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The Behavior Analyst 1988, 11, 149-157 No. 2 (Fall)
The Development and Adoption of
Controversial Default Technologies
Brian A. Iwata
University of Florida
Default technologies evolve from failure. Within the realm of human behavior, technologies based on
the use of aversive contingencies can be conceptualized as default technologies because they come into
play when natural contingencies or positive reinforcement fail to produce a desired behavioral outcome.
Historical as well as contemporary events suggest that it is a mistake for behavior analysts to advocate
for the adoption of aversive technologies. We must, however, continue to play a leading role in the
development of such technologies so that they will be used in an appropriate manner. Furthermore, the
eventual elimination of aversive technologies will be possible only through continued, careful, and ex-
perimental analysis of the contexts of failure in which they are born.
Two years ago Henry Pennypacker, in
his presidential address to the Associa-
tion for Behavior Analysis, used this fo-
rum to discuss issues related to the trans-
ferand subsequent adoption ofbehavioral
technology (Pennypacker, 1986). I would
like to continue that discussion, taking it
in a slightly different direction. Although
not explicitly stated, the issues that Pen-
nypacker addressed are most pertinent to
technologies of behavioral acquisition
and in situations where the driving force
for adoption, namely, economic rein-
forcement, is acceptable at face value. In
such situations, the pressing question-
which Pennypacker answered quite thor-
oughly-is: "How do we effect transfer
while maintaining technological integri-
ty?" But additional questions are raised
in the case of behavioral reduction. In
this area, technological improvement,
adoption, and subsequent gain by the
user, economic or otherwise, may con-
flict with certain patterns ofbehavior in
our culture, as well as our own prediction
about the state of affairs that may result
from the widespread use of such tech-
Adapted from the Presidential Address to the
Association for Behavior Analysis, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania, May 29, 1988. Preparation of this
manuscript was supported in part by Grant #HD-
16052 from the National Institute ofChild Health
and Human Development. Views expressed are
those of the author and do not represent policy
either of NICHD or the Association of Behavior
Analysis. Reprints may be obtained from the au-
thor, Psychology Department, University of Flor-
ida, Gainesville, FL 3261 1.
nologies. These questions are: first, "What
is our proper role in the transfer and
adoption of technologies for behavioral
reduction?" and second, "Should we even
bother with the development of such
technologies?"
The Problem
Heated controversy over the use ofbe-
havioral technology has been raging for
several years now, arising from reluc-
tance by some members ofour culture to
reinforce applications of punishment-
particularly in the form ofprimary aver-
sive stimuli-with dependent, noncrimi-
nal populations. In point of fact, behav-
ior analysts have expressed similar
concerns for many years, although we
have been more tolerant ofthe selective
use of punishment (Baer, 1970; Repp &
Deitz, 1978). In spite ofwhat some may
claim, the extreme points ofview in this
controversy do not amount to a "pro"
versus "con," but are reflected in the fol-
lowing positions: a) Punishment amounts
to cruel and inhumane treatment and
should never be used (Guess, Helmstet-
ter, Turnbull, & Knowlton, 1987); versus
b) Applications ofpunishment have been
empirically validated and can bejustified
in cases where immediate elimination of
high-risk behavior is of paramount im-
portance (Axelrod & Apsche, 1983; Mat-
son & DiLorenzo, 1984).
My own involvement in the punish-
ment controversy stems primarily from
the fact that several colleagues, most no-
149
150 BRIAN A. IWATA
tably Thomas Linscheid, and I have been
associated with research on a technolog-
ical device that has become one of the
major focal points in the debate over the
use of aversive contingencies (Landers,
1987; Viadero, 1987; Will & Reynolds,
1987). By the way, and for the record,
that debate has been conducted indirectly
for the most part. Both Tom Linscheid
and I, in response to allegations of one
kind or another, have personally con-
tacted the sources ofthose allegations and
have offered to meet with individuals or
groups to discuss the issues. In almost
every case, our contact has produced no
direct response. Instead, selected por-
tions of our communications have been
taken out of context, and usually have
been incorporated into further allega-
tions that are made not to us, but to oth-
ers by unnamed individuals, and are sub-
sequently leaked to us by colleagues who
stumble across the information.
Advocatingfor the Adoption of
Controversial Technologies
My experiences related to our research
on aversive contingencies and the con-
troversy that surrounds it have prompted
me to think critically about the proper
role of behavior analysts in the transfer
and adoption of technologies based on
aversive stimulation. "Should we advo-
cate for the use of such technologies?"
Stated bluntly, my answer is "No," and
in support ofit I offer three principal rea-
sons.
First, an advocacy position favoring the
use ofaversive stimuli is not likely to be
an effective one, at least in the short run.
Remember that, when we step beyond
the boundaries ofour research, attempts
to lobby for adoption of technology are
successful to the extent that adoption is
reinforced (Pennypacker, 1986). Fur-
thermore, we do not provide those rein-
forcers. With respect to the current con-
troversy, we find a curious paradox within
our culture. If anything, our society can
be characterized as one that activelypro-
motes the use of aversive contingencies
on the behavior ofits members. Nuclear
arms, capital punishment, and expulsion
from school, as ineffective as they may
be, are strongly supported by many
members ofourculture, and are tolerated
by enough of us to allow their contin-
uation.
Why is it that the same people who
denounce the use of relatively harmless
aversive contingencies to eliminate life-
threatening behavior of a retarded indi-
vidual not only support aversive cultural
practices, but also routinely subject their
own children and coworkers to stimuli
that are functionally similar to the ones
they abhor? Ofcourse, the question is not
easily answered in the empirical sense,
but a behavior analyst who knows some-
thing about the history of treatment for
retarded and autistic individuals can for-
mulate a pretty good guess. For most of
this century, these populations have lived
grossly neglected lives in substandard en-
vironments, and they have been exposed
to continual doses ofboth noncontingent
and contingent aversive stimulation
(Blatt, 1970; Rivera, 1972). Therefore, it
should come as no surprise, now that the
service pendulum has swung the other
way, that parents and advocates literally
cringe when they hear the words "pun-
ishment," "aversive," and so on, in ref-
erence to treatment for theirchildren and
clients. These words, and the practices
they represent, have acquired aversive
properties; they also may be discrimina-
tive for highly emotional and combative
behavior of the type that was successful
in eliminating neglectful conditions that
existed previously.
