant to this theory and model, voters decide whether to vote and which candidate to vote for on some rational basis, usually on the basis of which action gives them greater expected benefits. The model lends itself more than others to predicting what effects changes in external conditions will have on the vote. A major contribution of the model was to emphasize the role of issues in voter choice.
The paradox of participation calls into question this theoretical perspective. The paradox theorizes that the rational individual will not waste resources by bearing the costs of taking part in the voting process but will instead take a free ride on the efforts of others. This is known as the free rider problem. The problem is especially acute when the individual does not perceive their vote as being decisive to the election outcome.
Some have used rational choice theory to argue that those in a high socio-economic class would be less active “because they have the education and intellectual sophistication to comprehend the free-rider problem and because their high salaries raise the opportunity cost of participation” (Verba 1995, 284). The facts however suggest this hypothesis is false. In fact, strong empirical evidence demonstrates that those in a high socio-economic class are actually the most likely to be active.
Other rational choice proponents, including Anthony Downs, have argued that lower information and transaction costs for the well educated imply that it is actually easier for them to participate in politics. Verba (1995) notes “[t]his approach has the virtue of fitting the facts but seems somewhat post hoc” (284).
Overall, rational choice theory must be praised for its theoretical elegance. But, the theory has done a poor job of predicting political participation. More specifically, the theory has failed to predict how much political activity and who will take part.
Some have argued that expressive choice theory can provide a more compelling explanation of voter behavior. According to Schuessler in A Logic of Expressive Choice (2000), individuals do not necessarily participate in collective action in order to produce outcomes but instead often do so in order to express who they are by attaching themselves to such outcomes.
Because under Schuessler’s perspective the value of participation emerges not from the outcome but from the process of participation itself, the free-rider problem is no longer a concern. Participation therefore is not a form of investment but rather a form of consumption. Schuessler wrote, “Consumption benefits are inextricably tied to expression: the sports fan’s expression of team support is required for him to enjoy his.
Social Policy Responsiveness in Developed DemocraciesAu.docxgertrudebellgrove
Social Policy Responsiveness in Developed Democracies
Author(s): Clem Brooks and Jeff Manza
Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 71, No. 3 (Jun., 2006), pp. 474-494
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/30039000
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Social Policy Responsiveness
in Developed Democracies
Clem Brooks
Indiana University, Bloomington
Jeff Manza
Northwestern University
Do mass policy preferences influence the policy output of welfare states in developed
democracies? This is an important issue for welfare state theory and research, and this
article presents an analysis that builds from analytical innovations developed in the
emerging literature on linkages between mass opinion and public policy. The authors
analyze a new dataset combining a measure of social policy preferences with data on
welfare state spending, alongside controls for established causal factors behind social
policy-making. The analysis provides evidence that policy preferences exert a significant
influence over welfare state output. Guided also by statistical tests for endogeneity, the
authors find that cross-national differences in the level of policy preferences help to
account for a portion of the differences among social, Christian, and liberal welfare state
regimes. The results have implications for developing fruitful connections between
welfare state scholarship, comparative opinion research, and recent opinion/policy
studies.
Do mass policy preferences influence the
size and scope of social policy output in
democracies? Are cross-national differences in
the level of policy preferences a factor behind
comparative differences in developed welfare
states? These questions are fundamental ones for
empirical democratic theory, as the growth of
Direct correspondence to Clem Brooks,
Department of Sociology, Indiana University, 1020
E. Kirkwood Ave., Bloomington, IN 47405-7103
([email protected]). Data were provided by the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development, the Inter-University Consortium for
Political and Social Research, and the Comparative
Welfare States Dataset was provided by Evelyne
Huber, Char ...
1. Running head: #2016ELECTION 1
#2016Election:
A Quantitative Study on the Impact of Twitter on 2016 Presidential Candidates’ Credibility
Sarah Abel
University of Wisconsin-La Crosse
2. #2016ELECTION 2
Abstract
Social media has become a prevalent way for political candidates to communicate directly with
the voters. Previous research has looked at politicians’ use of social media and the impact it has
on the voters, but this study sought to expand the understanding the impact that social media has
on the candidate’s perceived credibility with voters. This study looked at the impact of Twitter
on 2016 presidential candidates’ perceived credibility with voters using Aristotle’s persuasion
and ethos. The researcher surveyed 170 subjects using a modified version of McCroskey’s
Source Credibility Measure Scale for favored candidates. Results revealed that Bernie Sanders
was the most popular candidate among the subjects and was viewed as one of the most credible
candidates among the group. The research suggests trends of regarding the millennial generation
of voters, their social media use, and their political interests.
3. #2016ELECTION 3
#2016Election:
A Quantitative Study on the Impact of Twitter on 2016 Presidential Candidates’ Credibility
Since the introduction of the first social media site in the mid-2000s, the use of social
media has continued to grow. One social media outlet that is becoming one of the most pivotal
websites for politicians is Twitter. Twitter is a social media platform that allows its registered
users to post and read short, up to 140 characters, messages, or tweet; Twitter’s “About” page
(2014) explained, “A Tweet is an expression of a moment or idea. It can contain text, photos,
and videos. Millions of Tweets are shared in real time, every day”(paragraph 2). Now
politicians are tapping into the social media market. Larsson and Kalsnes (2014) best explain
that, “New technology offers great potential for expanding the horizons of political
communication” (p. 654). Politicians can use this technology to reach the voters in ways like
never before.
