1. 1
An exploratory study of Chor Bazaars’ historic development
and tribal kiosk-owners in the vicinity of Jama Masjid
Submitted By:
Mayank Singh
B. A. (Hons) Sociology
Department of Sociology, Jamia Millia Islamia
Research Guide: Dr. Neshat Quaisar
Part of the Final Year Field Project
April, 2015, New Delhi
2. 2
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my sincere thanks to Professor (Dr.) Neshat Quaisar, for his
inspiring guidance and encouragement to take over this topic as my field project in the final
year.
A special thank to Dr. Pradyuman Bag for introducing me to in-depth concept of
undertaking research work. At same time, Dr. Manoj Kumar Jena and Dr. Martin
Kamodang deserve my sincere appreciation for explaining me basics and dynamics of
research work in a simple language.
I would like to mention Mr. Siddharth Singh (my father), whose constant support and
supervision helped me not only to accomplish this work well in time but also understand
importance of ethics and value of each interview and each information whilst writing report.
Dr. R. V. Smith has been a true inspiration with his unique work and passionate association
with Delhi.
Last but not the least, this study acknowledges and salutes to its all respondents who spare
time for the interviews and whole heartedly shared their knowledge and understanding
about this subject.
Mayank Singh
New Delhi
3. 3
Disclaimer
This study is part of an academic curriculum of final year of B.A. (Hons) Sociology. The
opinion and views expressed in this document do not necessary reflect the views and
opinions of the Department of Sociology or any other institution.
At every level of this work, researcher had been sensitive to the cross-cultural settings and
importance of ethical considerations. Information and data was captured for this study has
been kept as coded material, which no one has access.
I hereby declare that this work is an authentic work with extensive field level data
collection, thematic data analysis and generation of essential report. This report has no
intention to target any particular individual or group of individual and their religious and
social beliefs.
Mayank Singh
New Delhi
4. 4
Introduction
Background
This exploratory study was undertaken as part of the final year field project under the
guidance of Professor (Dr.) Neshat Quaisar, Department of Sociology, Jamia Millia Islamia.
A process for this study was commenced with a submission of a concept note that outlined
with elaborated concept, contexts and methodology in the line of its key objectives of the
field project. A series of relevant available literature was searched and drafted to guide its
tools and data collection.
Upon approval of the concept note data collection was done with interviews of key
respondents including kiosk, hawkers, shopkeepers and well aware locals who shared their
rich observations, experiences and knowledge during the data collection. In addition, a
series of filed observations were done on Sundays during Chor Bazaar to collect relevant
information as primary source of information for supporting overall data collection. Total
20 key informants were contacted randomly following convenient sampling method.
Study tools
Each interview began with an ‘informed consent’, which provided the researcher an
opportunity to inform respondents about content, objectives, time and privacy of their
personal identities. The questionnaire consisted following sections:
Section A: Demographic information
Section B: Bazaar Structure
Section C: History of Bazaar
Interview schedule and the field observation consisted of questions designed to capture
qualitative responses. Consistent crosscheck referencing was used to realign collected
information and data and analysis in different themes relevant to the study.
Study hypothesis
The following are some of my hypothesis;
1. H1: All these antiques are acquired by these to people from posh colonies discarded
goods to further sell;
2. H2: These kiosk holders do not have any information about the antique or any product
which they are selling;
3. H3: There are still some of the real thieves in the market who come and sell;
4. H4: These tribal communities have been there since the inception of the market;
5. 5
Study aims and objectives
1. To find the source of the goods which can be old as well as modern but both of them are
not easily available in the market, without paying a big price it is hard to own them.
2. To find the reason why does the gujrati’s and gujjar’s community come to this market
from their hometown, and if they come why don’t they do any business other than
selling used goods.
3. To find the basis of the market how does it function, who controls it and how does it
mechanizes?
4. Despite from being an illegal market how does it survived the strict rules and
regulations of the capital?
5. Are they aware about the actual market value of the commodity?
Scope and Limitations
1. Scope:
a. This study design will guide a process of documenting an account of ‘Chor
Bazaar’.
b. The findings will only capture responses from various shopkeepers in the market
c. An attempt will be made to construct the dimensions of the market, how does it
works, how does it functions?
2. Limitation:
a. Considering the nature of target group, it is not easy to achieve the targeted
number of respondents, especially those who are not ready to share information
of any sort.
b. Achieving 30 respondents may or may not be difficult but trust factor would be a
hurdle.