The fact that improved technologies of
aversive stimulation produce user gain,
ifonly in the form ofincreased effective-
ness at one's assigned job (i.e., client im-
provement), makes the situation even
worse, because neglectful and abusive
conditions also produce user gain, name-
ly, staffconvenience, preservation ofor-
der, and reduction of financial expendi-
tures. As a further extension, those
associated with objectionable practices
may themselves acquire aversive prop-
erties.
If this interpretation only approxi-
mates an adequate account ofsuch incon-
sistent behavior with respect to aversive
DEFAULT TECHNOLOGIES 151
stimuli, it is immediately understandable
why therapists who adopt a hard-sell ap-
proach to punishment are not popular
among developmental disabilities ad-
vocacy groups. Thus, professionals who
include aversive therapy as one ofseveral
options for treatment are much more
likely to be effective if they allow some-
one else to serve as its advocate. And my
experience has been that, under the ap-
propriate conditions, those with whom
we currently debate will take up that ban-
ner. But here I am getting ahead of my-
self.
My second reason for not recommend-
ing an advocacy position in favor ofpun-
ishment is that it will not advance our
applied field. Some say that research on
punishment with humans has scientific
value because it extends similar research
conducted with nonhuman subjects.
Whom are we kidding? It should be ob-
vious by now that human behavior re-
sponds to aversive contingencies, and that
we probably do not need to know much
more about them in order to develop a
generally effective technology of behav-
ior change. After all, as behavior ana-
lysts, do we not clearly stand out among
other sciences by frequently claiming that
wars can be prevented, prisoners can be
rehabilitated, children can be taught, and
yes, graduate students can even obtain
their Ph.D.'s, all without resort to aver-
sive contingencies? A few ofthese claims
have been documented, but there is much
to be learned, demonstrated, and ap-
plied. How will we acquire that learning?
We will use every encounter with an
aversive contingency, or situations where
the use ofan aversive contingency is con-
templated, as opportunities to learn more
about the behavior in question, its con-
trolling events, and ways in which rein-
forcement and extinction schedules may
be used to bring about behavioral dis-
placement. Through these experiences,
we may not only solve the immediate
problem, but also acquire the skills nec-
essary to deal with the really tough cases
in ourculture -the drug dealers, the mur-
derers, and so forth.
On the other hand, ifwe succumb too
early to the temptation ofusing aversive
contingencies, we will learn only how to
punish the pushers and murderers more
effectively. And the most unfortunatefact
is that our punishing behavior with these
populations will be strongly reinforced
within the culture. Can you imagine a
worse fate for the field ofapplied behav-
ior analysis? We must continually be vig-
ilant lest we fall into this irreversible be-
havioral trap.
If I have been unconvincing thus far,
let me try a third time, using a slightly
different rationale, one that selectively
and ultimately accommodates the use of
aversive contingencies. The point is that
we do not need to advocate for the use
of such contingencies in order to secure
effective treatment for our clients.
In "Why Are We Not Acting to Save
the World?" Skinner (1982) provided a
nice analysis of contingency shortcom-
ings. Natural selection produces an or-
ganism that is adaptable to situations as
they existed in the past, but fails to pre-
pare the organism for optimal function-
ing in a drastically changed future envi-
ronment. Physical contingencies of
operant conditioning overcome this fail-
ure to some extent by arranging for be-
havior change during an individual's life-
time. But these contingencies, in their
purest forms, do not always change be-
havior immediately; furthermore, they
require exposure to the natural conse-
quences of behavior, some of which are
dangerous if not fatal. Hence, we have
developed, formalized, and institution-
alized social or contrived contingencies
and their attendant rules.
One can extend this analysis to the
therapeutic situation by considering any
planned intervention to change behavior
as a default technology, that is, one whose
development is based on previous fail-
ure-failure to prevent the occurrence of
a genetic or acquired organic disorder,
which somehow inhibits responding;
failure to provide occasions for behav-
ioral acquisition through direct interac-
tion with a stimulating physical or social
environment; failure to correct the early
mismanagement of social contingencies,
which promotes the acquisition and
maintenance of bizarre forms of behav-
152 BRIAN A. IWATA
ior. In this context, a technology ofaver-
sive stimulation is the third-order and
ultimate default technology, preceded by
natural contingencies and those involv-
ing the careful application of contrived
positive reinforcement. But, in the case
of aversive contingencies, the previous
failure of positive reinforcement usually
(and I emphasize usually) is not an in-
herent one. Instead, aversive contingen-
cies are called into play when we have
failed to find or to establish a positive
reinforcer, when wehave failed to deliver
that reinforcer in an effective manner,
when we have failed to find a suitable
response to displace the target, when we
have failed to examine the stimulus con-
ditions that contribute to the problem,
and when we have failed to generate the
resources necessary to maintain a suc-
cessful program.
At this point, I am compelled to digress
a bit by commenting on what others have
said about the preventability ofsuch fail-
ures: "If we would only conduct a func-
tional analysis of the behavior problem,
we always will find a nonaversive solu-
tion." Actually, nonaversive solutions do
not require a prior functional analysis;
they always are available; the question is
whether or not they always work. Based
on Ted Carr's (1977) elegant theoretical
treatise on the origins of self-injurious
behavior, my colleagues and I were
among the first to describe an experi-
mental approach to the analysis of be-
havioral function with that serious dis-
order (Iwata, Dorsey, Slifer, Bauman, &
Richman, 1982). We suggested that such
an approach, or one similar to it, might
make the process of treatment selection
less arbitrary and might reduce the ne-
cessity ofrelying on aversive contingen-
cies. We had, however, absolutely no ba-
sis for suggesting that knowledge about a
behavior's maintaining contingency
would eliminate the need for punish-
ment, and that suggestion has garnered
littleby way ofadditional support through
subsequent research conducted by us and
others. Yet, somehow, our methodology
has been imbued with power well beyond
its supporting data base and has been giv-
en a life of its own. For example, in a
recent protest written to a highly respect-
ed colleague of mine [with whom I was
collaborating], the director of a national
advocacy group noted that: ". . . through
comprehensive functional behavior
analysis, . . . positive programs ofbehav-
ior management can be designed and ef-
fectively implemented ... we are pre-
pared to offer you the names of experts
that can offer assistance... ." Although
my colleague made no subsequent re-
quest for help, I must admit that both of
us are curious about the names on that
list.
Another claim, this one presented at
a recent press conference, by one from
among our own ranks, has been that most
if not all self-injury is communication
and that communication training is the
treatment ofchoice. Those ofus who have
conducted extensive research on self-in-
jurious behavior are not impressed by
this assertion. Our collective data indi-
cate that a significant proportion of self-
injurious behavior is not communicative
(e.g., Baumeister, Frye, & Schroeder,
1984; Cataldo & Harris, 1982; Iwata,
Pace, Willis, Gamache, & Hyman, 1986),
and behavioral research conducted over
the past 20 years indicates that every box
ofmagic bullets comes well supplied with
duds.