The 2008 United States presidential election was a pivotal turning point for politicians
everywhere. This election brought forth the use of social media by politicians in ways it had
never been used before. Kushin and Yamamoto (2010) explained that during the 2008 election,
social media was very popular among young adults, who used these sites to obtain campaign
information, as well as share campaign news, and express support for a candidate. Politicians
used social media as part of their campaign to reach young people who tend to use online media
for information over traditional forms of media (Kushin & Yamamoto, 2010). The significance
of the 2008 election and the use of social media is also noted by Larsson and Kalsnes (2014) who
explained, “the apparently successful employment of online features associated with the ‘Web
2.0’ dictum for Web design have provided inspiration also to political parties” (p. 654). Since
the 2008 Presidential Election, there has been an immense growth of politician’s uses of social
4. #2016ELECTION 4
media websites and has caused many to look at how social media messages are crafted and how
politicians use the platforms themselves today.
The rise of politicians’ use of Twitter has generated interest from many. However, past
research looked at how social media affected recent elections and included content analyses of
politicians’ Tweets. There is a lack research on how these Tweets influence the voters’ opinions
of the politicians. This emergence of politicians’ presence on social media has shifted the
political landscape; however, understanding this shift and the affect it has on voters’ opinions
still needs to be explored (Grant, Moon, and Busby Grant, 2010). Even though there is an
increase in politicians’ use of social media, there is little research done on how voters perceive
the messages of political candidates. As noted by Groshek and Al-Rawi (2013), “the individual-
level influence of SNSs” (social network sites) “on citizens are often reported, the actual content
of social media has remained (with some exceptions) a more amorphous and understudied
entity” (p. 564). This study serves that purpose.
In addition, this study sought to understand the relationship between the 2016
Presidential Candidates’ use of Twitter and perceptions of the voting population. A useful lens
to examine voters’ perceptions of candidates’ credibility is Aristotle’s Modes of Persuasion.
This research is timely because there is great interest surrounding the field of politics and social
media, especially leading into the 2016 elections. According to Larsson and Kalsnes (2014),
“Political use of new communication technology continues to raise interest among political
scholars and practitioners alike” (p. 662). Further discussion and analysis of this topic will
provide valuable information into the communication of politicians and voters, especially during
a time of increased communication through technology.
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Review of Literature
To better understand the impact that 2016 presidential candidates’ Twitter use has on the
candidates’ credibility, several topics will be reviewed. The topics include, rhetoric and
persuasion, politicians and credibility, and finally, social media and politics.
Rhetoric and Persuasion
During the fifth century BCE, Greek philosophers started studying rhetoric, the art of
communication strategies (McTavish, 2010). One of the areas of rhetorical discourse that
became of great interest to the Greeks was politics. At the time in Greece, a democratic
government was emerging and public policies and actions, such as whether or not to go to war,
were debated among an assembly of men. Due to this style of government, public speaking and
persuasion became a very important part of political life (Demirdöğen, 2010; McTavish, 2010).
For the first time in history, the key factor in success wasn’t about social standing. Herrick
(2001) explained, “the key factor in personal success and public influence was no longer class
but skill in persuasive speaking” (p. 32). There are three distinguished scholars in ancient
rhetoric— Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian (Foss, 1989; McTavish, 2010). For the purpose of
this study, the focus will be on Aristotle’s study of rhetoric.
Aristotle’s Modes of Persuasion. Aristotle’s study of rhetoric lead to the understanding
that a key part to the art of rhetoric is the ability to understand and implement available modes of
persuasion: pathos, logos, and ethos. After years of research, most researchers “tend to agree
that a message’s power to persuade is influenced by three categories of factors, the
characteristics of the source (ethos), of the message (logos and pathos), and of the audience”
(English, Sweetser, and Ancu, 2011, p. 735).
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Pathos is persuasion that “may come through the hearers, when the speech stirs their
emotions” (Aristotle, 2004, p. 4). The audience’s judgment towards a speaker changes
depending on the emotion that the speaker is attempting stir in the audience. For example, a
pleased and friendly emotion is going to produce a dramatically different result than a hostile and
angry emotion (Dima, Teodorescu, and Gîfu, 2014, p. 47). The use of pathos can increase a
politician’s credibility with voters because it makes the politician be viewed as an actual human
instead of just a talking head piece.
Logos is persuasion that “is effected through the speech itself when we have proved a
truth or an apparent truth by means of the persuasive arguments suitable to the case in question”
(Aristotle, 2004, p. 4). Logos normally consist of data that support the speaker’s statements and
therefore enhances ethos because it can make the speaker appear to be knowledgeable about the
topic (Dima et al, 2014). This mode of persuasion increases a politician’s credibility with voters
because it gives statements that a politician makes validity.
The last mode of persuasion that Aristotle identifies is ethos. Ethos is persuasion that “is
achieved by the speaker's personal character when the speech is so spoken as to make us think
him credible” (Aristotle, 2004, p. 4). Aristotle’s term ethos is synonymous with credibility and
has proven to be the most important mode of persuasion for a speaker to utilize (Cooper &
Nothstine, 1996). Ethos are most often used by politicians and have the biggest impact on a
politician’s credibility and therefore is explored in depth separately from the other modes in the
section below.
