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opinion 15TUESDAY AUGUST 4, 2015
When Wolfgang Schauble, Ger-
many’s finance minister, recently ta-
bled the option of a Greek exit from
the euro, he wanted to signal that
no member could abstain from the
monetary union’s strict disciplines.
In fact, his initiative triggered a
much broader discussion of the prin-
ciples underpinning the euro, its
governance, and the very rationale
for its existence.
Only a fortnight before Schauble’s
proposal, Europe’s leaders had bare-
ly paid attention to a report on the
euro’s future prepared by European
Commission President Jean-Claude
Juncker and his colleagues from the
other European Union institutions.
But the new dispute over Greece
has convinced many policymakers
of the necessity to return to the
drawing board. Meanwhile, citizens
wonder why they share this cur-
rency, whether it makes sense, and
if agreement can be reached on its
future.
For currencies, as for countries,
founding myths matter. The conven-
tional wisdom is that the euro was
the political price Germany paid for
French acquiescence to its reunifica-
tion. In fact, German reunification
only provided the final impetus for
a project conceived in the 1980s to
resolve a longstanding dilemma.
European governments were both
strongly averse to floating exchange
rates, which they assumed would
be incompatible with a single mar-
ket, and unwilling to perpetuate a
Bundesbank-dominated monetary
regime. A truly European currency
built on German principles appeared
to be the best way forward.
In retrospect, German reunifica-
tion was more a curse than a bless-
ing. When exchange rates were
locked in 1999, Germany’s was over-
valued, and its economy was strug-
gling; France’s was undervalued,
and its economy was booming. Dur-
ing the ensuing decade, imbalances
slowly grew between a resurgent
Germany and countries where low
interest rates had triggered credit
booms. And when the global finan-
cial crisis erupted in 2008, conditions
were ripe for a perfect storm.
No one can say how Europe
would have evolved without the
euro. Would the fixed-exchange-rate
system have endured or collapsed?
Would the Deutschemark have been
overvalued? Would states have re-
introduced trade barriers, ending the
single market? Would a real-estate
bubble have developed in Spain?
Would governments have reformed
more or less?
Establishing a counterfactual
baseline against which the euro’s
impact could be assessed is impos-
sible. But that is no excuse for com-
placency. Over the last 15 years, the
eurozone’s economic performance
has been disappointing, and its poli-
cy system must answer for this.
What really matters is whether
a common European currency still
makes sense for the future. This
question is often evaded, because
the cost of exiting is deemed too
high to consider it (and could be
higher still if the break-up takes
place in a crisis and sharpens recip-
rocal acrimony among participating
countries). Moreover, pulling the
plug on the euro could unleash the
dark forces of nationalism and pro-
tectionism. But, as Oxford’s Kevin
O’Rourke recently argued, this is
hardly a sufficient argument. It is
the logical equivalent of advising a
couple to remain married because
divorce is too expensive.
So does the euro still make sense?
It was expected to deliver three eco-
nomic benefits. Monetary union, it
was assumed, would foster economic
integration, bolstering Europe’s long-
term growth. Instead, intra-eurozone
trade and investment have increased
only modestly, and growth potential
has actually weakened. This is part-
ly because national governments,
rather than building on currency
unification to turn the eurozone into
an economic powerhouse, tried to
hang onto their remaining power.
This was perhaps logical politically,
but it made no economic sense: Eu-
rope’s huge domestic market is one
of its main assets, and opportuni-
ties to strengthen it should not be
squandered.
Second, it was hoped that the euro
would become a major international
currency (particularly given how
few countries are equipped with the
necessary legal, market, and policy
institutions). And, according to re-
cent ECB statistics, this hope has
been largely fulfilled. With interna-
tional use of the euro behind only
the U.S. dollar, this achievement can
help Europe to continue shaping the
global economic order, rather than
sliding into irrelevance.
Third, it was (somewhat naively)
believed that the institutions under-
pinning the euro would improve the
overall quality of economic policy, as
though Europe-wide policies would
automatically be better than nation-
al ones. The acid test came in the af-
termath of the 2008 global financial
crisis: because it overestimated the
fiscal dimension of the crisis and un-
derestimated its financial dimension,
the eurozone performed worse than
the United States and the United
Kingdom.
