Imtiaz Ahmed and Amena Mohsin Edited this book.

1. Book Review
Women and Militancy
SOUTH ASIAN COMPLEXITIES
Edited By
Amena Mohsin
Imtiaz Ahmed
Prepared By
Dr. Md. Ahsan Aziz Sarkar
Roll No. 9209
92nd SFT BCS (Health) Cadres Batch
National Academy for Planning and Development

2. Editor Information
Amena Mohsin is a Professor of International Relations at Dhaka University. She has written
extensively on right issues, state, democracy, civil-military relations and human security. She
authored several books including Bangladesh: On the Difficult Road to Peace, The Case of
Chittagong Hill Tracts, The Chittagong Hill Tracts etc.
Imtiaz Ahmed is a Professor of International Relations at Dhaka University. He authored, co-
authored and edited more than 15 books and 90 research papers and scholarly articles.
Historicizing 1971 Genocide: State versus Person, The Plight of Stateless Rohingyas: Responses
of the State, Society and International Community are some of his recent books.

3. Contents of the book
Contributors
Acknowledgements
Preface
Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter 2: Unheard Voices: War Experiences of Bihari Women in Bangladesh
Chapter 3: Militarization and the fate of Women’s Body: A case Study of Chittagong Hill
Tracts
Chapter 4: Life and Living of Ahmadiya Muslim Jamaat in Bangladesh
Chapter 5: Mastanocracy, Insecurity and Gender in Dhaka Slum
Chapter 6: Militancy in Meghalaya: Politics beyond Matriarchy
Publication Information
First published in 2011
From The University Press Limited
Total Pages: 151

4. Introduction
The book ‘Women and Militancy: South Asian Complexities’ is the presentation of a
group of scholars who have undertaken a project aiming to examine and assess the background,
nature, character and magnitude of systematic violence and its consequences against women in
different situation like war, riot, post-war, extreme poverty, marginalization, ethnicity,
fundamentalism, religious intolerance and other socio-political and socio-economic conditions in
South Asian context.
This 151 pages book addresses the complexities and multiplicities of violence inflicted
against women, the challenges and contradictions that exists in South Asian contexts, the
interrelated roles of colonialism, nationalism and patriarchy in creating such situations, state
nation and women’s place in it, and multilayered marginalization from violence resulting in
fluidity of identity and division of labour in women sub-group.
The Book is arranged in six major chapters excluding acknowledgement, preface etc. In
the preface the authors choose a poem from Telugu which reflects the feelings and attitude of the
authors toward women in this region as well as all over the world. Each chapter is a qualitative
descriptive research conducted with a small sample taken in the form of interviews reflecting
current conditions and background for creating such conditions. In the concluding part of each
chapter authors summarized the whole research.
It is significant in a sense that for the first time the plights of Bihari, Chittagong Hill
Tracts and Ahmadiya women living in Bangladesh are discussed in an academic way here.
Published in Bangladesh this work questions the very nature of Bangladeshi identity and version
of history, state machinery, and active role of state in sponsoring violence, suppressing and
marginalizing women, and silencing the voices of human right activists.
Edited by Amena Mohsin and Imtiaz Ahmed, professors of International Relations
Department of Dhaka University this book consists of 5 articles from six different authors.
Among them Tania Haque, Suchi Karim, Fouzia Mannan are from Women and Gender Studies
Department and Parween Hasan from Islamic History and Culture Department of the same
university. Imtiaz Ahmed has authored 15 books and Amena Mohsin 3 books; both are known
for their left leaning ideology.