A final input: "Our review of the lit-
erature and experience with over 500
cases convinces us that strategies are
presently available to deal with anyprob-
lem without resorting to aversive events"
(Donnellan & LaVigna, 1987). This
statement comes close to presenting the
ideal case, namely, that strategies are
available. Yet I have heard both authors
admit that their strategies do not always
work. One, upon further questioning,
stated that, when all else fails, this person
uses aversive contingencies. Therein lies
the truth ofthe matter. In the ideal world,
treatment failures do not occur. But in
the actual world failures do occur, in spite
of our best efforts, leaving us with these
options: continued occurrence ofthe be-
haviorproblem toward some devastating
endpoint, restraint, sedating drugs, or
aversive contingencies. I predict that if
we apply our skills so as to maximize the
DEFAULT TECHNOLOGIES 153
effectiveness of positive reinforcement
programs, we will succeed often. After
following such a course, my further pre-
diction is that if we reach the point of
having to decide among these ultimate
default options, the client advocate, the
parent, or, ifnecessary, the court will se-
lect for us the option ofaversive contin-
gencies. Why? Because under such cir-
cumstances it isthe only remaining ethical
action.
Controversial Technology
Development: An Example
By now you may be wondering about
the consistency ofthis message, ifnot the
messenger. I am suggesting that we not
advocate for the use ofpunishment, when
across the hall you can find The Self-In-
jurious Behavior Inhibiting System (SI-
BIS), an instrument for delivering an
aversive stimulus, whose existence is
partially a product of my behavior. My
association with the SIBIS project has
been in the area of technology develop-
ment; here is where I think that we can
and must make a contribution, even
though our efforts might be strongly op-
posed by others. To clarify this point, I
will describe the SIBIS project in greater
detail, because only a handful of people
know the full story.
The forerunner ofSIBIS was conceived
following futile attempts by Leslie and
Moosa Grant to obtain effective treat-
ment for their autistic daughter's severe
self-injurious face and head hitting, which
had produced lacerations to the bone and
almost severed an ear. In medical par-
lance, the Grants went "shopping," re-
questing assistance from one professional
after another, only to meet with eventual
failure. After years of exposure to inef-
fective treatment, the Grants became well
versed in behavior modification and
learned that contingent electric shock was
an effective means for eliminating oth-
erwise untreatable self-injury. The Grants
built a shock device, equipped with an
accelerometer to activate the stimulus.
The device was quite cumbersome, but
it served its purpose by rapidly elimi-
nating their daughter's self-injurious be-
havior. Justifiably, the Grants wondered
why they had subjected their daughter to
repeated failure using other approaches,
and why devices such as the one they had
built were not more readily available.
Thus began their search for someone
to build a better device for their daughter
and for others similarly affected. Even-
tually they approached the Johns Hop-
kins Applied Physics Laboratory (APL).
Designed as a research institution spe-
cializing in the transfer of space tech-
nology, APL inventors have produced
devices such as the cardiac pacemaker
and the implantable infusion pump. APL
engineers were moved by the Grants'
plight and agreed to build a prototype. In
fact, they considered the problem only a
minor technological challenge, which ap-
parently itwas, but they did not norcould
they consider the behavioral side of the
technology.
Realizing in 1982 that the develop-
ment of SIBIS posed a number of ques-
tions about apparatus-behavior interac-
tions, APL asked Tom Linscheid, then
on the medical faculty at Georgetown
University, to serve as an unpaid con-
sultant to advise on matters ofbehavioral
technology. Tom had previously con-
ducted clinical research on the use of
contingent electrical stimulation as a
treatment for life-threatening infant
rumination. He subsequently invited my
colleagues, Gary Pace and Michael Ca-
taldo, and me to join him; and I even-
tually provided unpaid technical consul-
tation from the Kennedy-Hopkins
program. From the beginning we consid-
ered a number of questions about the
ramifications of our involvement.
Question: Did we really believe that we
or others would use aversive stimulation
frequently enough to justify our partici-
pation in a long-term and controversial
endeavor? The answer: Yes. Our treat-
ment program on self-injury had an over-
all staff-to-client ratio ofabout 5:1, with
B.A.'s, M.A.'s, and Ph.D.'s outnumber-
ing clients by better than 2:1. Despite all
this expertise, our reinforcement-based
approaches to treatment were not always
successful. For us, there was a clear need
154 BRIAN A. IWATA
to have available a treatment option
based on aversive stimulation.
Question: Was electrical stimulation
the way to go? The answer: Yes. Careful
reading of the basic research literature
suggests that many currently used forms
ofaversive stimulation are not desirable
because they are delayed, extremely dif-
ficult to quantify, awkward to adminis-
ter, potentially confounded with social
interaction, and/or they expose the client
to stimuli that linger after the punished
behavior has ceased.
Two additional considerations
prompted us to commit our time to the
SIBIS project. First, APL seemed
uniquely suited to accomplish the engi-
neering task at hand. Second, we hoped
our involvement with APL might pave
the way for technological extensions
based on SIBIS although, at the time, we
had no idea what they might be.
The development phase for SIBIS last-
ed about 4 years, during which the be-
havioral capabilities of the system were
gradually expanded in significant ways.
The original prototype called for auto-
matic detection of forceful blows to the
head via accelerometer; contingent, im-
mediate, and automatic activation of a
stimulus unit worn on the arm or leg via
radio signal sent from the accelerometer;
and a counter to record the number of
shocks delivered. First, a response count-
erwas added. Next a brieftone was added
to precede the delivery ofthe shock. Then
the system was given remote capability
so that it could be used with other forms
of self-injurious behavior. The final and
most important modification was to use
the technology that improved the deliv-
ery of aversive stimulation to improve
the delivery of positive reinforcement.
Throughout these stages ofdevelopment,
every suggestion that Tom and I made
was considered seriously by the patient
staff of about a half-dozen research, en-
gineering, and medical manufacturing
organizations, including APL and Hu-
man Technologies, Inc., and just about
every suggestion was incorporated into
the design of SIBIS.
The current capabilities of SIBIS are
as follows.
1. Automated Response Measure-
ment. A pezioelectric velocity sensor,
contained in a headband, measures im-
pact force. Above-threshold responses
activate a signal transmitter, also worn
in the headband.