Politicians and Credibility
Aristotle referred to credibility as the mode of persuasion known as ethos, and argued
that there are three dimensions to credibility: intelligence, character, and good will (Thweatt &
7. #2016ELECTION 7
McCroskey, 1998). Proof that credibility has the biggest impact on an audience was best
demonstrated in the ancient Athens’s trials. During a trial in ancient Athens, each person
represented themselves, instead of lawyers, to a jury; because of this, the portrayal of a person’s
moral character and how that aligned with the jury’s own values of beliefs. The jury would then
make a decision solely on what they had just heard and their perceptions of the individual, not
the individual’s past.
The use of credibility above is much like how credibility works on the Internet today.
Online users are making rapid decisions based on what they see on websites without doing
further research on the topic or person, much like the jurors in ancient Athens (Warnick, 2004).
Marsh (2006) also supported this claim stating, “a speech-derived ethos—ethos purely as a
media construct, divorced from a speaker’s history could sway audiences (p. 339). The way a
speaker conveys his or her credibility influences the overall message they are trying to convey
and whether or not the audience will believe the speaker (Andersen & Clevenger Jr., 1963).
Credibility is one of the most important parts of a politician’s image (Hwang, 2013). In
today’s world, a politician’s credibility is becoming more and more about their overall image. It
is not only about what a politician’s stance is on an issue but it is also becoming more about
connecting with the audience and creating an ideal image of a politician in voters’ minds through
various types of messages (Cooper & Nothstine, 1996). There are several ways that politicians
can gain more credibility by increasing their overall image with voters. One study suggests that
incorporating the contemporary etho of democratic laughter can help increase credibility
(Lombardini, 2013). Aristotle argued that “eutrapelia” or wittiness is on of the eleven virtues of
character in political rhetoric that can then increase credibility. It cultivates a feeling of
8. #2016ELECTION 8
friendship between a voter and candidate if the politician seems able to make and take a joke
(Lombardini, 2013).
In a study done by Thweatt and McCroskey (1998), using the same scale that was used
for the present study, teachers were perceived more credible by their students if they
demonstrated immediacy, regardless of the teacher’s behavioral history. Immediacy is the ability
to make someone or something seem important. Thweatt and McCroskey’s work can also be
applied to politicians. If politicians utilize immediacy in their messages, they are than able to
gain credibility with the voters.
Lastly, Lee and Oh (2012) discovered that voters were more receptive to candidates’
social media posts when the messages became more personalized, "although the gist of the
messages was identical, when they were presented in reference to the candidate’s personal
experiences, subjects became more attentive to the messages and processed them more
thoroughly” (p .940). Therefore, a more personalized message creates a better overall character,
leading to a more credible candidate. As proven by the studies above, different social media
strategies used by politicians could either help or hinder their credibility with voters.
Social Media and Politics
Politicians’ use of media and technology has evolved over time. Williamson (2009)
argued, “new media form has been able to disrupt and transform politics” (p. 515). The
introduction of television in the 1960s has arguably transformed the way politicians
communicated the most, in comparison to any other form of technology (Williamson, 2009).
However, with the introduction of digital media, such as Facebook and Twitter, there has been a
weakening in power for the traditional media outlets such as newspapers, television, and radio.
9. #2016ELECTION 9
With the rapid rise of social media sites, many politicians joined the trend and tried social
media out for themselves. Lassen and Brown (2011) argued, “such waves of technological
adoption are comparatively rare in Congressional history” (p. 419). While many politicians are
more than happy to join the social media movement, others are much more reluctant.
Williamson (2009) suggested that a possible reason that some politicians are reluctant is because
“there is a tangible shift in the balance of power as voters, single-issue groups and other
interested external parties are able to create new channels of engagement quickly and cheaply,
providing considerable reach and demonstrably influencing public and political opinion” (p.
514). For some politicians, the threat of a shifting balance of power is something that is all too
risky (Williamson, 2009) because the voters are able to hold politicians much more accountable
with the use of social media than traditional kinds of media.
In the past, voters looked to politicians to gain knowledge on issues and topics that were
happening and what they should or should not be concerned about, and therefore, the voters’
own concerns were not necessarily being addressed (Garramore, Harris, & Anderson, 1986).
With the emergence of social media and the popularity it has continued to gain, voters are
starting to gain a louder voice. As voters push for a more even balance of power and open line
of communication with their representatives, there have been campaigns to push politicians to
join social media. For example, TweetCongress “is a grass-roots web-based campaign with the
goal of promoting transparency in government by encouraging representatives in Congress to use
Twitter” (Golbeck, Grimes, & Rogers, 2010, p. 1613). With the push for more transparency
from the elected officials, Twitter has become a very important tool for politicians.
Importance of Twitter. For this specific study, Twitter was chosen as the social media
type because it has emerged as one of the more popular social media sites among politicians and
10. #2016ELECTION 10
Twitter users are more likely to read politicians messages compared to other social media sites’
users as proven in several different studies. One study suggests that Twitter plays a more
“important and central role for politicians and citizens to communicate about, to, and with one
another during election” than Facebook has (Groshek & Al-Rawi, 2013, p. 565). Twitter also
proved to be much more popular among politicians than Facebook, creating a more favorable
social media site to study politicians’ messages in social media compared to politicians’
messages in traditional media, such as newspapers (Lee & Shin, 2014 ). According to Van Dijck
(2013), Twitter has become an indispensable tool because “the medium allows them to control
their messages—a big advantage over mainstream media, where they are dependent on
journalists framing” (p. 75). Smith (2011) discovered that among social media users as a whole,
Twitter users showed more interest in reading comments made by public figures, such as
politicians than any other users. In fact, in a 2010 ranking by Wikipedia for the nine notable uses
for Twitter, campaigning, and protests and politics were both listed in the top nine (Van Dijck,
2013).