If the euro is to create prosperity,
further reforms of the policy system
are therefore needed. But an agenda
can be designed and implemented
only if there is a broad consensus
on the nature of the problem. And,
as the ongoing dispute over Greece
illustrates, agreement remains elu-
sive: Participating countries have
developed contradictory analyses of
the causes of the debt crisis, from
which they derive contradictory pre-
scriptions.
Richard Cooper of Harvard Uni-
versity once observed that in the
early days of international public
health cooperation, the fight against
global diseases was hampered by
countries’ adherence to different
models of contagion. They all favored
joint action, but they could not agree
on a plan, because they disagreed on
how epidemics crossed borders.
That is the problem the eurozone
faces today. Fortunately, it is not
unsolvable, as significant reforms
like the creation of the European
Stability Mechanism and the launch
of banking union show. Disagree-
ments also did not prevent the ECB
from acting boldly, which illustrates
that the governance of institutions
does matter. But the fact that re-
forms and actions were undertaken
only lately, and under the pressure
of acute crisis, is a sobering re-
minder of the difficulty of reaching
consensus.
Europe cannot afford to procras-
tinate and pretend. Either the eu-
rozone’s members find agreement
on an agenda of governance and
political reforms that will turn the
currency union into an engine of
prosperity, or they will stumble re-
peatedly from dispute to crisis, until
citizens lose patience or markets lose
trust.
Clarity is a prerequisite of serious
discussion and ambitious reform.
Each of the major participants now
has an obligation to define what it
regards as indispensable, what it
considers unacceptable, and what it
is ready to give in exchange for what
it wants.
Jean Pisani-Ferry is a professor at
the Hertie School of Governance in
Berlin, and currently serves as com-
missioner-general for policy planning
for the French government. — Ed.
(Project Syndicate)
The ‘cowardly lion’
is make-believe, but
cowardly hunters are real
The robotics Cambrian explosion
By Ingrid Newkirk
People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals
Every bad guy in history tries
to use it as a “get out of jail free”
card: I didn’t know what I was do-
ing was wrong. And that includes
overblown, overprivileged little
men like Minnesota dentist Walter
Palmer, who reportedly paid more
than $50,000 to stalk, wound and
kill a beloved, well-known lion
named Cecil. Even though Cecil
was wearing a tracking collar,
Palmer, who has spent his life kill-
ing all kinds of animals to behead
and hang on his wall, claimed igno-
rance of the lion’s protected status.
The details of what took place
are appalling, but while it is unu-
sual for the animal to be so well
known, do not think for a second
that what I’m about to describe
constitutes unusual conduct for
the pathetic white men who go to
Africa and elsewhere to gun down
wildlife.
According to news reports, after
luring Cecil out of his protected
homeland in Zimbabwe’s Hwange
National Park by tying a dead
animal to their truck as irresistible
bait, Palmer and his paid accom-
plices blinded him with a glaring
spotlight, making it easy for the
trophy hunter to shoot him with a
high-powered crossbow. But despite
Palmer’s extensive experience in
killing, it wasn’t a fatal shot. Cecil
lay hidden and wounded for 40
long hours, a steel arrow through
his body, before Palmer and his
party finally found him and shot
him to death. Palmer posed with
the dead lion, grinning from ear
to ear, before having his assist-
ants skin and decapitate Cecil for
his trophy wall, and then just left
his body to rot. Zimbabwe authori-
ties said the hunters also tried to
destroy Cecil’s collar to hide the
evidence.
Is it any surprise that someone
so devoid of empathy, understand-
ing and respect for living creatures
has already run afoul of the law?
Palmer pleaded guilty to federal
charges in 2008 for lying to a fed-
eral agent about where he had
shot a black bear in Wisconsin. He
and others had transported the
dead bear, who was killed 40 miles
outside a legal hunting zone, to a
registration station inside the legal
area. Palmer was sentenced to one
year of probation and fined nearly
$3,000.
