CHAPTER 8 RECONSTRUCTION, Opening and Closing , 1865-1900Cont.docx

CHAPTER 8: RECONSTRUCTION, Opening and Closing ,
1865-1900
Contents
Introduction and Pre-Reading Questions: 1
Documents: 5
Document 1, Harper’s Weekly comments on the Freedman’s
Bureau, 1868 (Harper's Weekly, 1868) 5
Document 2, Former slaves reflect on their happiness with
freedom and the Thirteenth Amendment (Library of Congress,
1936-1938) 7
Document 3, Mississippi Black Codes, 1865 (America Past and
Present Online, 1865) 13
Document 4, Reflections on the Lincoln Assassination (The
New York Times, 1865) 15
Document 5, President Andrew Johnson orders the return of
Field Order 15 land (Engine of Souls Forum, 1865) 18
Document 6, The 14th and 15th Amendments (The Charters of
Freedom, 1866 (r. 1868); 1869 (r. 1870)) 19
Document 7, The Arkansas Gazette on Black Male Suffrage,
1890 (Perman, 2001) 20
Document 8, 1868 Ku Klux Klan Charter (albany.edu, 1868) 21
Post-Reading Exercises: 22
Works Cited 22
Introduction and Pre-Reading Questions: As you know, the
North won the Civil War in 1865 under the presidential
leadership of Abraham Lincoln. Well, Lincoln had his work cut
out for him as president during this war, and, in particular, he
had his work cut out for him in terms of figuring out what to do
with the South once the war was over. It became clear by 1864,
well before the Confederacy surrendered, that the Union was

going to win the war. Looking back, it seems that perhaps
Lincoln shouldn’t have let the war go on so much longer, since
it was obvious—really to both sides—who the eventual victor
would be. Indeed, some have argued that Lincoln should have
negotiated with the South to try and end the war sooner. But
Lincoln would have argued that he could never have negotiated
with the South—he insisted that since the Confederacy was a
rebellious bunch, since they had no legal right to exist, he
couldn’t negotiate with them.
So Lincoln instead had to focus on what to do with the
South once the war really did end. Lincoln did know one thing
for sure—he knew he couldn’t just readmit the South and
pretend that nothing had happened. Too much blood had been
shed for that and he also didn’t want anyone to think that when
they didn’t like a governmental policy, they could just secede
from the Union with no consequences. This much was clear to
Lincoln early on, but aside from this, he wasn’t too sure on how
to proceed with the reunification or the reconstruction of the
nation.
By the time the war did finally end in 1865, the South was
in tatters, with homes and buildings destroyed, railroads and
bridges completely gone, fields untended. The Emancipation
Proclamation had stripped many Southerners of their slaves and
many acutely felt new economic burdens, particularly because
so many fathers and sons had been killed in the war. For these
white Southerners, they hoped that the period of
Reconstruction—the period of reunifying the nation—would
consist of the federal government stepping out of southern
affairs and they hoped to see African Americans denied the
rights of citizenship. Some even hoped that in the places where
the Emancipation Proclamation hadn’t touched slavery, the
institution would continue.
For Southern blacks, whose situation was also incredibly
difficult in the aftermath of the war, Reconstruction held some
opposite hopes. Over 4 million men and women—former slaves
all of them—were freed in the months following the surrender