2. Therapist-assisted DRO. Another
device contains a programmable timer,
capable ofsetting fixed- or variable-time
intervals from 1-999 s, allowing the
therapist to select a DRO interval. If, by
the end ofthe interval, no above-thresh-
old responses have occurred, a brieftone
cues the therapist to deliver reinforce-
ment.
3. Automated DRO. As an alternative
to reinforcement mediated by a therapist,
reinforcement may be delivered directly
through a peripheral device (e.g., televi-
sion, radio, food dispenser, or other elec-
trical apparatus) upon successful com-
pletion of the DRO interval.
4. Timeout from Positive Reinforce-
ment. The automated DRO function may
be reversed, so that reinforcement (e.g.,
access to television) is terminated upon
occurrence of an above-threshold re-
sponse.
5. Automated Punishment. Above-
threshold responding will activate a stim-
ulus unit worn on the arm or leg, which
delivers a brief tone followed by a rela-
tively mild electrical stimulus (85 v, 3
ma, for .08 s).
6. Therapist-assisted Punishment. For
forms of self-injury not involving force-
ful contact (e.g., scratching, biting, etc.,)
the therapist must activate the reinforce-
ment or punishment functions.
Because the original design of SIBIS
was limited to the aversive stimulation
component, the first clinical study eval-
uated that aspect ofthe system. Tom Lin-
scheid treated three of the five original
subjects and additional subjects havebeen
treated by Don Williams and Bob Rick-
etts, both of the Texas Department of
Mental Health and Mental Retardation.
Figure 1 shows the condition means, ex-
pressed as responses per minute, for all
five subjects who participated in the
study. Each subject was exposed to a se-
ries of conditions in a reversal design.
Three of the conditions were control
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Figure 1. Mean number of self-injurious responses per minute across subjects and experimental con-
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155
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156 BRIAN A. IWATA
phases: Baseline (all subjects), Baseline
with the client wearing a protective hel-
met (two subjects), and Baseline with SI-
BIS worn but not activated (all subjects).
The two treatment conditions were SI-
BIS, with automated response detection
and stimulus delivery (all subjects), and
SIBIS Remote, in which response detec-
tion and stimulus delivery were con-
trolled by the therapist (two subjects). SI-
BIS treatment conditions were associated
with almost complete elimination ofself-
injury.
What would have happened to SIBIS
if behavior analysts were not involved
with its development? I pose this ques-
tion because the roles that Tom Lin-
scheid, I, and others have played in the
project have been criticized by individ-
uals inside as well as outside of the As-
sociation for Behavior Analysis and be-
cause there has been an effort by some
groups to bring all work on SIBIS to an
immediate halt (Halt urged, 1988). I can-
not say what would have happened, but
here are some distinct possibilities. SIBIS
probably would have been developed as
nothing more than an automated elec-
trical stimulator. By "nothing more," I
do not mean to imply that such a device
would have no value, because SIBIS rep-
resents a significant technological im-
provement over currently used methods
of delivering aversive stimulation. That
is not saying much, however, within the
larger context of behavioral treatment.
SIBIS certainly would not have con-
tained any ofthe positive reinforcement
capabilities that it now has, capabilities
that can be used independent ofthe aver-
sive component. It also is likely that the
evaluation of SIBIS would have consist-
ed ofsimple pre-post tests or, worse yet,
uncontrolled evaluations in which the
data consisted of subjective verbal re-
port.
Conclusion
To summarize, I would like to distin-
guish between the development of tech-
nologies for aversive stimulation, and
subsequent efforts for their adoption. We
should not advocatefor adoption ofaver-
sive technologies because such activity,
at least by us, is not effective, not in the
best interest of our field, and not neces-
sary. Instead, we should leave adoption
to advocates, parents, and courts, whom
I trust will eventually find a place for
aversive stimulation in the pecking order
of default technologies.
At the same time, we must allow the
development of such technologies to oc-
cur. Recall that the other options, at least
in the case of self-injury, are restraint,
sedation, or further devastation.
Additionally, we must support contro-
versial technology development to the ex-
tent that it needs the support ofa science-
based organization in order to produce
valid and useful results. IfABA is to re-
main a science-based organization, it
must continue to support apparently ir-
relevant, unpopular, and even highly
controversial empirical work, as long as
that work is conducted in an ethical man-
ner. Otherwise, the controlling variables
for our research behavior will shift com-
pletely to the realm of public opinion.
Ironically, if that happens, we will still
do research on punishment; only the
clientele-if you can consider drug deal-
ers, rapists, and murderers as such-will
change.
Finally, some of us who experience
failure using positive reinforcement must
actually do the work on aversive technol-
ogies. We must do the work because,
whether or not we like it, default tech-
nologies will evolve whenever there is
failure and, in the case ofaversive stim-
ulation, we are in a unique position to
make several contributions. First, we can
modify the technology so that it is effec-
tive and safe. Second, we can improve it
by incorporating contingencies of posi-
tive reinforcement. Third, we can regu-
late it so that application will proceed in
ajudicious and ethical manner. Last, and
surely most important, by studying the
conditions under which default technol-
ogies arise, as well as the technologies
themselves, we might eventually do away
with both. Can you think ofa better fate
for the field ofapplied behavior analysis?