6. 6
Study Design and Method
In the context of this study, an exploratory approach was chosen to document ethnographic
record of Chor Bazaar, and its changing patterns, contexts and the location of the ‘Chor
Bazaar’ and individuals in transition phase in a heterogeneous setting. It is fairly a subject
matter to examine how this illegal markets has flourished over the past decades in the heart
of the capital.
Some Tribal communities like Gujjar’s and from Gujarat are depended on the bazaar for
their living for several years to say, Other than them some indigenous people also amongst
the shopkeepers of the bazaar. Gujrati’s are the ones who are keeping the Barter system and
its traditions alive even today.
Chor Bazar or thieves’ market is said to sell mostly second-hand goods rather than stolen
goods. The market is now famous for antique and vintage items, these stolen stuff are sold
and bought with a nonchalant air on the part of the seller and buyer. Nevertheless, from the
cheapest to the most expensive goods are available in the market. This is the king of all
unorganized markets in the city. Everything from designer clothes to antiques, to jewelry,
pirated software, electronics and even stolen car parts, sold at astounding prices. This
market is not a place for everyone but only the hardcore thrift store junkies.
This study, hence, aims at exploring lives of such people and their communities to know and
realize the lifestyles and the source from which they encounter such goods? Why do they
sell only used goods? How this market came into existence? Milieu of the study goes like
this.
The sociological aspect of this market is uncovered, where it is evident to note that a
majority of families have proper living facilities except few who spend their nights in the
shelter home and days in the market.
Injustice has been done to some of the shopkeepers for who do not sell stolen goods
exception kept aside, As the Name suggests “Chor” means ‘thieve’ or in this case market of
stolen goods this is not actually true as it does not do justice to the shopkeepers who also
sell brand new products, antiques and unstolen items like a normal market, of course with
some very unique items of Mughals days.
During the past century, have undergone frequent shifts in different direction because of its
characteristics. However, the most consistent characteristic of this market is the prominent
figures of markets witnessed by the people.
7. 7
Proposed Methodology
The proposed study design has following major components:
a. Study tools and instruments
§ Secondary Data: A review of the article by R.V. Smith, the chronicler, “the shoe
stealers”, and his book “the Delhi that no knows” and other than that an article on
the Delhiwala on the Chor Bazaar, ‘Chor bazaar myths and reality’. Most of the
literature available revolves around the topic but very less material is available on
the bazaar.
§ Primary Data: Mostly the primary data is extracted from different sources
different people from the vicinity of the Jama Masjid. Majority of the information is
dependent on the anecdotal sources because there’s no as such any documented
history or any kind of Book describing its dimensions and features.
§ Questionnaire: A quasi-structured interview questionnaire was employed to
extract out the information.
b. Methodology
The proposed study methodology is comprised of following ways:
§ Participant Observation: This method for data collection will be used because
participation is required to know how, what, where do they get these goods from?
For quantitative data collected with help of the semi-structured ‘interview-guide’,
grids will be used to stipulate results in line with the overall aims & objectives and
key questions.
§ Report: The draft report will be disseminated among the different sites of this
evaluation for feedback and inputs before a final report will be prepared.
c. Study Sites and Sampling
The proposed study covered 20 interviews a the following sites:
1. Meena Bazaar
2. Chor Bazaar
3. Raghuveer Nagar
4. Kucha Pandit
5. Haji Hotel
6. Nai Sarak
8. 8
Literature Review
The topic itself is untouched and uncovered. No academic account is available so far
particularly describing the characteristic of Chor Bazaar. This study is an attempt to
capture responses and touch upon this topic in its full length and to document its significant
history in the context of contemporary world to bridge the non-existent research work for a
better understanding of the development and socio-economic change that occurred in the
Chor Bazaar. Although every other reading available focused on Delhi as a whole not this
market exclusively.
Review of literature is accomplished with “The Delhi That No One Knows” by R.V. Smith,
Online article: The Chor bazaar myths and reality, Twilight in Delhi by Ahmed Ali, The
Delhiwalla blog by Mayank Austen Soofi, and Delhi: A Novel by Khushwant Singh. These
accounts are mostly focused on the Delhi city as a whole not any particular market or any
monument is emphasized.
R.V. Smith in his book elaborates about the secret hidden places in Delhi, which are not
widely known. This is an unconventional introduction to the City of Delhi. The legends,
myths and folklore surrounding its monuments and delightful tales give this Book its
unique appeal. The Second chapter on Shahjahanabad (old name of Delhi prospered in the
reign of Shahjahan) tells some of the hints on the bazaar.