Palmer is listed as a member of
the trophy hunting organization
Safari Club International. His kill
profile includes 43 victims, includ-
ing caribou, moose, deer, buffalo,
a polar bear and a mountain lion.
This is the same outfit that brags
that one of its “top priorities” is to
reduce the regulatory “burdens”
of importing hunting trophies into
the United States.
These animals were just living
their lives, going about their busi-
ness and raising their families.
What massive emotional disconnect
must one have to take joy from
such killing? All animals value
their lives, but to hunters, they are
nothing more than targets.
Palmer and others like him hark
back to the early 20th century up-
per class, which viewed plundering
of Africa’s wildlife as a pastime for
the privileged. But today’s trophy
hunters, with their high-powered
weaponry, beheadings and con-
tempt for fundamental human
decency, are wildlife’s ISIS. The
U.S. and Europe need to ban the
importation of heads, horns, feet
and other trophies — pronto.
Ingrid Newkirk is president of
People for the Ethical Treatment of
Animals. — Ed.
(Tribune Content Agency)
Does the euro still make sense for the future?
Jean Pisani-Ferry
All animals value their
lives, but to hunters,
they are nothing more
than targets.
By Robert Cheek
Recently, the news is full of sto-
ries about HUBO’s first-place victo-
ry at the 2015 DARPA Challenge,
a contest in which the world’s most
advanced robots compete for a $2
million prize. HUBO’s victory was
a win not only for Korea’s robot-
ics endeavors, but also for the ad-
vancement of robotics around the
world.
Robotics and artificial intelli-
gence technologies represent the
start of an era in which humanity
will make its greatest advance-
ments. AI and robotics will merge
within the decade, giving rise to
AI bots, or artificially intelligent
robots. The AI bots will be the
transformative technology of the
millennium and may succeed hu-
man beings as the planet’s most
intelligent species.
As AI is a broad concept, we
will look at it in the context of its
integration with robotics. There
are three major categories for AI:
1) Artificial Narrow Intelligence,
which is also called Weak AI; 2)
Artificial General Intelligence,
which is also known as Human-
level AI or Strong AI; and 3) Artifi-
cial Superintelligence.
ANI is focused on one area. Our
world runs on ANI. Cars have
computers that determine when
to activate safety systems such as
antilock brakes, and companies
like Amazon know what products
you like by learning your behavior.
ANI has migrated from cyberspace
into the physical world thanks to
second-wave robots.
AGI is a computer that can car-
ry out the same intellectual tasks
as a human being, such as rea-
soning, problem solving, thinking
abstractly and learning from ex-
perience. The breakneck advance-
ments in hardware and innovative
experimentation with software
taking place simultaneously, will
cause AGI to emerge quickly and
unexpectedly. ASI as defined by
Oxford-philosopher and AI expert
Nick Bostrom as “an intellect that
is much smarter than the best
human brains in practically every
field, including scientific creativ-
ity, general wisdom and social
skills.” ASI can be a computer
that’s marginally smarter than a
human, to one that’s trillions of
times smarter — in every way im-
aginable.
Like AI, robotics is a broad con-
cept for which there are three ma-
jor categories: 1) First-wave robots
or “industrial robots”; 2) Second-
wave robots, the group in which
“service robots” and “industry 4.0”
belong; and 3) Third-wave robots,
or AI bots.
First-wave robots are expensive,
rigid, dangerous and dumb. They
perform simple repetitive tasks
and are suitable only for mass
production by capital-intensive
businesses. They require specially
designed facilities to ensure the
safety of humans. These machines
do the assembly work of an indus-
trial economy.
Second-wave robots are inex-
pensive, aware, autonomous, flex-
ible, safe and smart. They learn
and perform a variety of tasks.
In short, they work alongside hu-
mans, up close and personal. They
can also run facilities entirely in-
dependent of humans, leveraging
the Internet of Things, Internet-
connected products, to optimize
outcomes.
