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146 * Education
Benjamin R. Barber is the Gershon and Carrol Kekst Professor
of Civil
Society at the University of Maryland. He has written numerous
schol-
arly and popular books which consistently explore the issues
ofpolitics,
education, democracy, community, and citizenship. He regularly
con-
tributes to the Atlantic Monthly, the New York Times, and
Harper s,
where the following argument appeared in 1993. An educational
and
political progressive, in the traditional sense of the term,
Barber’s main
concern is with .sustaining a healthy democracy. His best
known hook is
An Aristocracy of Even'one, in which he argues for fundamental
changes
in the ways Americans view the role of education in sustaining
political
and social life.
Benjamiti R. Barber
America Skips School
On September 8, the day most of the nation’s children were
scheduled
to return to school, the Department of Education Statistics
issued a re-
port, commissioned hy Congress, on adult literacy and
numeracy in
the United States. The results? More than 90 million adult
Americans
lacked simple literacy. Fewer than 20 percent of those surveyed
cordd
compare two metaphors in a poem; not 4 percent could calculate
the
cost of carpeting at a given price for a room of a given size,
using a cal-
culator. As the DOE report was being issued, as if to echo its
findings,
two of the nation’s largest school systems had delayed their
openings;
in New York, to remove asbestos from aging buildings; in
Chicago, be-
cause of a battle over the budget.
Inspired by the report and the delays, pundits once again began
chanting the familiar litany of the education crisis. We’ve heard
it all
many times before: 130,000 children bring guns along with their
pen-
cils and books to school each morning; juvenile arrests for
murder in-
creased by 85 percent from 1987 to 1991; more than 3,000
youngsters
will drop out today and every day for the rest of the school
year, until
about 600.000 are lost by June—in many urban schools, perhaps
half
the enrollment. A lot of the dropouts will end up in prison,
which is a
surer bet for young black males tlian college; one in four will
pass
through the correctional system, and at least two out of three of
those
wall be dropouts.
R. Barbek America Skip.s School • 147
In quiet counterpoint to those staggering facts is another set of
statistics: teachers make less than accountants, architects,
doctors,
lawyers, engineers, judges, health professionals, auditors, and
survev-
ors. They can cam higher salaries teaching in Berlin, Tokyo.
Ottawa,
or Amsterdam than in New York or Chicago. American children
are in
school only about 180 days a year, as against 240 days or more
for
children in Europe or Japan. The richest school districts (school
fi-
nancing is local, not federal) spend twice as much per student as
poorer ones do. The poorer ones seem almost beyond help;
children
with venereal disease or AIDS (2.5 million adolescents annuallv
con-
tract a sexually transmitted disease), gangs in die schoolyard,
dmgs ìti
the classroom, children doing babies instead of homew'ork.
playground
firefights featuring Uzis and Clocks.
Clearly, the social contract that obliges adults to pay taxes so
that
children can be educated is in imminent danger of collapse. Yet
for all
the astonishing statistics, more astonishing stiU is that no one
seems to
be listening. The education crisis is kind of like violence on
television:
the worse it gets the more inert we become, and the more of it
we re-
quire to rekindle om attention. We’ve had a “crisis” every dozen
years
or so at least since the launch of Sputnik, in 1957, when
American
schools were accused of falling behind the world standard in
science
education. Just ten years ago, the National Commission on
Excellence
in Education warned that America’s pedagogical inattention was
put-
ting America “at risk.” What the commission called “a rising
tide of
mediocrity” was imperiling “om very future as a Nation and a
peo-
ple.” What was happening to education was an “act of war.”
Since then, countless reports have been issued decrying the
condi-
tion of om educational system, the DOE report being only the
most
recent. They have come from every side, Republican as well as
Democrat, from the private sector as well as the public. Yet for
all the
talk, little happens. At times, the schools look more like they
are being
dismantled than rebuilt. How can this be? If Americans over a
broad
political spectrum regard education as vital, why has nothing
been
done?
1 have spent thirty years as a scholar examining the nature of
democracy, and even more as a citizen optimistically
celebrating its
possibilities, but today I am increasingly persuaded that the
reason for
the country’s inaction is that Americans do not really care about
edu-
cation—the country has grown comfortable with the game of
“let’s
pretend we care.”
Ì4S • Education
As America’s educational system crumbles, the pundits, instead
of looking for solutions, search busily for scapegoats. Some
assail
the teachers—those “Profscam” pedagogues trained in the
licentious
Sixties who, as aging hippies, are supposedly still si^vertmg the
schools—for producing a dire ilhteracy. Others turn on the kids
them-
selves, so that at the same moment as we are transferring our
responsi-
bilities to the shoulders of the next generation, we are blaming
them
for our generation’s most conspicuous failures. Allan Bloom
was typi-
cal of the many recent critics who have condemned the young as
vapid, lazy, selfish, complacent, self-seeking, materialistic,
sm^-
minded, apathetic, greedy, and, of course, Üliterate. E. D.
Hirsch m his
Cultural Literacy and Diane Ravitch and Chester E. hinn Jr. m
their
What Do Our Seventeen-Year-Olds Know? have lambasted tlie
schoo s,
the teachers, and the children for betraying the adult generation
from
which they were to inherit, the critics seemed confident, a
precious
culmral legacy. . , t ,
How this captious literature reeks of hypocrisy! How sanctimo-
nious all the hand-wringing over stÜl another “education crisis
seems. Are we ourselves really so literate? Are our kids stupid
or sniart
for ignoring what we preach and copying what we practice Ihe
yoimg, with their keen noses for hypocrisy, are in fact adept
readers
but not of books. They are society-smart rather than school-
smart,
and what they read so acutely are the social signals emanating
Irom
the world m which they will have to make a living. Their
teachers m
that world, the nation’s true pedagogues, are television,
adyertismg,
movies, pohtics, and the celebrity domains they define. We
prattle
about deficient schools and the gullible youngsters tiiey mm
out, so
vulnerable to the siren song of drugs, but think nothing of
letting t e
advertisers into the classroom to fashion what sm Advertising
Age essay
calls “brand and product loyalties through classroom-centered,
peer-
powered Hfestyle patterning.” . ,
Our kids spend 900 hours a year in school (the ones who go to
school) and from 1,200 to 1,800 hours a year in front of the
television
set. From which are they likely to learn more? Critics such as
Hirsch
and Ravitch want to find out what our seventeen-year-olds
know, but
it’s really pretty simple; they know exactly what our forty-
seven-year-
olds know and teach them by example—on television, in the
hoard-
room, around Washington, on Madison Avenue, in Hollywood.
Ihe
very first lesson smart kids learn is that it is much more
important to
heed what society teaches implicitly by its deeds and reward
stmetures
than what school teaches explicitly in its lesson plans and civic
ser-
Benjamin R. BaRBEK America Skips School • 149
mons. Here is a test for adults that may help reveal what the
kids see
when they look at our world.