Since social media is not going away anytime soon, it is becoming more and more
necessary for politicians to take to social media and understand how to send messages to their
voters and keeping the flow of communication between politicians and voters open. As Dima,
Teodrescu, and Gîfu (2014) explain, technology continues to advance and evolve daily and
politicians need to master new technology in order to keep stronger relationships with voters. In
order to do this, politicians must look to social media to maintain and increase credibility with
voters. Kushin and Yamamoto (2010) argued that social media was too new during the 2006 and
2008 election cycles for there to social media to have significant impact on the elections. As
they explain, “It took multiple election cycles for the public to adopt the Internet as a political
11. #2016ELECTION 11
information source. The same pattern of growth may be observed for social media” (p. 626).
Eight years and four election cycles later has provided ample time for the public to adopt social
media as a political information source.
When it comes to social media, there are certain strategies that are better than others to
use on social media in order to become more credible and likeable with voters. Cooper and
Nothstine (1996) explained that the best kind of strategy to use when it comes to any kind of
media is to build upon natural characteristics through exploitation and calculation instead of
leaving anything to chance. In the digital era, examining both the perceived credibility of the
politician as well as the credibility of the messages the voters receive are becoming increasingly
important to understand (Metzger & Flanagin, 2013). The current study aims to understand
credibility and political use of social media. Little has been explored regarding use of Twitter
and voters’ perceived credibility and this study will contribute to the further understanding of
both social media and political communication.
Research Questions
Communication scholars have consistently researched politicians’ use of persuasions and
recently, scholars have started to research politicians on Twitter, but these two topics have never
been combined. Technology is always changing and it provides an easy way for politicians to
stay connected with voters; therefore, understanding how to use it correctly and effectively is
critical. The following research questions are forwarded to gain a better understanding of how
politicians’ utilization of persuasion on Twitter impacts the voter’s perceived credibility of the
politician.
12. #2016ELECTION 12
In order to gain a better understanding of the subjects’ political views, the first research
question is posed to achieve a better understanding of who the voters’ favor in the 2016
Presidential Election:
RQ1: As of November 2015, which presidential candidates emerged as favorites among
voters?
The second research question attempts to understand the importance of social media in
subjects’ lives as well as their expectations for the politicians’ use of social media:
RQ2a: How prevalent is social media use among voters?
RQ2b: How important do voters perceive candidates’ social media use?
The third and fourth research questions seek to find differences among the candidates and
the credibility scores they receive from the subjects:
RQ3: How credible do voters perceive candidates based on candidates’ Twitter use?
RQ4: Is there a difference in credibility scores among top candidates’ Twitter use?
The final research question sought to see if identified sex has an impact on how a subject
would report a credibility score for a candidate.
RQ5: Is there a credibility difference for the top three picks according to sex of voters?
Method
The present study was conducted using the social scientific paradigm of communication
research. This paradigm focuses mainly on “reality as external to the individual; social
phenomena are objective facts that occur independent of the individual” (Putnam, 1982, p.193).
A survey was designed and used for the current study. The purpose of a survey is to produce
data from a sample that can then be used to generalize about a much larger population (Keyton,
2011). The results from this survey could be generalized in order to make conclusions about a
13. #2016ELECTION 13
larger population. These generalizations may be useful to understand are needed regarding
social media users who are also voters.
Subjects
A total of 179 subjects started the survey; however, 170 surveys were completed and only
69 subjects completed one or more of the Source Credibility Measures. Subjects for the study
had to be at least 18 years of age, who are politically engaged and active on Twitter. There were
121 (70.8%) females and 49 (28.7%) males ranging from ages 18-81 that completed the survey.
The average age of subjects was 22.9. Subjects were also asked to report their political party
affiliation, and 89 (52.4%) subjects reported as Democrats, 41 (24.1%) subjects reported as
Republicans, 2 (1.2%) subjects reported as libertarians, and 38 (22.4%) subjects reported as
independents or not identifying with any party. The majority of subjects were recruited by email
solicitation through random sampling generated from the University of Wisconsin-La Crosse
Information Technology Department and UW-L professors. In addition, snowballing and the
researcher’s personal networks from Facebook were used to recruit additional subjects.
Measurement
Subjects completed a survey that consisted of six sections. The first section included
demographic information that contained age, sex, ethnicity, and educational level questions. The
second section measured the subject’s views and use of social media using a 5-point Likert type
scale. The third section consisted of questions relating to the subjects political views. The fourth
section asked the subject to rank their top three candidates for the 2016 election. The fifth
section consisted of McCroskey’s Source Credibility Measure, which measured the perceived
credibility of a subject’s top three candidates based on the candidates’ Tweets, the revision of
this instrument is described below. The last section of the survey consisted of qualitative
14. #2016ELECTION 14
questions to better understand how the subjects view the politicians. While, the qualitative
section was not used to answer research questions, it was used to further explain answers in the
Discussion section.
Source Credibility Measure. McCroskey’s Source Credibility Measure helps to
measure the three dimensions of ethos/credibility, competence, goodwill, and trustworthiness of
political or public figures (McCroskey & Teven, 1999). The scale has been used by McCroskey
and Teven to examine teachers’ credibility among students and political figures where three
political figures, Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, and Newt Gingrich, were selected and
undergraduate college students answered questions on their credibility (McCroskey & Teven,
1999). The scale used an 18 question Likert-type scale and divided into three sections to find
competence, goodwill, and trustworthiness scores. For the current study, 13 out of the 18
questions were selected due to the fact that the researcher was looking for overall credibility.