5. Components of SubjectMatter:
The book comprises six chapters including the introduction chapter. In the introduction
editors clears the concept of word women and militancy used in this book. Women as biological
gender aren’t a fixed entity, its meaning change with time, space, and culture.
Militancy, militarization, or militarism is commonly perceived in three different forms. It
means images of men in uniform, guns and weapons to bring destruction. Or it is the presence of
fear, lack of security. Another meaning is it is the extension of capitalism to capture limited
resources. The term could also mean domination of military institutes over civil authority.
However the authors excluded all those commonly used perception by giving clear definition of
militancy used in this book in following manner.
“Militarization means in the context of South Asia a state of affairs, process,
behavioral pattern and policies that violate the day to day living of citizens.”
This violation habitates and stems from the social, cultural, religious, and political spaces
of people hence multilayered and complex. The role of colonization, nationalism and patriarchy
is examined to explain marginalization of women. Contradiction like presence of prominent
women leaders in South Asia built upon the influence of their father or counterpart and
victimization of women in the country at the same time is pointed out.
How political authority, state law and national policy are dictating women’s position in
the society is analyzed. Multilayered marginalization of women resulted in fluidity of identity
and division of labour in the society is hypothesized next. Now I am going to discuss each
chapter of this book one by one.

6. (Chapter 2) Unheard Voices: War Experiences of Bihari Women in Bangladesh
Liberation war mentioned women as war victim. In that only plight of Bengali Muslim
and rarely Hindu women is often mentioned. What is absent is the plight of Bihari women.
Biharis are non-Bengali Muslims who migrated from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh to East Pakistan
following partition in 1947. Pro-liberation Bengalis assumed they are united Pakistan. It is
important to note that many Bengalis were against liberation.
During war Bihari women lost the male members of their family; husbands and fathers
were killed, brothers were taken away. They were raped, breasts were cut, shot, and houses were
robbed and looted. One woman lost 16 male members of her family. After war they faced
marginalization, alienation in the refugee camp, struggle, loneliness; poverty and resignation to
fate were the post war reality. Women become the head of the family, became the bread earner,
and came out of private space into public space. Some tried to go to Pakistan but it refused to
consider them as their citizens. Now around 3 lakhs Bihari lives in about 70 refugee camps in
Bangladesh.
This article shows that war experiences empowered women. Women also faced difficulty
in choosing national identity. As these women are largely absent from war history we need to
think about how can we include diverse voices, experiences, ideologies in our history. Identity is
identified as a category constructed by a particular group of people at a specific time and space
of history and it cannot be held as unchangeable by a different generation of a member in another
time. The time has come to deconstruct our national identity. This dilemma of identity crisis for
Biharis is depicted here
“71 made each of us realize where we were, where we actually belong to, who we were.
Since my mother tongue is Urdu I couldn’t be in the same category as you. 71 made me a Bihari.
I agree that particular country is for particular nation but why it is for particular language? Then
why west Bengal is with India?”
Women are not only victim of war but they are also survivors.

7. Chapter 3: Militarization and the fate of Women’s Body: A Case Study of Chittagong Hill
Tracts
Article 9 of the Constitution of Bangladesh states Bengali nationalism is based on
Bengali culture and language. Thus it effectively rules out the indigenous people living in the
Chittagong hill tracts from Bangladesh. CHT comprises three districts; Bandarban, Rangamati
and Khagrachari with an area around 5,500 sq. miles. This chapter explores the women’s ethnic
life, struggle and complexities in the face of patriarchy and nationalism.
Patriarchy is an ideology that ensures male dominance. Nationalism typically has sprung
from masculinized memory, masculinized humiliation and hope. Gendered masculine state gives
little attention to women’s issue and male defines dominant norms, values and ideas. Citizenship
is a status bestowed on those who are full member of the family. Equal status, civil, political and
social rights are ensured through it. As people living in CHT were denied citizenship for a long
time they were devoid of these rights.
About 1/3rd of Bangladesh army is deployed in CHT. Sexual crimes, torture and
massacres are being committed by state and non-state actors in the internal conflict. Police and
local authorities are silence and justice is not delivered according to law.
Rape has not only displaced women but also restricted and alienated her from financial,
family and emotional benefits of a society. Traditional dresses are not worn by women for fear of
being raped. Thus state in the name of national security destroying a minority ethnic community.
Satisfaction of justice is the achievement of a threshold that meets victim’s expectations.
To meet that expectation justice system should judge with a gender perspective. Social dialogue,
social policies, local and legal actions are simultaneously required to restore their rights.
Restorative justice is an alternative to the current justice system when focus is on healing process
and emphasis is on healing over punishment.