Real- World Cultural Literacy
1. According to television, having fun in America means
a. going blond
b. drinking Pepsi
c. playing Nintendo
d. wearing Air Jordans
e. reading Mark Twain
2. A good way to prepare for a liigh-income career and to
acquire
status in our society is to
a. win a slam-dunk contest
b. take over a company and sell off its assets
c. start a successful rock band
d. earn a professional degree
e. become a kindergarten teacher
3. Book publishers are financially rewarded today for
publishing
a. mega-cookbooks
b. mega-cat books
c. megabooks by Michael Crichton
d. megabooks by John Grisham
e. mini-books by Voltaire
4. A major California bank that advertised “no previous credit
history required” in inviting Berkeley students to apply for Visa
cards nonetheless turned down one group of applicants because
a. their parents had poor credit histories
b. they had never held jobs
c. they had outstanding student loans
d. they were “humanities majors”
5. Colleges and universities are financially rewarded today for
a. supporting bowl-quality football games
b. forging research relationships with large corporations
c. sustaining professional programs in law and business
d. stroking wealthy alumni
e. fostering outstanding philosophy departments
6. Familiarity with Henry, IVPart II is likely to be of vital
impor-
tance in
a. planning a corporate takeover
b. evaluating budget cuts in the Department of Education
c. initiating a medical-malpractice lawsuit
150 • Education
d. writing an impressive job résumé
e. taking a test on what our seventeen-year-olds know
7. To help the young learn that “history is a living thing,”
Scholastic, Inc., a publisher of magazines and paper-backs, re-
cently distributed to 40,000 junior and senior high school
classrooms ■ rp,
a. a complimentary video of the award-winmng series The
Civil War
b. free copies of Plato’s Dialogues
c. an abridgment of Alexis Tocqueville’s Democracy in
America
d. a wall-size Periodic Table of the Elements
e. gratis copies of Billy Joel’s hit single We Didn t Start the
Fire” (which recounts history via a vaguely chronological
hst of warbled celebrity names)
10 My sample of forty-seven-year-olds scored very well on the
test.
Not surprisingly, so did their seventeen-year-old children. (For
each
question, either the last entry is correct or all responses are
correct ex-
cept the last one.) The results of the test reveal again the deep
hypocrisy that runs through our lamentations about education.
The il-
literacy of the young turns out to be our own reflected back to
us with
embarrassing force. We honor ambition, we reward ped, we
cele-
brate materialism, we worship acquisitiveness, we cherish
success, and
we commercialize the classroom—and then we bark at the
young
about the gentle arts of the spirit. We recommend history to the
kids
but rarely consult it ourselves. We make a fuss about ethics but
are
satisfied to see it taught as an “add-on,” as in “ethics in
medicine” or
“ethics in business”—as if Sunday morning in church could
compen-
sate for uninterrupted sinning from Monday to Saturday.
The children are onto this game. They know that if we really
val-
ued schooling, we’d pay teachers what we pay stockbrokers; if
we val-
ued books, we’d spend a little something on the libraries so that
adults
could read, too; if we valued citizenship, we’d give national
service
and civic education more than pilot status; if we valued
children, we
woiddn’t let them be abused, manipulated, impoverished, and
killed in
their beds by gang-war cross fire and stray buUets. Schools can
and
should lead, but when they confront a society that in every
instance
tells a story exactly opposite to the one they are supposed to be
teach-
ing, their job becomes impossible. When the society undoes
each
wokday what the school tries to do each day, schoohng can’t
make
much of a difference.
Benja.ML R. Barber America Skips School • 151
Inner-city children are not the only ones who are learning
the wrong lessons. TV sends the same messages to everyone,
and
the success of Donald Trump, Pete Rose, Henry Kravis, or
George
Steinbrenner makes them potent role models, whatever their
values.
Teen dropouts are not blind; teen drug sellers are not deaf; teen
col-
lege students who avoid the humanities in favor of pre-business
or
pre-law are not stupid. Being apt pupils of reality, they learn
their
lessons well. If they see a man with a rubber arm and an empty
head
who can throw a ball at 95 miles per hour pulling down millions
of
dollars a year while a dedicated primary-school teacher is
getting
crumbs, they will avoid careers in teaching even if they can’t
make
the major leagues. If they observe their government spending up
to
$35,000 a year to keep a young black behind bars but a fraction
of
that to keep him in school, they will write off school (and
probably
write off blacks as well).
Our children’s illiteracy is merely om own, which they assume
with commendtible prowess. They know what we have taught
them all
too well; there is nothing in Homer or Virginia Woolf, in
Shakespeare
or Toni Morrison, that will advantage them in climbing to the
top of
the American heap. Academic credentials may stiU count, but
school-
ing in and of itself is for losers. Bookworms. Nerds. Inner-city
rappers
and fraternity-house wise guys are in full agreement about that.
The
point is to start pulling down the big bucks. Some kids just go
into
business earlier than others. Dropping out is the national
pastime, if
by dropping out we mean giving up the precious things of the
mind
and the spirit in which America shows so little interest and for
which it
offers so little payback. While the professors argue about
whether to
teach the ancient Iiistory of a putatively white Athens or the
ancient
history of a putatively black Egypt, the kids are watching
televised po-
litical campaigns driven by mindless image-mongering and
inflamma-
tory polemics that ignore history altogether. Why, then, are we
so sur-
prised when oiu students dismiss the debate over the origins of
civUization, whether Eurocentric or Afrocentric, and
concentrate on
cash-and-carry careers? Isn’t the choice a tribute not to their
igno-
rance but to their adaptive intelhgence? Although we can hardly
be
proud of ourselves for what we are teaching them, we should at
least
be proud of them for how well they’ve learned our lessons.
Not all Americans have stopped caring about the schools, how-
ever. In the final irony of the educational endgame, cynictd
entrepre-
neurs like Chris Whittle are insinuating television into the
classroom
itself, bribing impoverished school boards by offering free TV
sets on
which they can show advertising for children—sold to sponsors
at
752 • Education
toc WViittlp the mergers and acquisitions mogul of educa
education? Or is he helping to “3'for
:Sr„rd“"b; Whi«.e-, la.ea. enticpreneurial ve„-
" '^tfdrspend 40 pe'r "nÄr^y" "^.Ter^Äo»2
Lertisrig canh
at-;rg" “h. yo-8 really to be bWd
C&entfoLai—
“‘‘;"“ir»ï"e W “«nona .hi government’s -Prit;;;'*”-
'"f can agree ti... «e should ef »““
T’Bn. wZtAmSd thTglkrf tb^cZr^m be? In recent years it
hS b»n fashionable to define the educational crisis m terms of
glofad
n and — ^n^^S'
“»“¿iSrA'rimstiiation has leaned to«rd dds approach, u„-
íL'trr=:io“"-“‘ r r'■
Th^'claim that all men are born free, upon which America was
iTowtclililn ie
“^^uTfrlelm^^^^^ if rail. Medded in families, clans,
Benjamin R. Bakber America Skips School • 153
communities, and nations, we must learn to be free. We may be
natu-
ral consumers and born narcissists, but citizens have to be
made.