Third-wave robots, or AI bots,
will be endowed with AGI to make
them better at interacting with
human beings. In time, they will
evolve into ASI-enhanced AI bots.
Undoubtedly, a regulatory
framework for this brave new
world of legal challenges is needed.
But more importantly, we need
social safety nets for the socioeco-
nomic erosion that will come with
AGI and Emergence (Emergence is
when machines achieve ASI).
AI and robotics are already tak-
ing over professional and service
jobs. Lawyers, accountants, pilots,
teachers, and more are targeted;
while on the service front: cashiers,
clerks, customer service represent-
atives and drivers have replace-
ments coming online. There is a ro-
botic or AI solution being designed
for most jobs.
We must now reevaluate every-
thing that we think we know, put
in place safeguards from quantifi-
able risks and add buffers for the
unquantifiable. Some risks from
emergence are: 1) economic and so-
cial collapse from mass unemploy-
ment and the resulting social un-
rest; 2) extinction-level event that
makes us into the dinosaurs of this
era; and 3) hybridization-evolution,
or human-machine integration.
The AI bot Cambrian Explosion is
coming and with it an infinite com-
binations of outcomes.
Emergence and AI bots will ar-
rive sooner than expected due to
massive spending by corporations,
governments, rogue states and oth-
ers in their desire to secure their
“three wishes” — wealth, power
and immortality from the emer-
gence “genie.” And since humans
have sought these goals throughout
their entire history, imposing regu-
lations amounts to nothing more
than an exercise in futility, as the
stakes are simply too high.
The coming socioeconomic shift
may create unemployment of
an unprecedented scale during
the “adjustment phase.” The al-
ready widening gap between the
1 percent who control most of the
world’s wealth and the other 99
percent will only accelerate.
Fortunes will be made and lost
in the robotics revolution. Human-
ity now stands at the crossroads.
One road leads to abundance and
freedom. The other is the end of
the line.
Robert “Robb the Robot Guy”
Cheek is a research analyst and
editorial head at HMC Investment
& Securities, the investment bank-
ing arm of Hyundai Motor Group.
He has worked in robotics and
technology firms and advises inves-
tors and companies about service
robotics and AI. He can be reached
at r.cheek@hmcib.com. — Ed.
The views expressed in the contributed and syndicated articles on
Pages 14 and 15 do not necessarily reflect those of The Korea Herald or
its editorial staff. — Ed.
Articles and letters intended for publication on the opinion page should be
sent by email to sychon@heraldcorp.com and contain the writer’s full name,
phone number, occupation and address. Articles are subject to editing and
are expected to observe our word count limit. Submissions to “A Reader’s
View” and “Letters to the Editor” must not exceed 500 words. — Ed.
To our contributors

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20150804_0201_15015_02[1]

  • 1. opinion 15TUESDAY AUGUST 4, 2015 When Wolfgang Schauble, Ger- many’s finance minister, recently ta- bled the option of a Greek exit from the euro, he wanted to signal that no member could abstain from the monetary union’s strict disciplines. In fact, his initiative triggered a much broader discussion of the prin- ciples underpinning the euro, its governance, and the very rationale for its existence. Only a fortnight before Schauble’s proposal, Europe’s leaders had bare- ly paid attention to a report on the euro’s future prepared by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and his colleagues from the other European Union institutions. But the new dispute over Greece has convinced many policymakers of the necessity to return to the drawing board. Meanwhile, citizens wonder why they share this cur- rency, whether it makes sense, and if agreement can be reached on its future. For currencies, as for countries, founding myths matter. The conven- tional wisdom is that the euro was the political price Germany paid for French acquiescence to its reunifica- tion. In fact, German reunification only provided the final impetus for a project conceived in the 1980s to resolve a longstanding dilemma. European governments were both strongly averse to floating exchange rates, which they assumed would be incompatible with a single mar- ket, and unwilling to perpetuate a Bundesbank-dominated monetary regime. A truly European currency built on German principles appeared to be the best way forward. In retrospect, German reunifica- tion was more a curse than a bless- ing. When exchange rates were locked in 1999, Germany’s was over- valued, and its economy was strug- gling; France’s was undervalued, and its economy was booming. Dur- ing the ensuing decade, imbalances slowly grew between a resurgent