But it does reflect what could have been the society back then. And as some of the parts
suggests that it did not came up as a market or bazaar in the reign of Shahjahan but the
name came from the cheats and spoils who used to sell stolen things around the boundary of
the majestic Red Fort. As per the sources a little is known about the market.
From Mughal Period it prospered upto1857 and then lost its charm. But again in 1947 after
the Partition it regained popularity through its contemporary outfit. The painful and
blooded history of the Partition has many angles and it affected the lives of many people
shifting over place to place, taking shelter in kiosks and loosely tied tents. And in this
process a lot of the belonging were left in their own houses which were looted by the
encroachers and refugees who were allotted those houses. These goods were sold in the
Chor Bazaar at low prices (Smith; 1997).
After India gained Independence, this bazaar continued to flourish, moreover after that it
started in front of the Victoria Zenana Hospital (Now Kasturba Hospital) facing Edward
Park (which now is Netaji Park) stretching upto Darya Ganj the around late 1950’s,
attracting a variety of ethnicity in the market because of various utility products. Anything
from a needle to an elephant was, so to say, available in Chor bazaar says the chronicler R.V.
Smith. Many high-profile people also came to taste the mixed spicy curry of Karim hotel
after a visit to chor bazaar. Eccentric personalities, journalist, painters, and musicians also
came here. Cartoonist like Sudhir Dar were also spotted by Smith. Gujjar tribals were
9. 9
among the main attraction in the market. For a very long period female Gujjars were the
popular sellers of elixirs and raptile (sanda) oil, which is also reputed to be an aphrodisiac.
Ahmad Ali (one of the walking Encyclopedias on Delhi, and the author of Twilight in Delhi)
was a sheer genius when it came to the history of the city, being a bureaucrat he was posted
in China at the time of the Partition but never showed up to witness the condition of his
parental home in Old Delhi’s Kutcha Pandit and instead went to Karachi, fearing the sight
of his loving house burnt and looted in communal riots. But nothing of this sort happened
and in the end Prof. Ali’s belonging was slowly sold in the in famous Chor Bazaar by his
faithful servant to earn a living and so the author lost his precious collection of rare books,
as per R.V. Smith.
As the Name suggests “Chor” means thief or in this case market of stolen goods this is not
actually true as it does not do justice to the shopkeepers who also sell brand new products,
antiques and un-stolen items like a normal market, of course with some very unique items of
Mughals days.
“Apne jooton se rahein sare namazi hoshiar,
Ek buzurgh atey hain masjid mein Khizr ki surat”
(Those who come to offer namaaz should take care of the shoes.
An old man with the countenance of Hazrat Khizr comes and, impliedly steals them).
This couplet by Altaf Hussain Hali (1837-1914) who had the good fortune of meeting
Ghalib as he was one one of the poet’s admirer. He happened to be the grandfather of
Khwaja Ahmed Abbas the progressive writer and film director. Perhaps Hali had a bad
experience of having his shoes stolen a masjid, which he left in the care of an old man but
while coming back he neither found the shoes nor the old man. Around the late 19th century
when this incident is said to have occurred, a gang of four men was caught at the Jama
Masjid for stealing shoes.
Haji Zahooruddin, who was born a year or two prior to the death of the Queen Victoria in
1901 was the witness of the preceding generation. He used to recall how his father and
grandfather, Maulvi Rajab Ali and Munshi Turab Ali, had already solved the mysterious
stealing from the masjid. They both watched from a house opposite the mosque (now Haji
Hotel). The Detective work did not go unrewarded, and they were able to track down the
thieves. One would put a fish hook into a shoe, and another, hiding under a blanket some
distance away, would pull the string so that it landed in a basket. The third man would
carry the shoes some distance and hand them over to the fourth thief, who would then take
them to the market for resale (Chor Bazaar).
Mohammad Mian Akbar, who was a known shoe merchant of Ballimaran and of Agra’s New
Shoe Market, caught two men in 1960’s who (like local shoemakers) had come to his shop
with a whole basketful of them for sale. Akbar Bhai’s trained eye saw through the deception
10. 10
and had both men arrested. They later confessed having stolen over 100 pairs of shoes and
selling them in Chor bazaar.