Liberal-arts education actually means education in the arts of
liberty;
the “servile arts” were the trades learned by unfree men in the
Middle
Ages, the vocational education of their day. Perhaps this is why
Thomas Jefferson preferred to memorialize his founding of the
University of Virginia on his tombstone rather than his two
terms as
president; it is certainly why he -viewed his Bill for the More
General
Diffusion of Knowledge in Virginia as a centerpiece of his
career (al-
though it failed passage as legislation—^times were perhaps not
so dif-
ferent). John Adams, too, boasted regularly about
Massachusetts’s
high literacy rates and publicly funded education.
Jefferson and Adams both understood that the Bill of Rights of-
fered little protection in a nation -without informed citizens.
Once edu-
cated, however, a people was safe from even the subtlest
tyrannies.
Jefferson’s democratic proclmties rested on his conviction that
educa-
tion could turn a people into a safe refuge—indeed “the only
safe de-
pository” for the ultimate powers of society. “Cherish therefore
the
spirit of our people,” he wrote to Edward Carrington in 1787,
“and
keep alive their attention. Do not be severe upon their errors,
but re-
claim them by enhghtening them. If once they become
inattentive to
pubhc affairs, you and I and Congress and Assemblies, judges
and
governors, shall all become wolves.”
The logic of democracy begins with public education, proceeds
to
informed citizenship, and comes to fruition in the securing of
rights
and liberties. We have been nominally democratic for so long
that we
presume it is our natural condition rather than the product of
persist-
ent effort and tenacious responsibility. We have decoupled
rights from
civic responsibihties and severed citizenship from education on
the
false assumption that citizens just happen. We have forgotten
that the
“public”'in public schools means not just paid for by the public
but
procreative of the very idea of a public. Public schools are how
a pub-
lic—a citizenry—-is forged and how young, selfish individuals
turn into
conscientious, community-minded citizens.
Among the several Hteracies that have attracted the anxious
atten-
tion of commentators, civic literacy has been the least -visible.
Yet this
is the frmdamental literacy by which we live in a ci-vil society.
It en-
compasses the competence to participate in democratic
commimities,
the ability to think critically and act -with deliberation in a
pluralistic
world, and the empathy to identify sufficiently with others to
live with
them despite conflicts of interest and differences in character.
At the
154 • Education
most elementary level, what our children suffer from most,
whether
thcv’re hurhng racial epithets from fraternity porches or
shooting one
another down in schoolyards, is the absence of civility. Security
guards
and metal detectors are poor surrogates for civility, and they
make our
schools look increasinglv like prisons (though they may be less
sale
than prisons). Jefferson thought schools would produce free
men: we
prove him right by putting dropouts in jail. , , . •
Civility is a work of the imagination, for it is through the
imagina-
tion that we render others sufficiently like ourselves for them to
be-
come subjects of tolerance and respect, if not always affection.
Democracy is anvthing but a “natural” form of association. It is
an ex-
traordinary and'rare contrivance of cultivated imagination. Give
the
uneducated the right to participate in making collective
decisions, and
what results is not democracy but, as best, mob rule; the
government
of private prejudice once known as the tjTanny of opinion, for
Jefferson, the difference between the democratic temperance he
ad-
mired in agrarian America and the rule of the rabble he
condemned
when viewing the social unrest of Europe’s teeming cities was
quite
simply education. Madison had hoped to “filter” out popular
passion
through the device of representation. Jeferson saw m education
a filter
that could be installed within each individual, giving to each the
ca-
pacity to rule prudently. Education creates a ruling aristocracy
con-
strained by temperance and wisdom; when that education is pub
ic
and universal, it is an aristocracy to which all can belong. At its
best,
the American dream of a free and equal society governed by
judicious
citizens has been this dream of an aristocracy of everyone.
To dream this dream of freedom is easy, but to secure it is
diflicult
as weU as expensive. Notwithstanding their lamentations,
Americans
do not appear ready to pay the price. There is no magic bullet
for edu-
cation. But I no longer can accept that the problem lies m the
lack ot
consensus about remedies—in a dearth of solutions. There is no
short-
age of debate over how to repair our educational infrastructure.
National standards or more local control? Vouchers or better
pub ic
schools? More parental involvement or more teacher
autonomy.? A
greater federal presence (only 5 or 6 percent of the nation’s
education
budget is federally funded) or fairer local school taxes? More
multicul-
tural diversity or more emphasis on what Americans share in
com-
mon? These are honest disputes. But I am convinced that the
problem
is simpler and more fundamental. Twenty years ago, writer and
ac-
tivist Frances Moore Lappé captured the essence of the world
food cri-
sis when she argued that starvation was caused not by a scarcity
ot
R. Barber America Skips School • 155
food but by a global scarcity in democracy. The education crisis
has
the same genealogy. It stems from a dearth of democracy; an
absence
of democratic will and a consequent refusal to take our children,
our
schools, and our future seriously.
Most educators, even while they quarrel among themselves, will
agree that a genuine commitment to any one of a number of
different
solutions could help enormously. Most agree that although
monev
can’t by itself solve problems, without money few problems can
be
solved. Money also can’t win wars or put men in space, but it is
tlie
crucial facilitator. It is also how America has traditionally
announced.
We are serious about this!
If we were serious, we would raise teachers’ salaries to levels
that
would attract the best young professionals in our society:
starting
lawyers get from $70,000 to $80,000—why don’t starting
kinder-
garten teachers get the same? Is their role in vouchsafing our
future
less significant? And although there is evidence suggesting that
an in-
crease in general educational expenditures doesn’t translate
automati-
cally into better schools, there is also evidence that an increase
aimed
specifically at instructional service does. Can we really take in
earnest
the chattering devotion to excellence of a country so wedded in
prac-
tiee to mediocrity, a nation so ready to relegate teachers—
conservators
of our common future—to the professional backwaters?
If we were serious, we would upgrade physieal facilities so that
every school met the minimum standards of our better suburban
insti-
tutions. Good buildings do not equal good education, but can
anv edu-
cation at all take place in leaky, broken-down habitats of the
kind de-
scribed by Jonathan Kozol in his Savage Inequalities? If money
is not
a critical factor, why are our most suecessfid suburban school
districts
funded at nearly twice tlie level of our inner-citv schools?
Bemg even
at the starting line cannot guarantee that the runners will win or
even
finish the race, hut not being even prettv much assures failure.