Germany and countries where low interest rates had triggered credit booms. And when the global finan- cial crisis erupted in 2008, conditions were ripe for a perfect storm. No one can say how Europe would have evolved without the euro. Would the fixed-exchange-rate system have endured or collapsed? Would the Deutschemark have been overvalued? Would states have re- introduced trade barriers, ending the single market? Would a real-estate bubble have developed in Spain? Would governments have reformed more or less? Establishing a counterfactual baseline against which the euro’s impact could be assessed is impos- sible. But that is no excuse for com- placency. Over the last 15 years, the eurozone’s economic performance has been disappointing, and its poli- cy system must answer for this. What really matters is whether a common European currency still makes sense for the future. This question is often evaded, because the cost of exiting is deemed too high to consider it (and could be higher still if the break-up takes place in a crisis and sharpens recip- rocal acrimony among participating countries). Moreover, pulling the plug on the euro could unleash the dark forces of nationalism and pro- tectionism. But, as Oxford’s Kevin O’Rourke recently argued, this is hardly a sufficient argument. It is the logical equivalent of advising a couple to remain married because divorce is too expensive. So does the euro still make sense? It was expected to deliver three eco- nomic benefits. Monetary union, it was assumed, would foster economic integration, bolstering Europe’s long- term growth. Instead, intra-eurozone trade and investment have increased only modestly, and growth potential has actually weakened. This is part- ly because national governments, rather than building on currency unification to turn the eurozone into an economic powerhouse, tried to hang onto their remaining power. This was perhaps logical politically, but it made no economic sense: Eu- rope’s huge domestic market is one of its main assets, and opportuni- ties to strengthen it should not be squandered. Second, it was hoped that the euro would become a major international currency (particularly given how few countries are equipped with the necessary legal, market, and policy institutions). And, according to re- cent ECB statistics, this hope has been largely fulfilled. With interna- tional use of the euro behind only the U.S. dollar, this achievement can help Europe to continue shaping the global economic order, rather than sliding into irrelevance. Third, it was (somewhat naively) believed that the institutions under- pinning the euro would improve the overall quality of economic policy, as though Europe-wide policies would automatically be better than nation- al ones. The acid test came in the af- termath of the 2008 global financial crisis: because it overestimated the fiscal dimension of the crisis and un- derestimated its financial dimension, the eurozone performed worse than the United States and the United Kingdom. If the euro is to create prosperity, further reforms of the policy system are therefore needed. But an agenda can be designed and implemented only if there is a broad consensus on the nature of the problem. And, as the ongoing dispute over Greece illustrates, agreement remains elu- sive: Participating countries have developed contradictory analyses of the causes of the debt crisis, from which they derive contradictory pre- scriptions. Richard Cooper of Harvard Uni- versity once observed that in the early days of international public health cooperation, the fight against global diseases was hampered by countries’ adherence to different models of contagion. They all favored joint action, but they could not agree on a plan, because they disagreed on how epidemics crossed borders. That is the problem the eurozone faces today. Fortunately, it is not unsolvable, as significant reforms like the creation of the European Stability Mechanism and the launch of banking union show. Disagree- ments also did not prevent the ECB from acting boldly, which illustrates that the governance of institutions does matter. But the fact that re- forms and actions were undertaken only lately, and under the pressure of acute crisis, is a sobering re- minder of the difficulty of reaching consensus. Europe cannot afford to procras- tinate and pretend. Either the eu- rozone’s members find agreement on an agenda of governance and political reforms that will turn the currency union into an engine of prosperity, or they will stumble re- peatedly from dispute to crisis, until citizens lose patience or markets lose trust. Clarity is a prerequisite of serious discussion and ambitious reform. Each of the major participants now has an obligation to define what it regards as indispensable, what it considers unacceptable, and what it is ready to give