8. Chapter 4: Life and Living of Ahmadiya Muslim Jamaat in Bangladesh: An Unholy
Alliance of Secular Politics and Religious Extremism
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, born in Qadiyan of Punjab on 1830 is the founder of Ahmadiya
Jamaat. About 1 lakh Ahmadiya lives here in Bangladesh mostly concentrated on Dhaka,
Satkhria and Brammanbaria. They believe Mohammad (Swa) is not the last prophet, Jesus will
not come again; a major deviation from traditional Sunni Muslim belief. Imams of Deoband
declared them apostate in late 19s. Since then they are subjected to various forms of oppression
in Bangladesh.
Ahmadiya women are conservative with strong tradition of Purdah. It is not obligatory
but if you study in co-education it is must. Women are homemaker and male domination is
accepted. Education is a top priority.
Ahmadiya community has been continuously attacked, crops were cut from the field, not
allowed to give Adhan or bury dead like Muslims, and their mosques destroyed. All these
atrocities intensified when coalition of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-I-Islam
came to power. Demands of religious parties included they must be declared Non-Muslim,
removed from govt. positions, their publication must be banned, and right to build mosques and
giving Adhan taken away.
Women are worst affected following these tensions. They feel alienated, oppressed. Their
opportunity to study and marry outside community is restricted now.
Violence against Ahmadiya women is an example how state and religion act together to
oppress women and marginalize their rights. However internal bond in the community has grown
stronger with crises.

9. Chapter 5: Mastanocracy, Insecurity and Gender in Dhaka Slum
Dhaka is the fastest growing megacity in the world with 3 million people living in the
slums. 28% of them live in extreme poverty and 64% of them earn less than 4,000 TK per
month. Rickshaw pullers, vendors, vegetable sellers, gardeners, driver, bus conductor, van puller,
shop keepers, garment factory workers live here. About 53% of husbands don’t allow their wives
to work outside, they think it is a sign of poverty and goes against family prestige.
Mastanocracy can be referred to as hooligans/local miscreants/musclemen built itself
upon a structure which involves toll collection, illegal business, drug, violence, use of arm and
bomb, murder, sexual abuse, sex trade, political conflict, land grabbing and gambling.
Mastanocracy is a new dimension in the urban slums in Dhaka and micropolitics of slums is
linked with macropolitics and national politics. Mastans become the service providers in slum
areas. Slum violence is a serious developmental problem.
Family violence, polygamy, eve teasing, sex trafficking, rape, kidnapping, forced
marriage are all too common in slum areas. The root lies in biological, social and cultural values.
Deep sense of distrust in the justice system exists. Dhaka City Corporation workers and political
parties are the main power holders in the slum. Social, economic and political life of women is
marginalized as a consequence of slum Mastanocracy.
Masculinity has different forms and is associated with aggressiveness, competitiveness,
dominance, strength, courage and control. Masculinity here leads to gender based violence; state
is in the role of Mastans by controlling local miscreants through politics and City Corporation.
Major findings come out of study is marriage is opted for security, women are target of
violence, polygamy is a source of vulnerability, restricted access to resources, perception of
injustice in the judiciary, state is sponsoring violence, and Mastanocracy is both a political and
economic issue.

10. Chapter 6: Militancy is Meghalaya: Politics Beyond Matriarchy?
Khasi community in Meghalaya is one of the few communities that still retained their
matriarchy tradition. Matriarchy means women are central in private and public spaces. It also
means authority is in women’s hand and inheritance, property and position pass along maternal
line.
Matriarchy may originate in three ways. In Rwanda following war and death of large
number of male population women gain the central position in public life. Another way is
migration of predominantly female population in an isolated land. Third way that happens in
Meghalaya is head hunting tradition. Here males would go outside of their community to fight
with other tribes. Relative absence of males from society results in matriarchic tradition in Khasi
community.
Increase in the rate of education, communication with outside world, import of modern
values is now questioning the autonomy and authority of Khasi women in the society. Now
Khasi women are asked to take more children and act as homemaker like other communities.
Recently when matrilineal inheritance law was passed it received protest from male dominated
political organizations. Indian govt. passed Special Power Forces Act to curb insurgency in the
state. Army is allowed to detain, torture, and kill anyone without any accountability. The fight
against state oppression put the women’s position in Meghalaya at stake as family protectors.
Autonomy and fertility rate are inversely related. Women with large families are
becoming role model in Meghalaya. Although youngest daughter is the protector of the family,
property and important decisions are taken by maternal uncle. It questions the extent of true
matriarchy in Khasi community. Recently women are showing interest to join politics and trying
to make peace with Indian army.