A dense crowd of different ethnicities bargaining over thousands of goods ranging from
electronic, old books, antiques, old gramophones, LP records, and black & white television
to even motorcycle and car spare parts. And all these products do not come with the tag of
guarantee on it, which is often described in a Hindi-Urdu phrase (Chalega toh chand tak varna
chand minute tak bhi nahi chalega). Keeping your dignity aside, you travel from stall to stall,
kiosk to kiosk feeling guilty, coy and utterly effervescent at the same time as the market
offers countless items.
But the Current discourse of the market is quite similar in the format but there has been a
shift from one place to another for a long time it was held near Rajghat but then it came
back to the outer complex of Meena bazaar and still lies there. The Gujjars are now
replaced by some of the Gujrati community, which are better known for their barter
exchange of cooking utensils in exchange of old clothes. And these clothes are further sold
in the Chor Bazaar. Gujarati community in Delhi resides in Raghuveer Nagar with
thousands of their kind living here for over three generations. Apart from this a large part
of the market is still owned by the local population from around the vicinity of Jama Masjid,
which are mainly Muslims, and these are also sharing the market with Gujjars and Gujratis
for many years.
Nowadays Chor Bazaar gets merge into the Sunday bazaar, which includes Darya Ganj
book market and the other part of Sunday bazaar on the road going to Chandi Chowk in
front of Red fort. One is supposed to cross the narrow lanes near red fort parking to reach
the market.
As a mark of respect a restaurant in Hotel Braodway in Darya Ganj is named after Chor
Bazaar which is “Chor Bizarre” believed to be serving the food in the cutlery and utensils
brought from Chor Bazaar.
After India gained Independence, this bazaar continued to flourish, moreover after that it
started in front of the Victoria Zenana Hospital (Now Kasturba Hospital) facing Edward
Park (which now is Netaji Park) stretching upto Darya Ganj the around late 1950’s,
attracting a variety of ethnicity in the market because of various utility products. Anything
from a needle to an elephant was, so to say, available in Chor Bazaar says the chronicler
R.V. Smith.
Eccentric personalities, journalist, painters, and musicians also came here. In addition, some
of the renowned cartoonists like Sudhir Dar used to be spotted in this market from time to
time. Gujjar tribals were among the main attraction in the market. For a very long period
female Gujjars were the popular sellers of elixirs and raptile (sanda) oil, which is also
reputed to be an aphrodisiac says the chronicler smith.
In the Mughal era, thieves and cheats sold their spoils in this market - earning its name -
11. 11
Chor Bazaar, or so the legend goes (The Delhiwalla; Online blog).
‘The Gujrati’s and Gujjar’s have played an important role as they have always been the
attraction of the market. Currently many of the shop owners are the part of this market”
says Abdul, a shop owner.
It is seemingly true from the analysis of the literature and that ample of knowledge is
present about the city but very less is known about the market as such. I would like to
initiate this study to scratch out the knowledge, which is not available, so this market lies in
the research gap.
Chor bazaar is usually alive on Sunday morning till evening. And not only Sundays but
every day of the week, weekly bazaar (market) are very popular. In Delhi itself the ‘capital’
turnover of these market are in crores and it’s the so-called grey market.
12. 12
Study Findings
Demographic
Among 20 respondents, 8 (40%) were from Delhi and 8 (40%) from Kari and Sunder Nagar
in Gujarat. In addition, 2 (20%) were buyers and remaining 2 (20%) were respondents from
the locality who knew about ‘Chor Bazaar’. Among 16 respondents, all Gujaratis live in
Raghuveer Nagar [West Delhi] and respondents live in Seelampur (East Delhi).
The recruited respondents for this field project were in the age group of 30 to 60 years.
Among all respondents, 80% reported this work as their primary source of income to
support their families.
History of Chor Bazaar
Hustling and bustling narrow lanes of old Delhi market facing the majestic old red fort
cutting across the main road going to Chandni Chowk, leads to the infamous Chor Bazaar
spreading over in the complex of Meena Bazaar in the outer complex of Jamia Masjid,
Although since its inception the location have been continuously shifted one place to
another. The market is lively only on Sunday during early morning till late afternoon.
In the Mughal era, thieves and cheats sold their spoils in this market - earning its name -
Chor Bazaar, or so the legend goes. And it is also believed that this market once sold the
aged Haram girls from Mughal Darbar. As per the sources a little is known about the
market. From Mughal Period it prospered upto1857 and then lost its charm. But again in
1947 after the Partition it regained popularity. The painful and blooded history of the
Partition has many angles and it affected the lives of many people shifting over place to
place, taking shelter in kiosks and loosely tied tents. And in this process a lot of the
belonging were left in their own houses which were looted by the encroachers and refugees
who were allotted those houses. These goods were sold in the Chor bazaar at low prices.