The scale results ranged from 24.00 to 96.00, with higher scores indicating more credibility. The
original scale had an alpha reliability range between .80-.94. The modified scale used in this
study had an alpha of .684, which is lower than the original scale. See Appendix to review a
complete copy of the survey.
Procedures
Upon IRB approval, the survey was created and distributed through Qualtrics. The
survey was sent out as a link to 500 randomly selected University of Wisconsin- La Crosse
students provided by the University of Wisconsin- La Crosse Information Technology
department. Additionally, the survey was also available to the researcher’s Facebook friends, as
well as Facebook friends’ friends. The survey was posted as a status and asked for friends who
wanted to participate to click the link and then share it with their own Facebook friends. The
15. #2016ELECTION 15
researcher also contacted Political Science department’s professors and the CST 190 professor to
share the survey with their students. The subjects were notified that their participation was
voluntary, and that subjects would remain anonymous. The students in CST 190 received extra
credit as an incentive. Subjects completed their surveys through Qualtrics. The researcher then
moved the data to SPSS 23.0 for analysis.
Data Analysis
The overall goal of this research was to understand the impact candidates’ Twitter use
could have on their perceived credibility. Therefore, the data was statistically analyzed through
the software program, IBM SPSS Statistics 23.0. Research Questions One and Two were
analyzed through descriptive statistics. Keyton (2011) defined descriptive data as “those
numbers that supply information about the sample or those that supply information about
variables. They simply describe what is found” (p.189). Research Questions Three and Four
were analyzed using a one-way ANOVA test, which is a “procedure for testing hypotheses about
group means by partitioning variance” (Brown, 2005, p. 90). Research Question Five was
analyzed through an independent sample t-test, which according to Keyton (2011), is used to
determine if there is a significant difference between two population means.
Results
After collecting and analyzing data, results were generated to answer the research
questions. Data for demographic information, political views, social media use, and candidates’
preference were used through all 170 surveys. Results for credibility questions included only the
69 responses of those who completed one or more of the modified Source Credibility Scales.
The results for all of the research questions are below.
16. #2016ELECTION 16
ResearchQuestion 1
Research Question One sought to find what out which 2016 presidential candidates
emerged as favorites among voters. Results of the descriptive statistic by frequency are
presented in Table 1 and presented in the order from most frequently selected as the most
favored candidate to least frequently selected as the most favored candidate. Results showed that
Bernie Sanders was the most frequently selected, who was selected 73 (42.9%) times, followed
by Hillary Clinton, who was selected 40 (23.5%) times, and Ben Carson, who was selected 15
times (8.8%).
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Table 1
Frequency of Candidates Selected As The Most Favored Candidate
Candidate Frequency Percent
Bernie Sanders 73 42.9
Hillary Clinton 40 23.5
Ben Carson 15 8.8
Donald Trump 10 5.9
Marco Rubio 8 4.7
Jeb Bush 7 4.1
Carly Fiorina 4 2.4
Ted Cruz 2 1.2
John Kasich 2 1.2
Martin O’Malley 2 1.2
Rand Paul 2 1.2
Chris Christie 1 .6
Mike Huckabee 1 .6
Rick Santorum 1 .6
Total 168 98.8
Missing 2 1.2
Total 170 100
18. #2016ELECTION 18
ResearchQuestion 2
Research Question Two sought to understand how prevalent social media use is among
voters as well as how important they perceived politicians’ social media use. The researcher
again used descriptive statistics to compare age groups and importance of social media. No
exact scale measurement was used so no inferential statistical data could lead to a definitive
conclusion. However, through observations by the researcher and using cross-tabulations on
SPSS, there was a significant descriptive increase in emphasis put on the importance of social
media in the both the subjects’ daily life as well as politicians’ use of social media in the 24 and
under age group when compared to the over 24 age group.
ResearchQuestion 3
Research Question Three asked if there was a significant difference between the
candidates’ perceived credibility. For this research question, an ANOVA test was performed by
comparing the candidates who received a top three ranking by the subjects and the credibility
scores they received. The ANOVA test revealed that there was a significant difference among
perceived credibility of all candidates who were ranked in the top three by any subject (F=3.271,
p<. 05). The Tukey post-hoc analysis revealed that the greatest difference in credibility scores
were between Bernie Sanders and Marco Rubio and Bernie Sanders and Martin O’Malley.
There was a wide range of credibility scores given to the candidates. For the top ranked
candidates, credibility scores ranged from a minimum of 24.00 to 96.00; for second ranked
candidates, credibility scores ranged from 39.00 to 86.00; and for third ranked candidates,
credibility scores ranged from 44.00 to 87.00. Additionally, the research took all credibility
scores the candidates received and found their overall average credibility score, which is shown
in Table 2.
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Table 2
Candidates’ Overall Average Credibility Score
Candidate Mean N Std. Deviation
Hillary Clinton 73.2222 27 16.38088
Bernie Sanders 78.8333 24 13.98654
Donald Trump 66.0000 4 19.42507
Marco Rubio 54.7500 4 17.55705
Martin O’Malley 50.3333 3 23.24507
Jeb Bush 84.0000 2 5.65685
Ben Carson 67.0000 2 19.79899
Carly Fiorina 57.0000 1 -
Lindsey Graham 65.0000 1 -
John Kasich 87.0000 1 -
Total Average 72.6667 69 17.04118
ResearchQuestion 4
Research Question Four asked if there was a difference in credibility scores among top
candidates. An ANOVA test revealed that there was no significant difference among the top
candidates (F= .057, p>.05).