We
would rectify the balance not by penalizing wealthier
communities but
by bringing poorer communities up to standard, perhaps by
finding
other sources of funding for our schools besides property taxes.
If we were serious, we’d extend the sehool year bv a month or
two so that learning could take place throughout the year. We’d
re-
duce class size (which means more teachers) and nurture more
coop-
erative learning so that kids could become actively responsible
for
their own education and that of their classmates. Perhaps most
im-
portant, we’d raise standards and make teachers and students re-
sponsible for them. There are two ways to breed suecess: to
lower
156 • Education
Standards so that everybody “passes” in a way that loses all
“waning
in the real world; and to raise standards and then meet them, so
that
school success translates into success beyond the classroom, r
Confucian China to Imperial England, great
success in the world upon an education of
in a democracy is to find a way to maintain excellence while
extend
™ ^Meachers, and studen. wo^d
be the real players while administrators, politicians, an ®be
“ary, a, bee, advieere whoee chief skill ought ,o be kuo™g
when and h^f to facilitate the work of teachers and then get out
of the
war« the Democrats can clean up federal go.emment
bureaucr.t^y
(thi Gore plan), perhaps we can do the same for educationa^ **
^de
L n'^w up Í half of the cty’s ç«chers
company headquarters? Half the cops at »««of »““ f “ *
working force in the assistant manager s office? Once the
teachers m
back in the classroom, they will need to be S™ “>ore aiuouomy,
m
professional responsibihty for the success or 'f ““ »'f
And oarents will have to be drawn in not just because they have
rig
m th^are poMcaUy potent but because they have respoust-
Uhïrànd tSir chhdreu are unlikely to learn without parental en-
gagement. How to define the parental role in the classroom
would be-
come serious business for educators. Timps are tough
Some Americans will say this is unrea istic ^ am to §
money’s short and the public is fed up with almost aU of its
puhhc m
stitutfons: the schools are just one more frustratmg
With aU the goodwill in the world, it is still hard to know ow sc
Z l that stem from the failme of »» Y
tions Saving we want education to come first won t put it tost.
, aLLI, however, has historically been able to
sets its mind to. When we wish it and wiU it, what we wish and
will has
hanoened Our successes are willed; our failures seem to happen
whe
Sriient. There are.nf course, dtose who benefit from th.^
runtcv of pubUc education and the failure of democracy. But the
blLe is n? greater than our own: in a world where domg nothmg
has
such dire consequences, complacency has become a greater sm
““ÏÏme, whenever we have known why we were fighting and
believed in the cause, we have f
its, we are consummate salespersons and efficacious
entrepreneurs.
BenjAìVIIìN' R. Barber America Skips School • 157
Because we love sports, ours are the dream teams. Why can’t a
Chicago junior high school be as good as the Chicago Bulls?
Because
we cherish individuality and mobility, we have created a
magnificent
(if costly) car culture and the world’s largest automotive
consumer
market. Even as our lower schools are among the worst in the
Western world, our graduate institutions are among the very
best be-
cause professional training in medicine, law, and technology is
vital to
our ambitions and because corporate America backs up state and
fed-
eral priorities in this crucial domain. Look at the things we do
well
and observe how very well we do them: those are the things that
as a
nation we have willed.
Then observe what we do badly and ask yomself. Is it because
the
challenge is too great? Or is it because, finally, we aren’t really
serious?
Would we will an end to the carnage and do whatever it took—
more
cops, state militias, federal marshals, the Marines?—if the
dying chil-
dren were white and middle class? Or is it a disdain for the
young—
white, brown, and black—that inures us to the pain? Why are
we so
sensitive to the retirees whose future (however foreshortened)
we are
quick to guarantee—don’t worry, no reduced cost-of-Uving
allow-
ances, no taxes on social secmity except for the well-off—and
so cal-
lous to the young? Have you noticed how health care is on every
politi-
cian’s agenda and education on no one’s?
To me, the conclusion is inescapable: we are not serious. We
have
given up on the public schools because we have given up on the
kids;
and we have given up on the kids because we have given up on
the fu-
ture—perhaps because it looks too multicolored or too dim or
too
hard. “Liberty,” said Jean-Jacques Rousseau, “is a food easy to
eat but
hard to digest.” America is suffering from a bad case of
indigestion.
Finally, in giving up on the future, we have given up on
democracy.
Certainly there wiU be no liberty, no equaUty, no social justice
without
democracy, and there will be no democracy without citizens and
the
schools that forge civic identity and democratic responsibility.
If I am
wrong (I’d like to be), my error will be easy to discern, for
before the
year is out we wiU put education first on the nation’s agenda.
We will
put it ahead of the deficit, for if the future is finished before it
starts,
the deficit doesn’t matter. Ahead of defense, for without
democracy,
what liberties wiU be left to defend? Ahead of all the other
public is-
sues and public goods, for without public education there can be
no
public and hence no truly public issues or public goods to
advance.
When the polemics are spent and we are through
hyperventilating
about the crisis in education, there is only one question worth
asking:
J 58 * Education
■ ? If WP are we can begin by honoring that old folk hom-
üy rdpmoi money wU for much too long our common Amencan
mouth has been. Our kids, for once, might be gratef •
Questions for Discussion
What does Barber’s title, "America Skips School,” mean, m
light of
H!m you describe *e debate drat Barber is a par, ot? Wha. are
dt.
Other positions in the debate?
Jehome Stern What They Learn in School • 159
Jerome Stern taught English and Creative Writing at Florida
State
University for many years until his death in 1996. He wrote
about the
craft of fiction writing ^Making Shapely Fiction^ and edited
collections of
short stories ('Micro Fiction: An Antliology of Really Short
Storiesj. He
was also a frequent contributor of commentary to National
Public Radio;
many of those pieces were collected in Radios: Short Takes on
Life and
Culture (1997). The following “monologue” aired March 17,
1989, on
National Public Radios All Things Considered. It was later
reprinted in
Harper’s magazine.
Jerome Stern
What They Learn
in School
In the schools now, they want them to know all about
marijuana,
crack, heroin, and amphetamines.
Because then they won’t be interested in marijuana, crack,
heroin,
and amphetamines.
But they don’t want to tell them anything about sex because if
the
schools tell them about sex, then they will be interested in sex.
But if the schools don’t tell them anything about sex.
Then they will have high morals and no one wiU get pregnant,
and
everything will be all right.
And they do want them to know a lot about computers so they
will
outcompete the Japanese,
But they don’t want them to know anything about real science
be-
cause then they will lose their faith and become secular
humanists,
And they do want them to know aU about this great land of ours
so they will be patriotic.
But they don’t want them to learn about the tragedy and pain in
its real history because then they wiU be critical about this
great land
of ours and we wiU be passively taken over by a foreign power.