Different level of information and knowledge was reported during the interviews about the
history of ‘Chor Bazaar’.
Some of the respondents mentioned that “after partition of India in 1947, when refugees
from Pakistan entered in the Walled City of Delhi, the concerned department allotted
houses to them to live in here”. Anecdotal sources reported that majority of those people
found many goods (such as silver utensils, radios, television and antique items etc.) in those
houses, which were not immediately useful to them at first place; they sold such goods in
the bazaar to get some money. Hence a bazaar took a shape in the east of Jama Masjid close
to the Parade Ground (which is known as Subhash Park).
13. 13
Source: http://www.delhiheritagecity.org/shahjahanabad.php
After few years of existence there then government shifted Chor Bazaar to a narrow lane in
front of Victoria Zenana1 Hospital (now known as Kasturba Gandhi Hospital). After few
years the Chor Bazaar was shifted to another place due to the heavy traffic jams. The new
place was behind the Red Fort from the corner of the Ghatta Masjid2 to the Yamuna
Bridge3.
As part of precautious measures towards numbers of security threats from the separatists,
Chor Bazaar was relocated at Valley Yamuna Drum Road, near ITO area where it stayed
there until Delhi staged the Commonwealth Games. Then Chor Bazaar was brought back to
Darya Gang from Darya Ganj Kotwali (Police Station) to the corner of Subhash Park.
1
In
Urdu
language
Zenana
means
women.
2
Zeenat-‐ul-‐Masjid/Ghatta
Masjid
(1707
AD):
In
Shahjahanabad,
on
the
banks
of
the
river
Yamuna,
a
mosque
named
Zeenat-‐ul-‐Nishan
was
built
by
the
daughter
of
emperor
Aurangzeb
in
1710
AD.
This
mosque
was
built
of
red
stones
and
each
of
its
three
domes,
were
made
up
of
marble.
Along
with
the
domes,
this
mosque
also
has
two
tall
minarets,
seven
doors,
with
the
biggest
in
the
centre
and
smaller
ones
on
either
side.
In
early
days,
this
mosque
had
a
pond
in
its
premise,
which
currently
lies
dried
up.
Zeenat-‐ul-‐Nishan,
during
the
Mughal
period
was
known
for
its
beauty.
The
two
striking
features
were
that
it
was
on
the
bank
of
a
river
and
around
it,
there
was
no
other
building.
The
whole
mosque
was
visible
from
very
far.
This
mosque
was
built
at
about
30
yards
from
the
wall
of
the
town.
It
was
built
at
a
height
of
14
feet
on
a
chair.
The
south
door
was
towards
the
Ghat
door
on
the
wall
of
the
Shahjahanabad.
The
door
on
the
north
side
is
covered
now.
The
main
door
to
enter
the
mosque
was
through
the
south
door.
In
both
these
doors,
24
pats
were
there.
The
mosque’s
sahan
(courtyard)
was
150
feet
long
and
115
feet
wide.
Mosque
was
150
feet
long
and
60
feet
wide
and
the
chair
is
4
feet
high.
(Source:
http://olddelhiheritage.in/zeenat-‐ul-‐masjid-‐1119-‐hizri-‐1707-‐ad/)
3
The
Iron/steel
Old
Yamuna
Bridge:
It
had
built
by
British
Administration,
still
standing
however
its
working
time
period
has
already
expired
but
still
it
is
in
working
condition,
rust
free,
it
is
a
sample
of
intelligent
and
quality
architecture.
(Source:
http://www.timesofindiatravel.com/delhi-‐new-‐delhi.html)
14. 14
A majority of the respondents clearly mentioned that Chor Bazaar is not selling stolen
goods, rather it provides an outlet for people to sell the goods that they donot need in their
houses. We have seen from rare books, to the very basic items such as used clothes and
shoes are sold here, and people who cannot afford to buy them at their original prices come
here and buy them at reasonable and acceptable prices.
This bazaar is known as Chor Bazaar, because there is a well-recognized Chor Bazaar in
Mumbai, which purely sells stolen goods. However in the context of Delhi, it is not fair to
name it as Chor Bazaar because it has nothing stolen to sell. Although in the modern
context bazaar has a new dynamic, every Sunday expensive things are sold at low prices,
which is affordable to poor people.