in exchange for what it wants. Jean Pisani-Ferry is a professor at the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin, and currently serves as com- missioner-general for policy planning for the French government. — Ed. (Project Syndicate) The ‘cowardly lion’ is make-believe, but cowardly hunters are real The robotics Cambrian explosion By Ingrid Newkirk People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals Every bad guy in history tries to use it as a “get out of jail free” card: I didn’t know what I was do- ing was wrong. And that includes overblown, overprivileged little men like Minnesota dentist Walter Palmer, who reportedly paid more than $50,000 to stalk, wound and kill a beloved, well-known lion named Cecil. Even though Cecil was wearing a tracking collar, Palmer, who has spent his life kill- ing all kinds of animals to behead and hang on his wall, claimed igno- rance of the lion’s protected status. The details of what took place are appalling, but while it is unu- sual for the animal to be so well known, do not think for a second that what I’m about to describe constitutes unusual conduct for the pathetic white men who go to Africa and elsewhere to gun down wildlife. According to news reports, after luring Cecil out of his protected homeland in Zimbabwe’s Hwange National Park by tying a dead animal to their truck as irresistible bait, Palmer and his paid accom- plices blinded him with a glaring spotlight, making it easy for the trophy hunter to shoot him with a high-powered crossbow. But despite Palmer’s extensive experience in killing, it wasn’t a fatal shot. Cecil lay hidden and wounded for 40 long hours, a steel arrow through his body, before Palmer and his party finally found him and shot him to death. Palmer posed with the dead lion, grinning from ear to ear, before having his assist- ants skin and decapitate Cecil for his trophy wall, and then just left his body to rot. Zimbabwe authori- ties said the hunters also tried to destroy Cecil’s collar to hide the evidence. Is it any surprise that someone so devoid of empathy, understand- ing and respect for living creatures has already run afoul of the law? Palmer pleaded guilty to federal charges in 2008 for lying to a fed- eral agent about where he had shot a black bear in Wisconsin. He and others had transported the dead bear, who was killed 40 miles outside a legal hunting zone, to a registration station inside the legal area. Palmer was sentenced to one year of probation and fined nearly $3,000. Palmer is listed as a member of the trophy hunting organization Safari Club International. His kill profile includes 43 victims, includ- ing caribou, moose, deer, buffalo, a polar bear and a mountain lion. This is the same outfit that brags that one of its “top priorities” is to reduce the regulatory “burdens” of importing hunting trophies into the United States. These animals were just living their lives, going about their busi- ness and raising their families. What massive emotional disconnect must one have to take joy from such killing? All animals value their lives, but to hunters, they are nothing more than targets. Palmer and others like him hark back to the early 20th century up- per class, which viewed plundering of Africa’s wildlife as a pastime for the privileged. But today’s trophy hunters, with their high-powered weaponry, beheadings and con- tempt for fundamental human decency, are wildlife’s ISIS. The U.S. and Europe need to ban the importation of heads, horns, feet and other trophies — pronto. Ingrid Newkirk is president of People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals. — Ed. (Tribune Content Agency) Does the euro still make sense for the future? Jean Pisani-Ferry All animals value their lives, but to hunters, they are nothing more than targets. By Robert Cheek Recently, the news is full of sto- ries about HUBO’s first-place victo- ry at the 2015 DARPA Challenge, a contest in which the world’s most advanced robots compete for a $2 million prize. HUBO’s victory was a win not only for Korea’s robot- ics endeavors, but also for the ad- vancement of robotics around the world. Robotics and artificial intelli- gence technologies represent the start of an era in which humanity will make its greatest advance- ments. AI and robotics will merge within the decade, giving rise to AI bots, or artificially intelligent robots. The AI bots will be the transformative technology of the millennium and may succeed hu- man beings as the planet’s most intelligent species. As AI is a broad concept, we will look at it in the context of its integration with robotics. There are three major categories for AI: 1) Artificial Narrow Intelligence, which is also called Weak AI; 2) Artificial General Intelligence, which is also known as Human- level AI or Strong AI; and 3) Artifi- cial Superintelligence. ANI is focused