DEFAULT TECHNOLOGIES 157
REFERENCES
Axelrod, S., & Apsche, J. (1983). The effects of
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Behavan00059 0057

  • 1. The Behavior Analyst 1988, 11, 149-157 No. 2 (Fall) The Development and Adoption of Controversial Default Technologies Brian A. Iwata University of Florida Default technologies evolve from failure. Within the realm of human behavior, technologies based on the use of aversive contingencies can be conceptualized as default technologies because they come into play when natural contingencies or positive reinforcement fail to produce a desired behavioral outcome. Historical as well as contemporary events suggest that it is a mistake for behavior analysts to advocate for the adoption of aversive technologies. We must, however, continue to play a leading role in the development of such technologies so that they will be used in an appropriate manner. Furthermore, the eventual elimination of aversive technologies will be possible only through continued, careful, and ex- perimental analysis of the contexts of failure in which they are born. Two years ago Henry Pennypacker, in his presidential address to the Associa- tion for Behavior Analysis, used this fo- rum to discuss issues related to the trans- ferand subsequent adoption ofbehavioral technology (Pennypacker, 1986). I would like to continue that discussion, taking it in a slightly different direction. Although not explicitly stated, the issues that Pen- nypacker addressed are most pertinent to technologies of behavioral acquisition and in situations where the driving force for adoption, namely, economic rein- forcement, is acceptable at face value. In such situations, the pressing question- which Pennypacker answered quite thor- oughly-is: "How do we effect transfer while maintaining technological integri- ty?" But additional questions are raised in the case of behavioral reduction. In this area, technological improvement, adoption, and subsequent gain by the user, economic or otherwise, may con- flict with certain patterns ofbehavior in our culture, as well as our own prediction about the state of affairs that may result from the widespread use of such tech- Adapted from the Presidential Address to the Association for Behavior Analysis, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, May 29, 1988. Preparation of this manuscript was supported in part by Grant #HD- 16052 from the National Institute ofChild Health and Human Development. Views expressed are those of the author and do not represent policy either of NICHD or the Association of Behavior Analysis. Reprints may be obtained from the au- thor, Psychology Department, University of Flor- ida, Gainesville, FL 3261 1. nologies. These questions are: first, "What is our proper role in the transfer and adoption of technologies for behavioral reduction?" and second, "Should we even bother with the development of such technologies?" The Problem Heated controversy over the use ofbe- havioral technology has been raging for several years now, arising from reluc- tance by some members ofour culture to reinforce applications of punishment- particularly in the form ofprimary aver- sive stimuli-with dependent, noncrimi- nal populations. In point of fact, behav- ior analysts have expressed similar concerns for many years, although we have been more tolerant ofthe selective use of punishment (Baer, 1970; Repp & Deitz, 1978). In spite ofwhat some may claim, the extreme points ofview in this controversy do not amount to a "pro" versus "con," but are reflected in the fol- lowing positions: a) Punishment amounts to cruel and inhumane treatment and should never be used (Guess, Helmstet- ter, Turnbull, & Knowlton, 1987); versus b) Applications ofpunishment have been empirically validated and can bejustified in cases where immediate elimination of high-risk behavior is of paramount im- portance (Axelrod & Apsche, 1983; Mat- son & DiLorenzo, 1984). My own involvement in the punish- ment controversy stems primarily from the fact that several colleagues, most no- 149
  • 2. 150 BRIAN A. IWATA tably Thomas Linscheid, and I have been associated with research on a technolog- ical device that has become one of the major focal points in the debate over the use of aversive contingencies (Landers, 1987; Viadero, 1987; Will & Reynolds, 1987). By the way, and for the record, that debate has been conducted indirectly for the most part. Both Tom Linscheid and I, in response to allegations of one kind or another, have personally con- tacted the sources ofthose allegations and have offered to meet with individuals or groups to discuss the issues. In almost every case, our contact has produced no direct response. Instead, selected por- tions of our communications have been taken out of context, and usually have been incorporated into further allega- tions that are made not to us, but to oth- ers by unnamed individuals, and are sub- sequently leaked to us by colleagues who stumble across the information. Advocatingfor the Adoption of Controversial Technologies My experiences related to our research on aversive contingencies and the con- troversy that surrounds it have prompted me to think critically about the proper role of behavior analysts in the transfer and adoption of technologies based on aversive stimulation. "Should we advo- cate for the use of such technologies?" Stated bluntly, my answer is "No," and in support ofit I offer three principal rea- sons. First, an advocacy position favoring the use ofaversive stimuli is not likely to be an effective one, at least in the short run. Remember that, when we step beyond the boundaries ofour research, attempts to lobby for adoption of technology are successful to the extent that adoption is reinforced (Pennypacker, 1986). Fur- thermore, we do not provide those rein- forcers. With respect to the current con- troversy, we find a curious paradox within our culture. If anything, our society can be characterized as one that activelypro- motes the use of aversive contingencies on the behavior ofits members. Nuclear arms, capital punishment, and expulsion from school, as ineffective as they may be, are strongly supported by many members ofourculture, and are tolerated by enough of us to allow their contin- uation. Why is it that the same people who denounce the use of relatively harmless aversive contingencies to eliminate life- threatening behavior of a retarded indi- vidual not only support aversive cultural practices, but also routinely subject their own children and coworkers to stimuli that are functionally similar to the ones they abhor? Ofcourse, the question is not easily answered in the empirical sense, but a behavior analyst who knows some- thing about the history of treatment for retarded and autistic individuals can for- mulate a pretty good guess. For most of this century, these populations have lived grossly neglected lives in substandard en- vironments, and they have been exposed to continual doses ofboth noncontingent and contingent aversive stimulation (Blatt, 1970; Rivera, 1972). Therefore, it should come as no surprise, now that the service pendulum has swung the other way, that parents and advocates literally cringe when they hear the words "pun- ishment," "aversive," and so on, in ref- erence to treatment for theirchildren and clients. These words, and the practices they represent, have acquired aversive properties; they also may be discrimina- tive for highly emotional and combative behavior of the type that was successful in eliminating neglectful conditions that existed previously. The fact that improved technologies of aversive stimulation produce user gain, ifonly in the form ofincreased effective- ness at one's assigned job (i.e., client im- provement), makes the situation even worse, because neglectful and abusive conditions also produce user gain, name- ly, staffconvenience, preservation ofor- der, and reduction of financial expendi- tures. As a further extension, those associated with objectionable practices may themselves acquire aversive prop- erties. If this interpretation only approxi- mates an adequate account ofsuch incon- sistent behavior with respect to aversive