And they want them to learn how to think for themselves so
they
can get good jobs and be successful.
But they don’t want them to have books that confront them with
re¿J ideas because that wUl confuse their values.
And they’d Uke them to be good parents.
r
I
I
I
Í
I
[|
i ■* i'
i! "
1
i
1
I ■
- -.*■*» Í jÄ.aJ, J r s '*5. *
g* ^
Mt, j '
£- if iws” !!
i a:
• ■■ Essential Issues, Essential Texts s
ri
Jack Selzer
The Pennsylvania Stale University
. I
' I.
r
PENGUIN AGAaiäMlCS «. * , I
New York Boston San Francisco
London Toronto Sydney Tokyo Singapore Madrid
Mexico City Munich Paris Cape Town Hong Kong Montreal
1SÎ ■“ -

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146 EducationBenjamin R. Barber is the Gershon and Carro.docx

  • 1. 146 * Education Benjamin R. Barber is the Gershon and Carrol Kekst Professor of Civil Society at the University of Maryland. He has written numerous schol- arly and popular books which consistently explore the issues ofpolitics, education, democracy, community, and citizenship. He regularly con- tributes to the Atlantic Monthly, the New York Times, and Harper s, where the following argument appeared in 1993. An educational and political progressive, in the traditional sense of the term, Barber’s main concern is with .sustaining a healthy democracy. His best known hook is An Aristocracy of Even'one, in which he argues for fundamental changes in the ways Americans view the role of education in sustaining political and social life. Benjamiti R. Barber America Skips School On September 8, the day most of the nation’s children were scheduled to return to school, the Department of Education Statistics issued a re- port, commissioned hy Congress, on adult literacy and
  • 2. numeracy in the United States. The results? More than 90 million adult Americans lacked simple literacy. Fewer than 20 percent of those surveyed cordd compare two metaphors in a poem; not 4 percent could calculate the cost of carpeting at a given price for a room of a given size, using a cal- culator. As the DOE report was being issued, as if to echo its findings, two of the nation’s largest school systems had delayed their openings; in New York, to remove asbestos from aging buildings; in Chicago, be- cause of a battle over the budget. Inspired by the report and the delays, pundits once again began chanting the familiar litany of the education crisis. We’ve heard it all many times before: 130,000 children bring guns along with their pen- cils and books to school each morning; juvenile arrests for murder in- creased by 85 percent from 1987 to 1991; more than 3,000 youngsters will drop out today and every day for the rest of the school year, until about 600.000 are lost by June—in many urban schools, perhaps half the enrollment. A lot of the dropouts will end up in prison, which is a surer bet for young black males tlian college; one in four will pass through the correctional system, and at least two out of three of those
  • 3. wall be dropouts. R. Barbek America Skip.s School • 147 In quiet counterpoint to those staggering facts is another set of statistics: teachers make less than accountants, architects, doctors, lawyers, engineers, judges, health professionals, auditors, and survev- ors. They can cam higher salaries teaching in Berlin, Tokyo. Ottawa, or Amsterdam than in New York or Chicago. American children are in school only about 180 days a year, as against 240 days or more for children in Europe or Japan. The richest school districts (school fi- nancing is local, not federal) spend twice as much per student as poorer ones do. The poorer ones seem almost beyond help; children with venereal disease or AIDS (2.5 million adolescents annuallv con- tract a sexually transmitted disease), gangs in die schoolyard, dmgs ìti the classroom, children doing babies instead of homew'ork. playground firefights featuring Uzis and Clocks. Clearly, the social contract that obliges adults to pay taxes so that children can be educated is in imminent danger of collapse. Yet for all the astonishing statistics, more astonishing stiU is that no one seems to be listening. The education crisis is kind of like violence on television:
  • 4. the worse it gets the more inert we become, and the more of it we re- quire to rekindle om attention. We’ve had a “crisis” every dozen years or so at least since the launch of Sputnik, in 1957, when American schools were accused of falling behind the world standard in science education. Just ten years ago, the National Commission on Excellence in Education warned that America’s pedagogical inattention was put- ting America “at risk.” What the commission called “a rising tide of mediocrity” was imperiling “om very future as a Nation and a peo- ple.” What was happening to education was an “act of war.” Since then, countless reports have been issued decrying the condi- tion of om educational system, the DOE report being only the most recent. They have come from every side, Republican as well as Democrat, from the private sector as well as the public. Yet for all the talk, little happens. At times, the schools look more like they are being dismantled than rebuilt. How can this be? If Americans over a broad political spectrum regard education as vital, why has nothing been done? 1 have spent thirty years as a scholar examining the nature of democracy, and even more as a citizen optimistically celebrating its
  • 5. possibilities, but today I am increasingly persuaded that the reason for the country’s inaction is that Americans do not really care about edu- cation—the country has grown comfortable with the game of “let’s pretend we care.” Ì4S • Education As America’s educational system crumbles, the pundits, instead of looking for solutions, search busily for scapegoats. Some assail the teachers—those “Profscam” pedagogues trained in the licentious Sixties who, as aging hippies, are supposedly still si^vertmg the schools—for producing a dire ilhteracy. Others turn on the kids them- selves, so that at the same moment as we are transferring our responsi- bilities to the shoulders of the next generation, we are blaming them for our generation’s most conspicuous failures. Allan Bloom was typi- cal of the many recent critics who have condemned the young as vapid, lazy, selfish, complacent, self-seeking, materialistic, sm^- minded, apathetic, greedy, and, of course, Üliterate. E. D. Hirsch m his Cultural Literacy and Diane Ravitch and Chester E. hinn Jr. m their What Do Our Seventeen-Year-Olds Know? have lambasted tlie schoo s, the teachers, and the children for betraying the adult generation
  • 6. from which they were to inherit, the critics seemed confident, a precious culmral legacy. . , t , How this captious literature reeks of hypocrisy! How sanctimo- nious all the hand-wringing over stÜl another “education crisis seems. Are we ourselves really so literate? Are our kids stupid or sniart for ignoring what we preach and copying what we practice Ihe yoimg, with their keen noses for hypocrisy, are in fact adept readers but not of books. They are society-smart rather than school- smart, and what they read so acutely are the social signals emanating Irom the world m which they will have to make a living. Their teachers m that world, the nation’s true pedagogues, are television, adyertismg, movies, pohtics, and the celebrity domains they define. We prattle about deficient schools and the gullible youngsters tiiey mm out, so vulnerable to the siren song of drugs, but think nothing of letting t e advertisers into the classroom to fashion what sm Advertising Age essay calls “brand and product loyalties through classroom-centered, peer- powered Hfestyle patterning.” . , Our kids spend 900 hours a year in school (the ones who go to school) and from 1,200 to 1,800 hours a year in front of the television set. From which are they likely to learn more? Critics such as