ResearchQuestion 5
Research Question Five sought to find if there were any significant differences between
identified sex among voters and reported credibility scores. A t-test was performed to find this
result. The t-test revealed that there were no significant differences between male and female’s
perceptions of credibility with the first pick (t=. 330, p>.05), second pick (t= -1.233, p>.05), or
20. #2016ELECTION 20
third pick (t=-.242, p>.05). However, as demonstrated on Table 3, in a table of means, there is a
noticeable difference between how men and females report credibility.
Table 3
Table of Means Regarding Identified Sex and Reported Credibility
Identified Sex N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean
1st Pick Credibility Male 12 76.5000 20.02498 5.78072
Female 32 78.5938 14.80161 2.61658
2nd Pick Credibility Male 7 57.0000 14.47987 5.47288
Female 10 65.2000 11.95175 3.77948
3rd Pick Credibility Male 2 64.0000 5.65685 4.00000
Female 4 66.2500 16.76057 8.38028
Discussion
The objective of this study was to determine if there was an impact on candidates’ use of
Twitter and voters perceived credibility of the candidates through the application of Aristotle’s
Modes of Persuasion theory, specifically ethos. Several conclusions can be made using the
results of the survey.
Research Question One looked to find what out which 2016 presidential candidates
emerged as favorites among voters. The researcher found from descriptive frequencies that the
most favored candidate selected was Bernie Sanders with 73 top picks. Bernie Sanders received
one of the higher average credibility scores with a 78.83 average, falling behind John Kasich and
Jeb Bush, but who each only received two or less credibility scores.
When subjects who ranked Bernie Sanders number one and also followed him on Twitter
were asked why they liked this candidate, many common themes emerged. Subjects were asked
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to note candidates’ specific tweets that they liked and comment on why they liked those tweets.
Common themes for Bernie Sanders included statements such as “He is by far the most
trustworthy candidate to me,” “He says what he means and he means what he says,” and “He is
honest and open and actually cares for once.” These quotes support the high credibility score that
Bernie Sanders received. The tweets that were noted by the subjects were relatively impersonal
messages, but they were blunt facts that were straight to the point such as, “If you can’t afford to
take care of your veterans, then don’t go to war” and “If we could bail out Wall Street, we can
make sure that every American can go to college without going into debt.” These tweets support
the statements that the subjects made about Bernie Sanders. However, they also go against Lee
and Oh’s (2012) study, which found personal messages were more important to voters stating,
"although the gist of the messages was identical, when they were presented in reference to the
candidate’s personal experiences, subjects became more attentive to the messages and processed
them more thoroughly” (p. 940). This could be because as the subjects explained, they like that
Bernie Sanders is straight to the point and is telling people exactly what they need to know
which is what his impersonal messages do.
Research Question Two A sought to understand how prevalent social media is in the
subjects’ lives as well as their opinions on politicians’ use of social media. No exact scale was
used however and therefore generalizations cannot be made about the general population, but the
findings did support findings from previous researchers. For example, the majority of the
subjects reported that they checked social media often or all of the time on a daily basis. The
subjects also reported they were likely or very likely to get their news from social media outlets
over traditional news outlets such as TV, radio or newspapers. This result counters the findings
of Kushin and Yamamoto (2010), who found that “Attention to social media for campaign
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information was not significantly associated with political self-efficacy and situational political
involvement” (p. 622). There are several reasons that these results could have differed. First, a
complete measure was not used in the current study so any conclusions are tentative. Second,
Kushin and Yamamoto conducted their study revolving around the 2006 and 2008 elections; at a
time where social media was much more new and likely not as prevalent as it is today.
Research Question Two B sought to understand how the subjects perceive politicians’ use
of social media. When subjects were asked how important they viewed a politician’s presence
on social media, 92 of the 170 (54.12%) subjects reported that it was somewhat important that
politicians were on social media. This also counters Kushin and Yamamoto’s (2010) previous
findings, however as Grant, Moon, and Bushby Grant (2010) explained, the emergence of
politicians’ presence on social media has shifted the political landscape. This emergence
happened after the 2008 election where social media had never been used in ways the Obama
campaign had used it. Now that it has been eight years since the 2008 election, it is
understandable that there would be significant increase in popularity of social media and
politicians’ presence on social media.
Research Question Three sought to understand how credible voters perceived candidates
based on the candidates’ Twitter use. Candidates received a wide range of credibility scores,
which was unanticipated. The number one ranked candidates had scores ranging from 24.00 to
96.00. It had been assumed that the number one ranked candidates would receive higher
credibility scores than the second or third ranked candidates, but that was not always true. One
reason that the most favored candidates received lower than expected scores is explained by
Warnick (2004), who found that “users often do not tend to make credibility judgments in the
way they say they do. Instead they tend to rely on appearances” (p. 257). Therefore, subjects
23. #2016ELECTION 23
might favor a candidate, but do not find the candidate as credible as they claim they do. This
could be for a number of reasons, they might like the candidate because others told them they
should, they find the candidate more favorable because of what they learned through mainstream
media, or they might find the candidate favorable because popularity among friends.