During the British era, Britishers locked down the Fatehpuri Masjid and Jama Masjid
reason being the anti British meet by Indians used to held in it. Munshi Rajab Ali4 requested
the Britishers for 5-6 years to end the lock down. The Namaaz got resume in both the
masjid during. Maghrib Namaaz5 in Jama Masjid, shoes from masjid started to disappear.
Munshi caught a well-dressed man carrying a cage with a curtain over it and shoes inside it
instead of birds.
One of the respondents conversantly mentioned that this bazaar is known as Chor
Bazaar because of an incident in which a contemporary Moghul Emperor6 lost one
of his extravagantly expensive belongings. He ordered his sepoys ton organize a
bazaar by inviting people to sell their expensive belongings. This way his sepoys
managed to get that stolen belonging back.
The Chor Bazaar is a weekly market, which is held only on Sunday because it has been a
common holiday since British Rule. As per the source suggest that the Britishers with the
help of locals used to sell their goods such as antiques and books in the variant of this
market.
The second aspect of Chor Bazaar has a vast subject matter to examine in the relevance of
sociological characteristic of this study. As per the field observations done on different time-
slots it was evident that more than half of total kiosks owned by the Gujaratis. In this study,
40% of the respondents were recruited with an objective to explore their association with
the Chor Bazaar. All of them mentioned that they are a community known as deviputra7. In
4
Munshi
Rajab
Ali
was
one
of
the
Kotwal
in
british
raj.
And
Great
Grand
father
to
the
owner
Haji
Mian
of
Haji
Hotel
facing
Jama
Masjid.
5
Evening
namaz.
6
Most
likely
the
respondent
referred
to
the
last
Moghul
Emperor
Bahadur
Shah
Zafar
[earlier
it
was
not
difficult
for
thieves
to
steal
anything]
and
in
the
history
this
point
of
time
is
known
as
‘gardee
ka
waqt’,
which
means
power
vacuum.
This
vacuum
was
started
during
the
reign
of
Muhammed
Shah
Rangeela
(1707-‐1857).
7
Cāraṇas
is
a
caste
living
in
the
Rajasthan
&
Gujarat
states
of
India.
Members
of
this
caste
are
also
identified
as
Devi
Putra,
Kaviraj
and
Jagirdar
accordingly.
Charans
are
divided
into
many
groups
such
as
Maru
Charan,
Tumbel
Charan
and
many
more,
where
each
one
of
these
groups
consists
of
different
surnames
like
Modd,
Detha,
Baati,
Barhat,
Sinhdhayach,
Ratnu,
Taparia,
Lamba
and
many
others.
Women
of
the
caste
are
highly
respected
by
other
major
communities
of
the
regions
around
including
the
Rajputs/Darbars.
The
goddesses
Karni
Mataji,
Bahuchara
Mataji,
Khodiyar
Mataji,
Mogal
Mataji
and
Sonal
Mataji
are
well-‐known
examples
of
Charan
Maha
Shakti
mothers.
Due
to
this
the
Charans
are
also
known
as
Devi
15. 15
Delhi, they live in Raghuveer Nagar (a resettlement colony in the western part of Delhi),
however most of these respondents said that its their third generation who has been part of
this bazaar system. They sell primarily used cloths for different occasion, shoes, bags,
crockery and cutlery etc.
As per all the Gujarati respondents, a barter system is being practiced as a primary source
of getting goods and items supply for their livelihood. They go to house to house and in
exchange of old/used clothes they give steel utensils.
Currently some of the respondents have different contextual understandings about this
market. Almost half of them believe that this market is 70-80 years old. In addition, they
think the current bazaar is a ‘junk market’ not ‘Chor Bazaar’ because this term is demeaning
to current occupation. This conception, according to them, implies to the low-prices of
goods that reflects it as stolen.
One of the respondent who has been an old-time shop owner in this market since the era of
its association with Red Fort backyard, said that Chor Bazaar was shifted from that place
because foreigner tourists complained about the black spot (which is bazaar) scenic view
from Red fort.
Bazaar Structure
This study found that majority of the respondents had their association with the bazaar for
more than or close to 30 years.
As per the responses captured, the earlier version of this market were specialized in the
antiquities and artefacts or what they say the typical Kabadi Bazaar. Roughly in the last
couple of decades the market has changed into diversified outlet with a range of
commodities meeting the needs of the variety of purchasers. The speciality of this market in
terms of dealing with antiques is slowly fading away.