11. Conclusion:
This is for the first time a group of Bangladeshi academicians tried to analyze the plight
of minority communities, post-war communities, and religious minorities of this country by
going against the dominant political and historical views. Published in 2011, this book generated
much controversy for its anti-state and counter-current opinions. In that sense this book is a
courageous approach in the midst of growing intolerance.
This book is successful in showing multilayer and complex nature of violence against
women. Biology, family, society, politics, local and international players are acting to give
militancy a dynamic character in the name of nationalism, colonialism, and patriarchy. This book
pointed at state, politics, ideologies, and religion as main culprits.
Few recommendations are made to improve current situations. Among them questioning
the nature of national identity and giving space for diverse voices and cultures is very important.
Authors also mentioned how state and religion acts together to suppress women; in such cases
state laws should be modified with current values. Modernization of the justice system with
focus on restorative justice, that is focus on healing process over punishment and gender based
approach in law forming is another recommendation found in the book. Imtiaz Ahmed and
Amena Mohsin ended their chapter by telling
“the challenge is to create a beautiful mind that can dream and the vision of
hegemonic human world.”
I think it is the conscious, tolerant, humane, beautiful mind that the authors tried to
emphasized in this book.
Pythagoras wrote, "There is a good principle that created order, light and man and a bad
principle that created chaos, darkness and woman." Aristotle considered females as inferior race.
The Middle East and Europe was largely influenced by Aristotelian views of the world. When
colonialists seed nationalism and masculine values in the mind of the natives this view was also
seeded. Marx considered patriarchy originated when male activities like hunting-gathering was
monetized but female caring activities were not. As muscle power was important in ancient
world but with technological advancement intellectual ability is gaining more prominence than

12. muscle mass. So male and female become increasing competing for the same limited resource
and conflict between genders are increasing. In ‘The second Sex’ Simon De Beauvoir describes,
two factors explain the evolution of women's condition: participation in production and freedom
from reproductive slavery. She also described historical view on women that is humanity is male
and man defines woman not herself but as relative to him. ‘Into a world of hate: a journey
among the extreme right’ Nick Ryan described three types of rapes; recreational, national
security and systematic mass rape which is also brought here in this book. Betty Friden in her
“Feminine Mystique” analyzes the identity crisis among women which is touched in brief here.
Louann Brizendine in her ‘The female brain’ approaches women from neuropsychiatric point of
view and undervalued social and cultural determinants of gender role.
So there is no new radical theory to explain militancy in society. This book goes with the
flow of previous theories and recommends the same solutions. What unique for this book is it
applied those principles, theories and recommendations in the South Asian context to bring
attention to marginalized communities.
Telegu poet Vimala Devi’s poem ‘The Kitchen” is used in the preface of the book. I want
to end my review with some important lines from the poem to communicate the main theme of
the book.
My mother was the queen of the kitchen
But the name engraved on the pots and pans
Is father’s. (Prose 46-48)
Luck, they say, landed me in my great kitchen,
Gas stove, grinder, sink and tiles.
I make cakes and puddings,
Not old fashioned snacks as my mother did.
But the name engraved on the pots and pans

13. Is my husband’s. (49-54)
Let us destroy those kitchens
That turned us into serving spoons.
Let us removed the names engraved on the pots and pans.
Come, let us tear out these private stoves,
Before our daughter must step
Solitary into these kitchens.
For our children’s sakes,
Let us destroy those lonely kitchens. (69-76)