Research Question Three also found significant difference in credibility scores between
Bernie Sanders and Martin O’Malley, as well as Bernie Sanders and Marco Rubio. This can be
explained by the fact that Marco Rubio and Martin O’Malley received the lowest credibility
scores from the subjects while Bernie Sanders had one of the highest credibility scores. Bernie
Sanders was also selected much more frequently then both Marco Rubio and Martin O’Malley,
which is understandable because Bernie Sanders is the most favored candidate.
Research Question Four sought to find if there was any significance between top ranked
candidates’ credibility scores. The ANOVA test revealed that there was no significance among
top candidates. This was to be expected because top ranked candidates should have close
average credibility scores due to the fact that they are subjects most favored candidates.
However, there was a wide range of credibility scores among the top ranked candidates, the
scores ranged from 24.00 to 96.00, which as explained as previously, could be attributed to the
idea that subjects might favor a candidate, but do not find the candidate as credible as they claim
they do.
Research Question Five sought to find if there were any significant differences between
identified sex among voters and reported credibility scores. Although the t-test found that there
was no significance, there was a noticeable difference between how males and females gave their
top three candidates credibility scores. For each rank (first, second and third), females
consistently gave the candidates a higher credibility score compared to men. It is likely that
24. #2016ELECTION 24
there would have been a reported significant difference had there been a more balanced number
between males and females and more subjects had completed the credibility scores section of the
survey. The generalization can be made that females are more likely to give a higher credibility
score and therefore trust candidates more than males potentially do.
In addition to answering the research questions presented in this study, several other
interesting findings emerged. The average age of the subjects was 22.9 with 152 out of 170
(89%) of the subjects between 18-24 years old. This group falls into the millennial generation by
definition, an important fact to note because the millennial generation passed the baby boomers
number in 2015, making the millennial generation the largest living population in the US. The
millennial generation is now the largest voting population in the country (Fry, 2015). A few
things have been learned about this millennial generation in this research. The subjects in this
survey chose Bernie Sanders as their most favored candidate 73 times, which is 33 more than the
next closet picked candidate. Generally Bernie Sanders appears to be the most favored candidate
among the millennial generation. Another interesting discovery about this generation is that
more of them are choosing not to align with any party and instead choose to identify themselves
as an independent, with 34 of the 152 (22.35%) age group identifying as independents. This
population will be the most powerful generation in the 2016, should they chose to vote. From
this research, it can be predicted that this population won’t follow a specific trend like
generations before them. This generation will be less likely to vote certain party line, when
compared to previous generations. In addition, should Bernie Sanders be the Democratic
nominee, it can be assumed that a large number of this generation will vote for him.
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Limitations
The current study had several limitations, including the size and range of the subject
population. Although 500 plus surveys were sent out, only 170 were completed, and only 69
completed the credibility measure. Additionally, college students completed the majority of the
surveys. Due to this fact, the sample surveyed is not large enough to be able to make a
generalization about a larger population.
A second limitation for the current study was that the modified scale had a low reliability
score, and may have been due to researcher user. The entire scale should have been used but was
not. Additionally, a more detailed second scale should have been used to gauge the importance
of social media to the subjects.
Future Research
This research suggests opportunities for related research in the future. While the current
study focuses mainly on Twitter, there are several other social mediums that could be explored.
Facebook could have been a better social medium to use because Facebook has more daily users.
Another social media site to use in the future would be SnapChat. It is a newer form of social
media, but several politicians have started to use it in hopes of better connecting with the voters.
Additionally, researchers could look into the candidates’ Tweets and do a content analysis on the
candidates’ attempts to convey credibility to the voters.
In conclusion, while there may still be unanswered questions regarding politicians and
social media, the current study attempted to establish that the 2016 presidential candidates’
Twitter use has some impact on how voters perceive the candidates’ credibility. The purpose of
this study sought to understand the relationship between the 2016 Presidential Candidates’ use of
Twitter and perceptions of the voting population. Although there were not significant findings in
26. #2016ELECTION 26
why or how voters rank and score their top candidates’ in credibility, an unexpected discovery
was made regarding the millennial generation. Through this study, valuable information was
discovered regarding the largest voting population for the 2016 election. Social media has
continued to grow in the short time it has been around, expanding into the realm of politics.
Although it can not be predicted what the next social media trend will be, it can be assumed that
social media will continue to have lasting impact on how voters view the candidates.
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Appendix
Survey
Directions: Please answer the following questions by marking the correct answer or entering
your answer in the empty space provided.
1) What is your age?
____________
2) What is your identified gender?
A) Male B) Female C) Other, please specify:______ D) Prefer not to answer
3) What is your ethnicity?
A) Black/African American B) White/Caucasian C) Hispanic
D) Asian/Pacific Islander E) Native American F) Other
G) Prefer not to answer
4) Size of hometown?
A) 0-9,999 B) 10,000 -19,999 C) 20,000-29,999 D) 30,000-39,999
E) 40,000-49,999 F) 50,000-59,999 G) 60,000- 69,999 H) 70,000 and up
5) What is the highest level of education you have completed?
A) Less than High School B) High School/GED C) Some College
D) 4-year College Degree E) Masters Degree F) Doctoral Degree (incl. JD, MD, etc)
6) What is your current yearly salary?
