1. The Eighth Schedule
Article 344 and the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution gives adequate
representation and recognition to the linguistic diversity in India. The Eighth
Schedule recognises 23 languages, namely: (1) Assamese, (2) Bengali, (3)
Gujarati, (4) Hindi, (5) Kannada, (6) Kashmiri, (7) Konkani, (8) Malayalam,
(9) Manipuri, (10) Marathi, (11) Nepali, (12) Oriya, (13) Punjabi, (14)
Sanskrit, (15) Sindhi, (16) Tamil, (17) Telugu, (18) Urdu (19) Bodo, (20)
Santhali, (21) Maithili (22) Dogri and (23) English. These languages are
added in accordance with the linguistic grounds. Others have been excluded
based on the same ground.
Under Article 344 of the Constitution, the President shall, after five years
from the commencement of the Constitution and ten years from such
commencement, by order constitute a Commission which shall consist of a
Chairman and such other members representing the different languages
specified in the Eighth Schedule.
The Commission is bestowed with the duty to make recommendations to the
President for the progressive use of the Hindi language for the official
purposes of the Union, restrictions on the use of English language for all or
any of the official purposes of the Union, or in respect of matters related to
the use of official language for the purpose of communication between
states, and union and states to name a few. Provided that the
recommendations must also consider the claims of the non-Hindi speaking
population and due regard must be given to industrial, cultural, and scientific
advancement in India.
It is pertinent to understand that the Eighth Schedule does not mention
English as one of its languages. The idea of the constitutional framers was to
include it to continue with the official work of the Union before the
commencement of the Constitution was pursued in English, the language of
the coloniser. But this was not the only reason because the English language
at the time of the drafting of the Constitution was widely known in other
parts of the world too.
2. Reasons to recognise official languages in
India
The Munshi-Ayyangar formula was a sort of compromise that the Constituent
Assembly agreed on because, first, it was necessary as against the demand
of the various groups to recognise their language. Second, this compromise
offered stability as the country had just become independent from the rule of
Britain and it needed to find its own voice and stand that they long lost
because of colonialism. This meant that rather than instant recognition of
various regional languages, the idea was to agree on one language that was
spoken and understood by the majority and at the same time, it was not
possible to disown the language of the coloniser suddenly as India needed to
find its place at the global front too.
Since in many parts of the country the population is recognised through their
unique linguistic identity, it is imperative to give them the recognition they
deserve. India has a population of over 121 crores, and due to the existence
of a variety of languages and mother tongue, there could be a conflict
between the communities over the non-recognition of their language. It is
pertinent to understand that accommodation of cultural and linguistic values
go a long way in creating stability in the country which was also the goal
envisaged by the constitutional framers.
Further, India adopted the three-language formula to accommodate the
flexibility that arises in recognising Hindi, English, and a modern Indian
language in a Hindi speaking state and replacing it with the Indian language
in addition to Hindi and English in a non-Hindi speaking state. This was
added through the National Education Policy, 1968.
3. Issues with the adoption of different
languages
The English-Hindi class divide
One of the most apparent issues in regards to language in India is the
disparity in terms of socio-economic disadvantages between those who can
speak and write English versus those who cannot. It is a preconceived notion
attached to English which is considered as the language of the rich and the
marker of status. While the recognition of English is consistent throughout
the world, in India it is associated with upper-class status and privileged
education. I say privileged because not all classes in India have access to
standard education, least we expect them to know English or be fluent in
English.
Linguistic chauvinism: one country one language
v. federalism
The three-language formula has also been recommended to continue in
the National Education Policy 2020. But since language is a state subject,
Tamil Nadu has refused to accept this formula. The Tamil Nadu government
has been following a two-language formula which is English and Tamil as two
languages of the state. Most of the states have not accepted this formula
which could have been seen as a way to maintain inter-state
communications.
No set criteria for qualifying a language under the
Eighth Schedule
There are other issues with the recognition of scheduled languages which is
that there are no standard criteria that are followed to include a particular
language within the framework of the constitutional protection. Since this is
still the case, it becomes discriminatory as against the demand of recognising
other languages such as Bhojpuri, Gujjar, English, and Rajasthani to name a
few. These are also the languages spoken by people in India irrespective of
whether the number of speakers is in minority or majority since the Indian
Constitution does not promote majoritarianism.
Further, since the Constituent Assembly decided on certain aspects that were
not meant to be changed because it could disrupt the delicate balance
4. attained through the Munshi-Ayyangar formula, the same has now been
changed. One such aspect was to recognise the international form of
numerals. Though the government has not removed the use of international
numerals, they have used the Devanagari script in the new banknotes. This
has created tensions amongst the community because for a long time India
has avoided giving special recognition to a particular language, but this move
shows the contrary to what was envisioned by the framers of the
Constitution. This new move is a sign of cultural imperialism.