  • 7. Hirsch and Ravitch want to find out what our seventeen-year-olds know, but it’s really pretty simple; they know exactly what our forty- seven-year- olds know and teach them by example—on television, in the hoard- room, around Washington, on Madison Avenue, in Hollywood. Ihe very first lesson smart kids learn is that it is much more important to heed what society teaches implicitly by its deeds and reward stmetures than what school teaches explicitly in its lesson plans and civic ser- Benjamin R. BaRBEK America Skips School • 149 mons. Here is a test for adults that may help reveal what the kids see when they look at our world. Real- World Cultural Literacy 1. According to television, having fun in America means a. going blond b. drinking Pepsi c. playing Nintendo d. wearing Air Jordans e. reading Mark Twain 2. A good way to prepare for a liigh-income career and to acquire status in our society is to a. win a slam-dunk contest b. take over a company and sell off its assets c. start a successful rock band
  • 8. d. earn a professional degree e. become a kindergarten teacher 3. Book publishers are financially rewarded today for publishing a. mega-cookbooks b. mega-cat books c. megabooks by Michael Crichton d. megabooks by John Grisham e. mini-books by Voltaire 4. A major California bank that advertised “no previous credit history required” in inviting Berkeley students to apply for Visa cards nonetheless turned down one group of applicants because a. their parents had poor credit histories b. they had never held jobs c. they had outstanding student loans d. they were “humanities majors” 5. Colleges and universities are financially rewarded today for a. supporting bowl-quality football games b. forging research relationships with large corporations c. sustaining professional programs in law and business d. stroking wealthy alumni e. fostering outstanding philosophy departments 6. Familiarity with Henry, IVPart II is likely to be of vital impor- tance in a. planning a corporate takeover b. evaluating budget cuts in the Department of Education c. initiating a medical-malpractice lawsuit 150 • Education
  • 9. d. writing an impressive job résumé e. taking a test on what our seventeen-year-olds know 7. To help the young learn that “history is a living thing,” Scholastic, Inc., a publisher of magazines and paper-backs, re- cently distributed to 40,000 junior and senior high school classrooms ■ rp, a. a complimentary video of the award-winmng series The Civil War b. free copies of Plato’s Dialogues c. an abridgment of Alexis Tocqueville’s Democracy in America d. a wall-size Periodic Table of the Elements e. gratis copies of Billy Joel’s hit single We Didn t Start the Fire” (which recounts history via a vaguely chronological hst of warbled celebrity names) 10 My sample of forty-seven-year-olds scored very well on the test. Not surprisingly, so did their seventeen-year-old children. (For each question, either the last entry is correct or all responses are correct ex- cept the last one.) The results of the test reveal again the deep hypocrisy that runs through our lamentations about education. The il- literacy of the young turns out to be our own reflected back to us with embarrassing force. We honor ambition, we reward ped, we cele- brate materialism, we worship acquisitiveness, we cherish success, and
  • 10. we commercialize the classroom—and then we bark at the young about the gentle arts of the spirit. We recommend history to the kids but rarely consult it ourselves. We make a fuss about ethics but are satisfied to see it taught as an “add-on,” as in “ethics in medicine” or “ethics in business”—as if Sunday morning in church could compen- sate for uninterrupted sinning from Monday to Saturday. The children are onto this game. They know that if we really val- ued schooling, we’d pay teachers what we pay stockbrokers; if we val- ued books, we’d spend a little something on the libraries so that adults could read, too; if we valued citizenship, we’d give national service and civic education more than pilot status; if we valued children, we woiddn’t let them be abused, manipulated, impoverished, and killed in their beds by gang-war cross fire and stray buUets. Schools can and should lead, but when they confront a society that in every instance tells a story exactly opposite to the one they are supposed to be teach- ing, their job becomes impossible. When the society undoes each wokday what the school tries to do each day, schoohng can’t make much of a difference.
  • 11. Benja.ML R. Barber America Skips School • 151 Inner-city children are not the only ones who are learning the wrong lessons. TV sends the same messages to everyone, and the success of Donald Trump, Pete Rose, Henry Kravis, or George Steinbrenner makes them potent role models, whatever their values. Teen dropouts are not blind; teen drug sellers are not deaf; teen col- lege students who avoid the humanities in favor of pre-business or pre-law are not stupid. Being apt pupils of reality, they learn their lessons well. If they see a man with a rubber arm and an empty head who can throw a ball at 95 miles per hour pulling down millions of dollars a year while a dedicated primary-school teacher is getting crumbs, they will avoid careers in teaching even if they can’t make the major leagues. If they observe their government spending up to $35,000 a year to keep a young black behind bars but a fraction of that to keep him in school, they will write off school (and probably write off blacks as well). Our children’s illiteracy is merely om own, which they assume with commendtible prowess. They know what we have taught them all too well; there is nothing in Homer or Virginia Woolf, in Shakespeare
  • 12. or Toni Morrison, that will advantage them in climbing to the top of the American heap. Academic credentials may stiU count, but school- ing in and of itself is for losers. Bookworms. Nerds. Inner-city rappers and fraternity-house wise guys are in full agreement about that. The point is to start pulling down the big bucks. Some kids just go into business earlier than others. Dropping out is the national pastime, if by dropping out we mean giving up the precious things of the mind and the spirit in which America shows so little interest and for which it offers so little payback. While the professors argue about whether to teach the ancient Iiistory of a putatively white Athens or the ancient history of a putatively black Egypt, the kids are watching televised po- litical campaigns driven by mindless image-mongering and inflamma- tory polemics that ignore history altogether. Why, then, are we so sur- prised when oiu students dismiss the debate over the origins of civUization, whether Eurocentric or Afrocentric, and concentrate on cash-and-carry careers? Isn’t the choice a tribute not to their igno- rance but to their adaptive intelhgence? Although we can hardly be proud of ourselves for what we are teaching them, we should at least be proud of them for how well they’ve learned our lessons.