A) 0-9,999 B) 10,000 -19,999 C) 20,000-29,999 D) 30,000-39,999
E) 40,000-49,999 F) 50,000-59,999 G) 60,000- 69,999 H) 70,000-79,999
I) 80,000-89,999 J)90,000-99,999 K) 100,000 and up L) Prefer not to answer
7) How often do you practice your right to vote?
Never 1 2 3 4 5 As often as possible
8) How many politicians do you follow on Twitter?
A) 0-5 B) 5-10 C) 10-15 D) 15-20 E) 20+
9) Which political party do you identify with
A) Democratic Party B) Republic Party C) Libertarian Party D) Green Party
E) Constitution Party F) Independent G) Other, please specify:__________
H) Do not identify with any party
10) Which political party do your parents identify?
A) Democratic Party B) Republic Party C) Libertarian Party D) Green Party
E) Constitution Party F) Independent G) Other, please specify:__________
H) Do not identify with any party
32. #2016ELECTION 32
11) How many of the 2016 Presidential Candidates do you follow on Twitter?
____________
12) Please rank your top three 2016 declared candidates?
Jeb Bush
Ben Carson
Lincoln Chafee
Chris Christie
Hillary Clinton
Ted Cruz
Carly Fiorina
Jim Gilmore
Lindsey Graham
Mike Huckabee
Bobby Jindal
John Kasich
Lawrence Lessig
Martin O'Malley
George Pataki
Rand Paul
Marco Rubio
Bernie Sanders
Rick Santorum
Jill Stein
Donald Trump
Jim Webb
13) Do you follow these top three favored candidates on Twitter?
Yes No
Directions: Please use your number one ranked candidate’s Twitter account to answer the
following questions. On the scales below, indicate your feelings about the candidate based on the
candidate’s past tweets. Be sure to complete the measure with only your number one ranked
candidate in mind.
1) Do you follow the candidate on Twitter?
A) Yes B) No
2) Does the candidate have a Twitter account?
A) Yes B) No
33. #2016ELECTION 33
Based on the candidates tweets, I feel that the candidate is:
1) Intelligent 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Unintelligent
2) Untrained 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Trained
3) Cares about me 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Doesn't care about me
4) Honest 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Dishonest
5) Has my interests at heart 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Doesn't have my interests at heart
6) Untrustworthy 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Trustworthy
7) Inexpert 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Expert
8) Self-centered 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not self-centered
9) Concerned with me 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not concerned with me
10) Honorable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Dishonorable
11) Informed 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Uninformed
12) Moral 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Immoral
13) Incompetent 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Competent
Directions: Keeping in mind your number one ranked candidate, please answer the questions
below.
1) In the box below please give two examples of your Tweets from your most favorable
candidate’s Twitter.
2) What do these Tweets tell you about the candidate?
3) What do you like about this candidate?
Directions: Please use your second ranked candidate’s Twitter account to answer the
following questions. On the scales below, indicate your feelings about the candidate based on
the candidate’s past tweets. Be sure to complete the measure with only your second ranked
candidate in mind.
34. #2016ELECTION 34
1) Do you follow the candidate on Twitter?
A) Yes B) No
2) Does the candidate have a Twitter account?
A) Yes B) No
Based on the candidates tweets, I feel that the candidate is:
1) Intelligent 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Unintelligent
2) Untrained 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Trained
3) Cares about me 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Doesn't care about me
4) Honest 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Dishonest
5) Has my interests at heart 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Doesn't have my interests at heart
6) Untrustworthy 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Trustworthy
7) Inexpert 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Expert
8) Self-centered 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not self-centered
9) Concerned with me 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not concerned with me
10) Honorable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Dishonorable
11) Informed 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Uninformed
12) Moral 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Immoral
13) Incompetent 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Competent
Directions: Keeping in mind your second ranked candidate, please answer the questions below.
1) In the box below please give two examples of your Tweets from your most favorable
candidate’s Twitter.
2) What do these Tweets tell you about the candidate?
3) What do you like about this candidate?
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Directions: Please use your third ranked candidate’s Twitter account to answer the following
questions. On the scales below, indicate your feelings about the candidate based on the
candidate’s past tweets. Be sure to complete the measure with only your third ranked candidate
in mind.
1) Do you follow the candidate on Twitter?
A) Yes B) No
2) Does the candidate have a Twitter account?
A) Yes B) No
Based on the candidates tweets, I feel that the candidate is:
1) Intelligent 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Unintelligent
2) Untrained 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Trained
3) Cares about me 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Doesn't care about me
4) Honest 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Dishonest
5) Has my interests at heart 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Doesn't have my interests at heart
6) Untrustworthy 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Trustworthy
7) Inexpert 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Expert
8) Self-centered 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not self-centered
9) Concerned with me 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Not concerned with me
10) Honorable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Dishonorable
11) Informed 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Uninformed
12) Moral 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Immoral
13) Incompetent 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Competent
Directions: Keeping in mind your third ranked candidate, please answer the questions below.
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1) In the box below please give two examples of your Tweets from your most favorable
candidate’s Twitter.
2) What do these Tweets tell you about the candidate?
3) What do you like about this candidate?
Directions: Please answer the following questions.
1) How important do you find a politician’s social media presence to be?
Not important at all 1 2 3 4 5 Extremely important
2) How often do you check social media a day?
Rarely 1 2 3 4 5 Very often
3) How likely are you to get your news from social media outlet as opposed to a traditional news
source like newspaper, radio, or TV?
Not likely at all 1 2 3 4 5 Extremely likely