  • 3. DEFAULT TECHNOLOGIES 151 stimuli, it is immediately understandable why therapists who adopt a hard-sell ap- proach to punishment are not popular among developmental disabilities ad- vocacy groups. Thus, professionals who include aversive therapy as one ofseveral options for treatment are much more likely to be effective if they allow some- one else to serve as its advocate. And my experience has been that, under the ap- propriate conditions, those with whom we currently debate will take up that ban- ner. But here I am getting ahead of my- self. My second reason for not recommend- ing an advocacy position in favor ofpun- ishment is that it will not advance our applied field. Some say that research on punishment with humans has scientific value because it extends similar research conducted with nonhuman subjects. Whom are we kidding? It should be ob- vious by now that human behavior re- sponds to aversive contingencies, and that we probably do not need to know much more about them in order to develop a generally effective technology of behav- ior change. After all, as behavior ana- lysts, do we not clearly stand out among other sciences by frequently claiming that wars can be prevented, prisoners can be rehabilitated, children can be taught, and yes, graduate students can even obtain their Ph.D.'s, all without resort to aver- sive contingencies? A few ofthese claims have been documented, but there is much to be learned, demonstrated, and ap- plied. How will we acquire that learning? We will use every encounter with an aversive contingency, or situations where the use ofan aversive contingency is con- templated, as opportunities to learn more about the behavior in question, its con- trolling events, and ways in which rein- forcement and extinction schedules may be used to bring about behavioral dis- placement. Through these experiences, we may not only solve the immediate problem, but also acquire the skills nec- essary to deal with the really tough cases in ourculture -the drug dealers, the mur- derers, and so forth. On the other hand, ifwe succumb too early to the temptation ofusing aversive contingencies, we will learn only how to punish the pushers and murderers more effectively. And the most unfortunatefact is that our punishing behavior with these populations will be strongly reinforced within the culture. Can you imagine a worse fate for the field ofapplied behav- ior analysis? We must continually be vig- ilant lest we fall into this irreversible be- havioral trap. If I have been unconvincing thus far, let me try a third time, using a slightly different rationale, one that selectively and ultimately accommodates the use of aversive contingencies. The point is that we do not need to advocate for the use of such contingencies in order to secure effective treatment for our clients. In "Why Are We Not Acting to Save the World?" Skinner (1982) provided a nice analysis of contingency shortcom- ings. Natural selection produces an or- ganism that is adaptable to situations as they existed in the past, but fails to pre- pare the organism for optimal function- ing in a drastically changed future envi- ronment. Physical contingencies of operant conditioning overcome this fail- ure to some extent by arranging for be- havior change during an individual's life- time. But these contingencies, in their purest forms, do not always change be- havior immediately; furthermore, they require exposure to the natural conse- quences of behavior, some of which are dangerous if not fatal. Hence, we have developed, formalized, and institution- alized social or contrived contingencies and their attendant rules. One can extend this analysis to the therapeutic situation by considering any planned intervention to change behavior as a default technology, that is, one whose development is based on previous fail- ure-failure to prevent the occurrence of a genetic or acquired organic disorder, which somehow inhibits responding; failure to provide occasions for behav- ioral acquisition through direct interac- tion with a stimulating physical or social environment; failure to correct the early mismanagement of social contingencies, which promotes the acquisition and maintenance of bizarre forms of behav-
  • 4. 152 BRIAN A. IWATA ior. In this context, a technology ofaver- sive stimulation is the third-order and ultimate default technology, preceded by natural contingencies and those involv- ing the careful application of contrived positive reinforcement. But, in the case of aversive contingencies, the previous failure of positive reinforcement usually (and I emphasize usually) is not an in- herent one. Instead, aversive contingen- cies are called into play when we have failed to find or to establish a positive reinforcer, when wehave failed to deliver that reinforcer in an effective manner, when we have failed to find a suitable response to displace the target, when we have failed to examine the stimulus con- ditions that contribute to the problem, and when we have failed to generate the resources necessary to maintain a suc- cessful program. At this point, I am compelled to digress a bit by commenting on what others have said about the preventability ofsuch fail- ures: "If we would only conduct a func- tional analysis of the behavior problem, we always will find a nonaversive solu- tion." Actually, nonaversive solutions do not require a prior functional analysis; they always are available; the question is whether or not they always work. Based on Ted Carr's (1977) elegant theoretical treatise on the origins of self-injurious behavior, my colleagues and I were among the first to describe an experi- mental approach to the analysis of be- havioral function with that serious dis- order (Iwata, Dorsey, Slifer, Bauman, & Richman, 1982). We suggested that such an approach, or one similar to it, might make the process of treatment selection less arbitrary and might reduce the ne- cessity ofrelying on aversive contingen- cies. We had, however, absolutely no ba- sis for suggesting that knowledge about a behavior's maintaining contingency would eliminate the need for punish- ment, and that suggestion has garnered littleby way ofadditional support through subsequent research conducted by us and others. Yet, somehow, our methodology has been imbued with power well beyond its supporting data base and has been giv- en a life of its own. For example, in a recent protest written to a highly respect- ed colleague of mine [with whom I was collaborating], the director of a national advocacy group noted that: ". . . through comprehensive functional behavior analysis, . . . positive programs ofbehav- ior management can be designed and ef- fectively implemented ... we are pre- pared to offer you the names of experts that can offer assistance... ." Although my colleague made no subsequent re- quest for help, I must admit that both of us are curious about the names on that list. Another claim, this one presented at a recent press conference, by one from among our own ranks, has been that most if not all self-injury is communication and that communication training is the treatment ofchoice. Those ofus who have conducted extensive research on self-in- jurious behavior are not impressed by this assertion. Our collective data indi- cate that a significant proportion of self- injurious behavior is not communicative (e.g., Baumeister, Frye, & Schroeder, 1984; Cataldo & Harris, 1982; Iwata, Pace, Willis, Gamache, & Hyman, 1986), and behavioral research conducted over the past 20 years indicates that every box ofmagic bullets comes well supplied with duds. A final input: "Our review of the lit- erature and experience with over 500 cases convinces us that strategies are presently available to deal with anyprob- lem without resorting to aversive events" (Donnellan & LaVigna, 1987). This statement comes close to presenting the ideal case, namely, that strategies are available. Yet I have heard both authors admit that their strategies do not always work. One, upon further questioning, stated that, when all else fails, this person uses aversive contingencies. Therein lies the truth ofthe matter. In the ideal world, treatment failures do not occur. But in the actual world failures do occur, in spite of our best efforts, leaving us with these options: continued occurrence ofthe be- haviorproblem toward some devastating endpoint, restraint, sedating drugs, or aversive contingencies. I predict that if we apply our skills so as to maximize the