  • 13. Not all Americans have stopped caring about the schools, how- ever. In the final irony of the educational endgame, cynictd entrepre- neurs like Chris Whittle are insinuating television into the classroom itself, bribing impoverished school boards by offering free TV sets on which they can show advertising for children—sold to sponsors at 752 • Education toc WViittlp the mergers and acquisitions mogul of educa education? Or is he helping to “3'for :Sr„rd“"b; Whi«.e-, la.ea. enticpreneurial ve„- " '^tfdrspend 40 pe'r "nÄr^y" "^.Ter^Äo»2 Lertisrig canh at-;rg" “h. yo-8 really to be bWd C&entfoLai— “‘‘;"“ir»ï"e W “«nona .hi government’s -Prit;;;'*”- '"f can agree ti... «e should ef »““ T’Bn. wZtAmSd thTglkrf tb^cZr^m be? In recent years it hS b»n fashionable to define the educational crisis m terms of glofad n and — ^n^^S'
  • 14. “»“¿iSrA'rimstiiation has leaned to«rd dds approach, u„- íL'trr=:io“"-“‘ r r'■ Th^'claim that all men are born free, upon which America was iTowtclililn ie “^^uTfrlelm^^^^^ if rail. Medded in families, clans, Benjamin R. Bakber America Skips School • 153 communities, and nations, we must learn to be free. We may be natu- ral consumers and born narcissists, but citizens have to be made. Liberal-arts education actually means education in the arts of liberty; the “servile arts” were the trades learned by unfree men in the Middle Ages, the vocational education of their day. Perhaps this is why Thomas Jefferson preferred to memorialize his founding of the University of Virginia on his tombstone rather than his two terms as president; it is certainly why he -viewed his Bill for the More General Diffusion of Knowledge in Virginia as a centerpiece of his career (al- though it failed passage as legislation—^times were perhaps not so dif- ferent). John Adams, too, boasted regularly about Massachusetts’s high literacy rates and publicly funded education. Jefferson and Adams both understood that the Bill of Rights of- fered little protection in a nation -without informed citizens.
  • 15. Once edu- cated, however, a people was safe from even the subtlest tyrannies. Jefferson’s democratic proclmties rested on his conviction that educa- tion could turn a people into a safe refuge—indeed “the only safe de- pository” for the ultimate powers of society. “Cherish therefore the spirit of our people,” he wrote to Edward Carrington in 1787, “and keep alive their attention. Do not be severe upon their errors, but re- claim them by enhghtening them. If once they become inattentive to pubhc affairs, you and I and Congress and Assemblies, judges and governors, shall all become wolves.” The logic of democracy begins with public education, proceeds to informed citizenship, and comes to fruition in the securing of rights and liberties. We have been nominally democratic for so long that we presume it is our natural condition rather than the product of persist- ent effort and tenacious responsibility. We have decoupled rights from civic responsibihties and severed citizenship from education on the false assumption that citizens just happen. We have forgotten that the “public”'in public schools means not just paid for by the public but procreative of the very idea of a public. Public schools are how
  • 16. a pub- lic—a citizenry—-is forged and how young, selfish individuals turn into conscientious, community-minded citizens. Among the several Hteracies that have attracted the anxious atten- tion of commentators, civic literacy has been the least -visible. Yet this is the frmdamental literacy by which we live in a ci-vil society. It en- compasses the competence to participate in democratic commimities, the ability to think critically and act -with deliberation in a pluralistic world, and the empathy to identify sufficiently with others to live with them despite conflicts of interest and differences in character. At the 154 • Education most elementary level, what our children suffer from most, whether thcv’re hurhng racial epithets from fraternity porches or shooting one another down in schoolyards, is the absence of civility. Security guards and metal detectors are poor surrogates for civility, and they make our schools look increasinglv like prisons (though they may be less sale than prisons). Jefferson thought schools would produce free men: we
  • 17. prove him right by putting dropouts in jail. , , . • Civility is a work of the imagination, for it is through the imagina- tion that we render others sufficiently like ourselves for them to be- come subjects of tolerance and respect, if not always affection. Democracy is anvthing but a “natural” form of association. It is an ex- traordinary and'rare contrivance of cultivated imagination. Give the uneducated the right to participate in making collective decisions, and what results is not democracy but, as best, mob rule; the government of private prejudice once known as the tjTanny of opinion, for Jefferson, the difference between the democratic temperance he ad- mired in agrarian America and the rule of the rabble he condemned when viewing the social unrest of Europe’s teeming cities was quite simply education. Madison had hoped to “filter” out popular passion through the device of representation. Jeferson saw m education a filter that could be installed within each individual, giving to each the ca- pacity to rule prudently. Education creates a ruling aristocracy con- strained by temperance and wisdom; when that education is pub ic and universal, it is an aristocracy to which all can belong. At its best, the American dream of a free and equal society governed by judicious
  • 18. citizens has been this dream of an aristocracy of everyone. To dream this dream of freedom is easy, but to secure it is diflicult as weU as expensive. Notwithstanding their lamentations, Americans do not appear ready to pay the price. There is no magic bullet for edu- cation. But I no longer can accept that the problem lies m the lack ot consensus about remedies—in a dearth of solutions. There is no short- age of debate over how to repair our educational infrastructure. National standards or more local control? Vouchers or better pub ic schools? More parental involvement or more teacher autonomy.? A greater federal presence (only 5 or 6 percent of the nation’s education budget is federally funded) or fairer local school taxes? More multicul- tural diversity or more emphasis on what Americans share in com- mon? These are honest disputes. But I am convinced that the problem is simpler and more fundamental. Twenty years ago, writer and ac- tivist Frances Moore Lappé captured the essence of the world food cri- sis when she argued that starvation was caused not by a scarcity ot R. Barber America Skips School • 155 food but by a global scarcity in democracy. The education crisis has
  • 19. the same genealogy. It stems from a dearth of democracy; an absence of democratic will and a consequent refusal to take our children, our schools, and our future seriously. Most educators, even while they quarrel among themselves, will agree that a genuine commitment to any one of a number of different solutions could help enormously. Most agree that although monev can’t by itself solve problems, without money few problems can be solved. Money also can’t win wars or put men in space, but it is tlie crucial facilitator. It is also how America has traditionally announced. We are serious about this! If we were serious, we would raise teachers’ salaries to levels that would attract the best young professionals in our society: starting lawyers get from $70,000 to $80,000—why don’t starting kinder- garten teachers get the same? Is their role in vouchsafing our future less significant? And although there is evidence suggesting that an in- crease in general educational expenditures doesn’t translate automati- cally into better schools, there is also evidence that an increase aimed specifically at instructional service does. Can we really take in earnest the chattering devotion to excellence of a country so wedded in