This market is in the current outfit of loosely structured weekly bazaar solely depends upon
secondary sources of goods and commodities. These sources of goods and commodity as per
the respondents is the so-called junk hubs in and around Delhi NCR that includes
Ghaziabad, Shaheen Bagh, Chanakya Puri, Yamuna Vihar, New Friends Colony and Noida
etc. Among Gujarati’s the sources are either individual households where their women go
and collect re-sellable goods and commodities or factory outlets, where they buy essential
goods in bulk.
Putra;
meaning
"The
Sons
of
goddess'.
In
the
medieval
era,
it
was
considered
a
matter
of
prestige
and
pride
for
a
Rajput
king
to
keep
a
Charan
in
his
court.
The
kings
would
also
invite
them
to
occupy
a
place
in
the
Royal
Courts.
Indeed,
a
Rajput's
regard
for
a
Charan
was
uppermost.
Rajputs
trusted
Charan
the
most.
Because
of
their
ability
to
think
in
a
different
manner,
another
popular
way
of
addressing
members
of
the
Charan
caste
is
"Kaviraj",
which
literally
means
"king
among
poets".
Charans
are
considered
to
be
the
only
thakurs
other
than
the
rajputs.
Charans
were
always
posted
in
the
front
lines
of
attacks
in
the
armies
(source:
People
of
India
Gujarat
Volume
XXII
Part
One
edited
by
R.B
Lal,
S.V
Padmanabham
&
A
Mohideen
page
389
to
392
Popular
Prakashan).
16. 16
Each shopkeeper reported to pay an amount between 500-1,000 INR to the middlemen ot
thekedar who are further accountable to the higher authorities for their makeshift shop on
Sunday, depending upon the allocated place for the shop. Often corner shops needs to be
settled in big amount. And there expenditure for the transport, table etc. has to be paid
beforehand. The average income of the hawker or shopkeeper is between 500-3,000.
Each shopkeeper predominantly depends upon the quality, condition and company of the
product for determining the value or cost. On an average the most expensive good they
have ever sold has been in the range of 2,000-2,500 INR. One of the shopkeepers once sold a
painting for 50,000 INR.
17. 17
Discussion And Conclusion
Discussion
Data and anecdotal sources indicated that this market has been defined and re-defined
several times in its contextual significance and substance. In this entire deliberation the
historical importance of this market has been unnoticed or overlooked to conveniently leave
behind. Despite its unnoticed the existence of this market had been close to a century,
though the market had been thrown and relocated and thrown at different settings like an
unwanted uniqueness. The character and essence of this market has been indispensable part
of Old or New Delhi and its life.
This market is catering two major categories of people i.e., vendors and purchasers;
although this study has explored the profile of people making livelihood out of this market,
however this study is not able to capture the profile of people who purchase goods and
commodities.
Notwithstanding of its existence from the late Moghul era/British era to the modern times
this market has been suffering severely at the level of any basic infrastructure and required
reputation. Because majority of shopkeeper prefer not to call this market as Chor Bazaar due
to the negative connotation attached to it. So this market has un-defined individuality e.g.
either Chor Bazaar or Junk Market. It appears that this market is compromised to be a ‘flea
market’.
Figure 1: Schematic Market Structure
The tribals of Gujarat and Rajasthan have prospered large parts of this market from since
its inception. Deviputra Community holds a big stake of it’s past as the in Rampuda, Kari
and Sunder Nagar villages in Gujarat. And the Rajasthani Gujjar women were popular to
sell aphrodisiac (raptile oil). Deviputra community is a follower of Bochraji Devi whose
vehicle is a goat and also hermaphrodites also has their roots in this community.
!
Chor%Bazaar/Junk%
Market%%
Hawkers%%%
Purchasers%%
Goods%&%Junk%Hubs%%
In%and%around%
Delhi%NCR%
Hubs%%
18. 18
Conclusion
This market has many untold stories, unsung characters and incidents missing from
documented history. There is a need to capture and document a comprehensive pen sketch
of this market before it gets disappears from the cemented metropolitan castle. The
hawkers, the dusty dangal maidan, the purchasers and the speechless ruin walled city have
many commonalities as far as this market is concerned, we can call it Chor Bazaar, Kabadi
Bazaar or whatever. Above all, it has pulse and ‘hue & cry’ of life which goes beyond its
names and place.
Shopkeepers from the vicinity of Jama Masjid claimed to have been running this business as
a family business. They are present in very less numbers. For them it’s more of a business
rather than just livelihood as most of them have seen the market from their childhood with
there fathers doing the business.