on one area. Our world runs on ANI. Cars have computers that determine when to activate safety systems such as antilock brakes, and companies like Amazon know what products you like by learning your behavior. ANI has migrated from cyberspace into the physical world thanks to second-wave robots. AGI is a computer that can car- ry out the same intellectual tasks as a human being, such as rea- soning, problem solving, thinking abstractly and learning from ex- perience. The breakneck advance- ments in hardware and innovative experimentation with software taking place simultaneously, will cause AGI to emerge quickly and unexpectedly. ASI as defined by Oxford-philosopher and AI expert Nick Bostrom as “an intellect that is much smarter than the best human brains in practically every field, including scientific creativ- ity, general wisdom and social skills.” ASI can be a computer that’s marginally smarter than a human, to one that’s trillions of times smarter — in every way im- aginable. Like AI, robotics is a broad con- cept for which there are three ma- jor categories: 1) First-wave robots or “industrial robots”; 2) Second- wave robots, the group in which “service robots” and “industry 4.0” belong; and 3) Third-wave robots, or AI bots. First-wave robots are expensive, rigid, dangerous and dumb. They perform simple repetitive tasks and are suitable only for mass production by capital-intensive businesses. They require specially designed facilities to ensure the safety of humans. These machines do the assembly work of an indus- trial economy. Second-wave robots are inex- pensive, aware, autonomous, flex- ible, safe and smart. They learn and perform a variety of tasks. In short, they work alongside hu- mans, up close and personal. They can also run facilities entirely in- dependent of humans, leveraging the Internet of Things, Internet- connected products, to optimize outcomes. Third-wave robots, or AI bots, will be endowed with AGI to make them better at interacting with human beings. In time, they will evolve into ASI-enhanced AI bots. Undoubtedly, a regulatory framework for this brave new world of legal challenges is needed. But more importantly, we need social safety nets for the socioeco- nomic erosion that will come with AGI and Emergence (Emergence is when machines achieve ASI). AI and robotics are already tak- ing over professional and service jobs. Lawyers, accountants, pilots, teachers, and more are targeted; while on the service front: cashiers, clerks, customer service represent- atives and drivers have replace- ments coming online. There is a ro- botic or AI solution being designed for most jobs. We must now reevaluate every- thing that we think we know, put in place safeguards from quantifi- able risks and add buffers for the unquantifiable. Some risks from emergence are: 1) economic and so- cial collapse from mass unemploy- ment and the resulting social un- rest; 2) extinction-level event that makes us into the dinosaurs of this era; and 3) hybridization-evolution, or human-machine integration. The AI bot Cambrian Explosion is coming and with it an infinite com- binations of outcomes. Emergence and AI bots will ar- rive sooner than expected due to massive spending by corporations, governments, rogue states and oth- ers in their desire to secure their “three wishes” — wealth, power and immortality from the emer- gence “genie.” And since humans have sought these goals throughout their entire history, imposing regu- lations amounts to nothing more than an exercise in futility, as the stakes are simply too high. The coming socioeconomic shift may create unemployment of an unprecedented scale during the “adjustment phase.” The al- ready widening gap between the 1 percent who control most of the world’s wealth and the other 99 percent will only accelerate. Fortunes will be made and lost in the robotics revolution. Human- ity now stands at the crossroads. One road leads to abundance and freedom. The other is the end of the line. Robert “Robb the Robot Guy” Cheek is a research analyst and editorial head at HMC Investment & Securities, the investment bank- ing arm of Hyundai Motor Group. He has worked in robotics and technology firms and advises inves- tors and companies about service robotics and AI. He can be reached at r.cheek@hmcib.com. — Ed. The views expressed in the contributed and syndicated articles on Pages 14 and 15 do not necessarily reflect those of The Korea Herald or its editorial staff. — Ed. Articles and letters intended for publication on the opinion page should be sent by email to sychon@heraldcorp.com and contain the writer’s full name, phone number, occupation and address. Articles are subject to editing and are expected to observe our word count limit. Submissions to “A Reader’s View” and “Letters to the Editor” must not exceed 500 words. — Ed. To our contributors