  • 20. prac- tiee to mediocrity, a nation so ready to relegate teachers— conservators of our common future—to the professional backwaters? If we were serious, we would upgrade physieal facilities so that every school met the minimum standards of our better suburban insti- tutions. Good buildings do not equal good education, but can anv edu- cation at all take place in leaky, broken-down habitats of the kind de- scribed by Jonathan Kozol in his Savage Inequalities? If money is not a critical factor, why are our most suecessfid suburban school districts funded at nearly twice tlie level of our inner-citv schools? Bemg even at the starting line cannot guarantee that the runners will win or even finish the race, hut not being even prettv much assures failure. We would rectify the balance not by penalizing wealthier communities but by bringing poorer communities up to standard, perhaps by finding other sources of funding for our schools besides property taxes. If we were serious, we’d extend the sehool year bv a month or two so that learning could take place throughout the year. We’d re- duce class size (which means more teachers) and nurture more coop- erative learning so that kids could become actively responsible for their own education and that of their classmates. Perhaps most
  • 21. im- portant, we’d raise standards and make teachers and students re- sponsible for them. There are two ways to breed suecess: to lower 156 • Education Standards so that everybody “passes” in a way that loses all “waning in the real world; and to raise standards and then meet them, so that school success translates into success beyond the classroom, r Confucian China to Imperial England, great success in the world upon an education of in a democracy is to find a way to maintain excellence while extend ™ ^Meachers, and studen. wo^d be the real players while administrators, politicians, an ®be “ary, a, bee, advieere whoee chief skill ought ,o be kuo™g when and h^f to facilitate the work of teachers and then get out of the war« the Democrats can clean up federal go.emment bureaucr.t^y (thi Gore plan), perhaps we can do the same for educationa^ ** ^de L n'^w up Í half of the cty’s ç«chers company headquarters? Half the cops at »««of »““ f “ * working force in the assistant manager s office? Once the teachers m back in the classroom, they will need to be S™ “>ore aiuouomy,
  • 22. m professional responsibihty for the success or 'f ““ »'f And oarents will have to be drawn in not just because they have rig m th^are poMcaUy potent but because they have respoust- Uhïrànd tSir chhdreu are unlikely to learn without parental en- gagement. How to define the parental role in the classroom would be- come serious business for educators. Timps are tough Some Americans will say this is unrea istic ^ am to § money’s short and the public is fed up with almost aU of its puhhc m stitutfons: the schools are just one more frustratmg With aU the goodwill in the world, it is still hard to know ow sc Z l that stem from the failme of »» Y tions Saving we want education to come first won t put it tost. , aLLI, however, has historically been able to sets its mind to. When we wish it and wiU it, what we wish and will has hanoened Our successes are willed; our failures seem to happen whe Sriient. There are.nf course, dtose who benefit from th.^ runtcv of pubUc education and the failure of democracy. But the blLe is n? greater than our own: in a world where domg nothmg has such dire consequences, complacency has become a greater sm ““ÏÏme, whenever we have known why we were fighting and believed in the cause, we have f its, we are consummate salespersons and efficacious entrepreneurs.
  • 23. BenjAìVIIìN' R. Barber America Skips School • 157 Because we love sports, ours are the dream teams. Why can’t a Chicago junior high school be as good as the Chicago Bulls? Because we cherish individuality and mobility, we have created a magnificent (if costly) car culture and the world’s largest automotive consumer market. Even as our lower schools are among the worst in the Western world, our graduate institutions are among the very best be- cause professional training in medicine, law, and technology is vital to our ambitions and because corporate America backs up state and fed- eral priorities in this crucial domain. Look at the things we do well and observe how very well we do them: those are the things that as a nation we have willed. Then observe what we do badly and ask yomself. Is it because the challenge is too great? Or is it because, finally, we aren’t really serious? Would we will an end to the carnage and do whatever it took— more cops, state militias, federal marshals, the Marines?—if the dying chil- dren were white and middle class? Or is it a disdain for the young— white, brown, and black—that inures us to the pain? Why are we so sensitive to the retirees whose future (however foreshortened) we are
  • 24. quick to guarantee—don’t worry, no reduced cost-of-Uving allow- ances, no taxes on social secmity except for the well-off—and so cal- lous to the young? Have you noticed how health care is on every politi- cian’s agenda and education on no one’s? To me, the conclusion is inescapable: we are not serious. We have given up on the public schools because we have given up on the kids; and we have given up on the kids because we have given up on the fu- ture—perhaps because it looks too multicolored or too dim or too hard. “Liberty,” said Jean-Jacques Rousseau, “is a food easy to eat but hard to digest.” America is suffering from a bad case of indigestion. Finally, in giving up on the future, we have given up on democracy. Certainly there wiU be no liberty, no equaUty, no social justice without democracy, and there will be no democracy without citizens and the schools that forge civic identity and democratic responsibility. If I am wrong (I’d like to be), my error will be easy to discern, for before the year is out we wiU put education first on the nation’s agenda. We will put it ahead of the deficit, for if the future is finished before it starts, the deficit doesn’t matter. Ahead of defense, for without democracy,
  • 25. what liberties wiU be left to defend? Ahead of all the other public is- sues and public goods, for without public education there can be no public and hence no truly public issues or public goods to advance. When the polemics are spent and we are through hyperventilating about the crisis in education, there is only one question worth asking: J 58 * Education ■ ? If WP are we can begin by honoring that old folk hom- üy rdpmoi money wU for much too long our common Amencan mouth has been. Our kids, for once, might be gratef • Questions for Discussion What does Barber’s title, "America Skips School,” mean, m light of H!m you describe *e debate drat Barber is a par, ot? Wha. are dt. Other positions in the debate? Jehome Stern What They Learn in School • 159 Jerome Stern taught English and Creative Writing at Florida State University for many years until his death in 1996. He wrote about the craft of fiction writing ^Making Shapely Fiction^ and edited
  • 26. collections of short stories ('Micro Fiction: An Antliology of Really Short Storiesj. He was also a frequent contributor of commentary to National Public Radio; many of those pieces were collected in Radios: Short Takes on Life and Culture (1997). The following “monologue” aired March 17, 1989, on National Public Radios All Things Considered. It was later reprinted in Harper’s magazine. Jerome Stern What They Learn in School In the schools now, they want them to know all about marijuana, crack, heroin, and amphetamines. Because then they won’t be interested in marijuana, crack, heroin, and amphetamines. But they don’t want to tell them anything about sex because if the schools tell them about sex, then they will be interested in sex. But if the schools don’t tell them anything about sex. Then they will have high morals and no one wiU get pregnant, and everything will be all right. And they do want them to know a lot about computers so they
  • 27. will outcompete the Japanese, But they don’t want them to know anything about real science be- cause then they will lose their faith and become secular humanists, And they do want them to know aU about this great land of ours so they will be patriotic. But they don’t want them to learn about the tragedy and pain in its real history because then they wiU be critical about this great land of ours and we wiU be passively taken over by a foreign power. And they want them to learn how to think for themselves so they can get good jobs and be successful. But they don’t want them to have books that confront them with re¿J ideas because that wUl confuse their values. And they’d Uke them to be good parents. r I I I Í
  • 28. I [| i ■* i' i! " 1 i 1 I ■ - -.*■*» Í jÄ.aJ, J r s '*5. * g* ^ Mt, j ' £- if iws” !! i a: • ■■ Essential Issues, Essential Texts s ri Jack Selzer The Pennsylvania Stale University . I ' I. r PENGUIN AGAaiäMlCS «. * , I
  • 29. New York Boston San Francisco London Toronto Sydney Tokyo Singapore Madrid Mexico City Munich Paris Cape Town Hong Kong Montreal 1SÎ ■“ -