  • 5. DEFAULT TECHNOLOGIES 153 effectiveness of positive reinforcement programs, we will succeed often. After following such a course, my further pre- diction is that if we reach the point of having to decide among these ultimate default options, the client advocate, the parent, or, ifnecessary, the court will se- lect for us the option ofaversive contin- gencies. Why? Because under such cir- cumstances it isthe only remaining ethical action. Controversial Technology Development: An Example By now you may be wondering about the consistency ofthis message, ifnot the messenger. I am suggesting that we not advocate for the use ofpunishment, when across the hall you can find The Self-In- jurious Behavior Inhibiting System (SI- BIS), an instrument for delivering an aversive stimulus, whose existence is partially a product of my behavior. My association with the SIBIS project has been in the area of technology develop- ment; here is where I think that we can and must make a contribution, even though our efforts might be strongly op- posed by others. To clarify this point, I will describe the SIBIS project in greater detail, because only a handful of people know the full story. The forerunner ofSIBIS was conceived following futile attempts by Leslie and Moosa Grant to obtain effective treat- ment for their autistic daughter's severe self-injurious face and head hitting, which had produced lacerations to the bone and almost severed an ear. In medical par- lance, the Grants went "shopping," re- questing assistance from one professional after another, only to meet with eventual failure. After years of exposure to inef- fective treatment, the Grants became well versed in behavior modification and learned that contingent electric shock was an effective means for eliminating oth- erwise untreatable self-injury. The Grants built a shock device, equipped with an accelerometer to activate the stimulus. The device was quite cumbersome, but it served its purpose by rapidly elimi- nating their daughter's self-injurious be- havior. Justifiably, the Grants wondered why they had subjected their daughter to repeated failure using other approaches, and why devices such as the one they had built were not more readily available. Thus began their search for someone to build a better device for their daughter and for others similarly affected. Even- tually they approached the Johns Hop- kins Applied Physics Laboratory (APL). Designed as a research institution spe- cializing in the transfer of space tech- nology, APL inventors have produced devices such as the cardiac pacemaker and the implantable infusion pump. APL engineers were moved by the Grants' plight and agreed to build a prototype. In fact, they considered the problem only a minor technological challenge, which ap- parently itwas, but they did not norcould they consider the behavioral side of the technology. Realizing in 1982 that the develop- ment of SIBIS posed a number of ques- tions about apparatus-behavior interac- tions, APL asked Tom Linscheid, then on the medical faculty at Georgetown University, to serve as an unpaid con- sultant to advise on matters ofbehavioral technology. Tom had previously con- ducted clinical research on the use of contingent electrical stimulation as a treatment for life-threatening infant rumination. He subsequently invited my colleagues, Gary Pace and Michael Ca- taldo, and me to join him; and I even- tually provided unpaid technical consul- tation from the Kennedy-Hopkins program. From the beginning we consid- ered a number of questions about the ramifications of our involvement. Question: Did we really believe that we or others would use aversive stimulation frequently enough to justify our partici- pation in a long-term and controversial endeavor? The answer: Yes. Our treat- ment program on self-injury had an over- all staff-to-client ratio ofabout 5:1, with B.A.'s, M.A.'s, and Ph.D.'s outnumber- ing clients by better than 2:1. Despite all this expertise, our reinforcement-based approaches to treatment were not always successful. For us, there was a clear need
  • 6. 154 BRIAN A. IWATA to have available a treatment option based on aversive stimulation. Question: Was electrical stimulation the way to go? The answer: Yes. Careful reading of the basic research literature suggests that many currently used forms ofaversive stimulation are not desirable because they are delayed, extremely dif- ficult to quantify, awkward to adminis- ter, potentially confounded with social interaction, and/or they expose the client to stimuli that linger after the punished behavior has ceased. Two additional considerations prompted us to commit our time to the SIBIS project. First, APL seemed uniquely suited to accomplish the engi- neering task at hand. Second, we hoped our involvement with APL might pave the way for technological extensions based on SIBIS although, at the time, we had no idea what they might be. The development phase for SIBIS last- ed about 4 years, during which the be- havioral capabilities of the system were gradually expanded in significant ways. The original prototype called for auto- matic detection of forceful blows to the head via accelerometer; contingent, im- mediate, and automatic activation of a stimulus unit worn on the arm or leg via radio signal sent from the accelerometer; and a counter to record the number of shocks delivered. First, a response count- erwas added. Next a brieftone was added to precede the delivery ofthe shock. Then the system was given remote capability so that it could be used with other forms of self-injurious behavior. The final and most important modification was to use the technology that improved the deliv- ery of aversive stimulation to improve the delivery of positive reinforcement. Throughout these stages ofdevelopment, every suggestion that Tom and I made was considered seriously by the patient staff of about a half-dozen research, en- gineering, and medical manufacturing organizations, including APL and Hu- man Technologies, Inc., and just about every suggestion was incorporated into the design of SIBIS. The current capabilities of SIBIS are as follows. 1. Automated Response Measure- ment. A pezioelectric velocity sensor, contained in a headband, measures im- pact force. Above-threshold responses activate a signal transmitter, also worn in the headband. 2. Therapist-assisted DRO. Another device contains a programmable timer, capable ofsetting fixed- or variable-time intervals from 1-999 s, allowing the therapist to select a DRO interval. If, by the end ofthe interval, no above-thresh- old responses have occurred, a brieftone cues the therapist to deliver reinforce- ment. 3. Automated DRO. As an alternative to reinforcement mediated by a therapist, reinforcement may be delivered directly through a peripheral device (e.g., televi- sion, radio, food dispenser, or other elec- trical apparatus) upon successful com- pletion of the DRO interval. 4. Timeout from Positive Reinforce- ment. The automated DRO function may be reversed, so that reinforcement (e.g., access to television) is terminated upon occurrence of an above-threshold re- sponse. 5. Automated Punishment. Above- threshold responding will activate a stim- ulus unit worn on the arm or leg, which delivers a brief tone followed by a rela- tively mild electrical stimulus (85 v, 3 ma, for .08 s). 6. Therapist-assisted Punishment. For forms of self-injury not involving force- ful contact (e.g., scratching, biting, etc.,) the therapist must activate the reinforce- ment or punishment functions. Because the original design of SIBIS was limited to the aversive stimulation component, the first clinical study eval- uated that aspect ofthe system. Tom Lin- scheid treated three of the five original subjects and additional subjects havebeen treated by Don Williams and Bob Rick- etts, both of the Texas Department of Mental Health and Mental Retardation. Figure 1 shows the condition means, ex- pressed as responses per minute, for all five subjects who participated in the study. Each subject was exposed to a se- ries of conditions in a reversal design. Three of the conditions were control