Also the reason Deviputra community moved to this market or to Delhi is urbanization.
Delhi being a metro offers ample of opportunity to be availed by them. These opportunities
can be the posh colonies disposed off clothes and goods, which are further sold by them in
this bazaar or any of the weekly market. This community primarily deals with the clothes
and kitchen utensils through barter system. Deviputras have their traditions in making a
livelihood out of this business. In Delhi this community resides in Raghuveer Nagar, which
has been allotted to them by the Delhi government. Primarily there living is made out of
selling clothes. Deviputras are also endogamous.
As per the structure of this market is concerned three layers have been found seeing the
authority. The policemen have delegated some authorities to the local thekedar8
(Mostly they
are from Jama Masjid area) and under them are the Gujrati’s.
The respondents at first were reluctant to give out some information because it might take
away there living which is this bazaar if it gets published. But with the help of inform
consent and assurance of confidentiality with no personal identification record assisted me
to gain their trust and confidence. Many of the shopkeepers refused to interview because it
must have sacrificed their customers and some of them were not ready to give interview.
The available literature review as well as individual level, respondents referred that the
term CHOR meaning a thief or thief market is a demeaning term to their occupation. The
people of this market prefer to call it as Kabadi Bazaar. And the similar bazaar that is held in
Bombay also known as Chor Bazaar is the reference for calling this market as Chor Bazaar,
both of them are similar in there nature and character.
And the history of this name Chor has many different stories from different sources.
Choosing one might be difficult because of the authenticity and validation of the information
8
Contractors
or
middlemen.
19. 19
provided. Nothing can be said concretely about the history although stories are always
mesmerizing but drawing a conclusion is difficult on the availed information to us.
In conclusion, the entire set of preconceived hypothesis is proven to be valid about Chor
Bazaar and people associated with its different formats and at same time in its limited time
framework this study has indicated some gaps with recommendation to include in future
exploratory works.
References
• ‘Delhi’: A Novel; Singh, Khushwant, Penguin India (1990);
• ‘The Delhi that No-one Knows’; Smith, Ronald Vivian, D Chronicles Books (1997);
• ‘The Delhiwalla’, Austen Soofi, Mayank, January (2014);
• ‘Chor Bazaar may go back to Shahjahanbad, Times of India,
20. 20
Annexures
Informed Consent
Introduction
Hello
I’am & Mayank Singh are B.A. (Hons) Sociology, 3rd
year student at Jamia Millia
Islamia University. As part of my academic curriculum we are conducting a
qualitative study for better understanding on of the history of chor bazaar, the
dimensions of this market and shopkeepers in a heterogeneous setting. I would like to
inform you that this interview will take approximately 15 minutes. Though some of the
questions are very personal, I would appreciate it if you could answer as openly as possible.
Some of the questions will ask you to think about your experiences or behaviors over the
last few years or months.
You may feel uncomfortable in telling me about you, your thoughts and your activities.
You may refuse to answer any question which you do not like. All information that you
will give us as part of this survey will be kept completely confidential. We will keep the
questionnaires in a safe place and only the survey team will be allowed to look at them.
Your name or other personal information that might identify you will not be collected and
as such will never appear in our data or when we report the findings of this survey.
You may choose to opt out of this survey at any time. Participation in this survey is
entirely voluntarily and does not affect your access to any services.
Please feel free to ask any question you have?
Would you like to participate in this survey? Yes [……] No
[……]
( )
Signature of interviewer
Interview Schedule
Section A: Demography
A 1. Age of respondents:
A 2. Area of residence:
A 3. Source of Income/occupation:
A 4. Are you from Delhi:
21. 21
Section B: Structure of Bazaar
B 1. How long have you been working as ‘seller’ in this market? Why?
B 2. Is it just livelihood or something fascinates you about this occupation?
B 3. What is the source of getting the goods [products] you sell here?
B 4. Is there any specific good [product] that you prefer to sell?
B 5. How do you value or cost your products?
B 6. What profile of customer is attracted towards your shop?
Section C: History of Bazaar
C 1. Do you know anything about the history of this bazaar?
C 2. Why this market is organised only on Sunday?
C 3. What changes you have observed that took place in this market over the period of
time?
C 4. Do you know why people call this market as CHOR BAZAAR?
C 5. Do you pay any rent to occupy the space for your kiosk? If yes, Then how much??
C 6. How much do you earn in a day?
C 7. What was the most expensive goods you ever sold? What was that?