  • 7. ASllBJE 50- SUELEQI.3 .. .. ... 0 0 * titidSs litti.4 % % % % %% itt-I,Ssw ttitt,E'S %% % % % %E itsSt tits ittit,o%R U N/A N/A .0 . .0 r777771 '-tutu'Es vt-itt,'sS #tilt,t itt-itvvRsitt,,,vvv r Pi itt-- # P til trS Pttttt Jttii J%% .iit N/A _ BASELINE HELMET SIBIS BASEUNE INACTIVE N/A N/A_. 1"--s- / a' SIBIS SIBIS REMOTE C O N D I T I O N S Figure 1. Mean number of self-injurious responses per minute across subjects and experimental con- ditions. 155 70" 60 50 40 30 20 101 4- 3- 2- 1- LI- z 2 r 'a Cn 'a CO z 0 o 'a z cn 'a E 40 30 20 10 50 40 30 20 10 A 15t 10- 5- 0' O- IajUBJECT2 V V 20 -1 hJUEMECT 5
  • 8. 156 BRIAN A. IWATA phases: Baseline (all subjects), Baseline with the client wearing a protective hel- met (two subjects), and Baseline with SI- BIS worn but not activated (all subjects). The two treatment conditions were SI- BIS, with automated response detection and stimulus delivery (all subjects), and SIBIS Remote, in which response detec- tion and stimulus delivery were con- trolled by the therapist (two subjects). SI- BIS treatment conditions were associated with almost complete elimination ofself- injury. What would have happened to SIBIS if behavior analysts were not involved with its development? I pose this ques- tion because the roles that Tom Lin- scheid, I, and others have played in the project have been criticized by individ- uals inside as well as outside of the As- sociation for Behavior Analysis and be- cause there has been an effort by some groups to bring all work on SIBIS to an immediate halt (Halt urged, 1988). I can- not say what would have happened, but here are some distinct possibilities. SIBIS probably would have been developed as nothing more than an automated elec- trical stimulator. By "nothing more," I do not mean to imply that such a device would have no value, because SIBIS rep- resents a significant technological im- provement over currently used methods of delivering aversive stimulation. That is not saying much, however, within the larger context of behavioral treatment. SIBIS certainly would not have con- tained any ofthe positive reinforcement capabilities that it now has, capabilities that can be used independent ofthe aver- sive component. It also is likely that the evaluation of SIBIS would have consist- ed ofsimple pre-post tests or, worse yet, uncontrolled evaluations in which the data consisted of subjective verbal re- port. Conclusion To summarize, I would like to distin- guish between the development of tech- nologies for aversive stimulation, and subsequent efforts for their adoption. We should not advocatefor adoption ofaver- sive technologies because such activity, at least by us, is not effective, not in the best interest of our field, and not neces- sary. Instead, we should leave adoption to advocates, parents, and courts, whom I trust will eventually find a place for aversive stimulation in the pecking order of default technologies. At the same time, we must allow the development of such technologies to oc- cur. Recall that the other options, at least in the case of self-injury, are restraint, sedation, or further devastation. Additionally, we must support contro- versial technology development to the ex- tent that it needs the support ofa science- based organization in order to produce valid and useful results. IfABA is to re- main a science-based organization, it must continue to support apparently ir- relevant, unpopular, and even highly controversial empirical work, as long as that work is conducted in an ethical man- ner. Otherwise, the controlling variables for our research behavior will shift com- pletely to the realm of public opinion. Ironically, if that happens, we will still do research on punishment; only the clientele-if you can consider drug deal- ers, rapists, and murderers as such-will change. Finally, some of us who experience failure using positive reinforcement must actually do the work on aversive technol- ogies. We must do the work because, whether or not we like it, default tech- nologies will evolve whenever there is failure and, in the case ofaversive stim- ulation, we are in a unique position to make several contributions. First, we can modify the technology so that it is effec- tive and safe. Second, we can improve it by incorporating contingencies of posi- tive reinforcement. Third, we can regu- late it so that application will proceed in ajudicious and ethical manner. Last, and surely most important, by studying the conditions under which default technol- ogies arise, as well as the technologies themselves, we might eventually do away with both. Can you think ofa better fate for the field ofapplied behavior analysis?
  • 9. DEFAULT TECHNOLOGIES 157 REFERENCES Axelrod, S., & Apsche, J. (1983). The effects of punishment on human behavior. New York: Ac- ademic Press. Baer, D. M. (1970). A case for the selective re- inforcement of punishment. In C. Neuringer & J. L. Michael (Eds.), Behavior modification in clinical psychology (pp. 243-249). New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Baumeister, A. A., Frye, G. D., & Schroeder, S. R. (1984). Neurochemical correlates of self-inju- rious behavior. In J. L. Mulick and B. L. Mallory (Eds.), Transitions in mental retardation: Advo- cacy, technology, andscience(pp. 207-222). New York: Ablex. Blatt, B. (1970). Exodusfrompandemonium. Bos- ton: Allyn & Bacon. Carr, E. G. (1977). The motivation of self-inju- rious behavior: A review of some hypotheses. Psychological Bulletin, 84, 800-816. Cataldo, M. F., & Harris, J. (1982). The biological basis for self-injury in the mentally retarded. Analysis and Intervention in Developmental Dis- abilities, 2, 21-39. Donnellen, A. M., & LaVigna, G. W. (1987, De- cember). A note of cautious optimism. D D Di- rections, 2. Guess, D., Helmstetter, E., Tumbull, H. R., & Knowlton, S. (1987). Useofaversiveprocedures with persons who are disabled: An historical re- view and critical analysis. Seattle, WA: The As- sociation for Persons with Severe Handicaps. Halt urged in shock device use. (1988, April 17). The New York Times, p. 18. Iwata, B. A., Dorsey, M. F., Slifer, K. J., Bauman, K. E., & Richman, G. S. (1982). Toward a func- tional analysis of self-injury. Analysis and Inter- vention in Developmental Disabilities, 2, 3-20. Iwata, B. A., Pace, G. M., Willis, K D., Gamache, T. B., & Hyman, S. L. (1986). Operant studies of self-injurious hand biting in the Rett syn- drome. American Journal of Medical Genetics (Special Issue on the Rett Syndrome), 24, 157- 166. Landers, S. (1987, December). Aversive device sparks controversy. APA Monitor, 15. Matson, J. L., & DiLorenzo, T. M. (1984). Pun- ishment andits alternatives:A newperspectivefor behavior modification. New York: Springer. Pennypacker, H. S. (1986). The challenge oftech- nology transfer: Buying in without selling out. The Behavior Analyst, 9, 147-156. Repp, A. C., & Deitz, D. E. D. (1978). On the selective use of punishment-Suggested guide- lines for administrators. MentalRetardation, 16, 250-254. Rivera, G. (1972). Willowbrook:A report on how it is and why it doesn't have to be that way. New York: Vintage. Skinner, B. F. (1982, September). Why are we not acting to save the world? American Psychological Association, Washington, D.C. Reprinted in: B. F. Skinner (1987). Uponfurther reflection (pp. 1- 14). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Viadero, D. (1987, October 7). U.S. to monitor aversive therapy. Education Week, 14. Will, M., & Reynolds, W. B. (1987, September 29). Concerns about electroshock therapy. The Wash- ington Post, Letters.