of the South in April 1865 with the passage and eventual
ratification of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, and
though they found hope in their ability to leave the plantation
system, they also found that freedom in the South wasn’t as
easy as they had hoped. Many found they had nowhere to go,
nothing to feed or clothe them, and no work to do. So African-
Americans hoped that the program of Reconstruction would be
able to help them secure the real freedom they hoped for:
political and economic rights, as well as a legal declaration of
equality of all the races.
While the specific programs for Reconstruction were being
worked out, in the months following the Civil War, Congress
stationed federal troops throughout the South to preserve order
and protect former slaves, and established the Freedmen’s
Bureau, a government agency that was designed primarily to
help the former slaves by providing food and education to them
(Document 1). The Bureau also worked to help both former
slaves and poor whites find their own land. But the Freedmen’s
Bureau only had a charter for one year (and no support from
President Lincoln), so many former slaves hoped that the
program of Reconstruction would extend the charter or design
something equally useful to help them continue the transition
into free life. What were some of the positives of the
Freedmen’s Bureau? Some of the problems?
Despite the lack of a more permanent federal plan for former
slaves, these former slaves took quick action, celebrating their
freedom, moving away from the plantations, and exercising
some of the new rights being afforded them, which you’ll read
about in Document 2. As Document 3 shows, however,
Southerners did not take too kindly to the end of the war or the
new rights slaves now had; the Mississippi Black Codes
demonstrate some of the ways southern whites attempted to put
blacks back into a position of inferiority. Looking at these
three documents together, what was life like for blacks and
whites at the conclusion of the war?
Southerners also showed their displeasure with the post-Civil

War world by fighting vehemently against President Lincoln’s
Reconstruction plans and, ultimately and tragically, against
President Lincoln himself. Lincoln was assassinated in April
1865, just days after the official surrender of the Confederacy
(Document 4) and he was unable to see any of his plans for
Reconstruction come to life. Instead, his successor, Andrew
Johnson, took the reins of Reconstruction. In Document 5,
Johnson returns land that had been seized from Confederates
during the war and given to former slaves to get their new lives
started—this was obviously a tremendous blow to many former
slaves. Seeing this, what do you think Johnson’s goals for
Reconstruction were?
Despite Johnson’s sometimes wishy-washy stance on the status
of former slaves and former Confederates, a radical Republican
Congress pushed forward a lengthy Reconstruction plan in 1865
that demanded voting rights be taken away from former
Confederate officials, required southerners to pledge an oath of
loyalty to the Union before their state would be allowed back
into the Union, and promised new rights for African Americans,
including the rights of citizenship and the right to vote for black
men. These two laws, the 14th and 15th Amendments to the
Constitution (Document 6), were difficult to get passed and
ratified, but ultimately paved the way for some tremendous
changes for African Americans and for whites. As Documents
7-8 show, southern whites continued to struggle mightily with
the new roles that African Americans were playing. What
problems do you think these struggles would pose for blacks in
the post-Reconstruction era?
Overall, Reconstruction was both a series of positives and
negatives. The negatives were that racism was not properly
discussed or dealt with and that meant it would never go away
in the South or the North. However, it’s successes were that it
allowed blacks a measure of dignity and equality that they had
not had under slavery; it provided economic opportunity,
including the possibility of owning land, and, most importantly,
it allowed blacks to create their own culture within the

American south, through churches, schools and meeting groups,
that would allow them to feel a true sense of freedom. The
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments would prove to be
invaluable laws for the Civil Rights movement that was to occur
a century later.
Documents:
Document 1, Harper’s Weekly comments on the Freedman’s
Bureau, 1868 (Harper's Weekly, 1868)[footnoteRef:1] [1:
Alfred R. Waud, “The Freedmen’s Bureau,” July 25, 1868,
Harper’s Weekly. HarpWeek.com Explanation written by
Robert C. Kennedy,
http://www.harpweek.com/09Cartoon/BrowseByDateCartoon.as
p?Month=July&Date=25 ]
Explanation (Secondary Source) from HarpWeek.com: In July
1868, Congress essentially ended the existence of the
Freedmen's Bureau, a temporary federal agency established to
provide basic relief to emancipated slaves. Cartoonist A. R.
Waud honors its three years of service by portraying it as the
necessary line of defense protecting black Southerners from
their hostile white neighbors.
In February 1862, George William Curtis, an abolitionist and
columnist for Harper's Weekly, wrote Treasury Secretary
Salmon Chase suggesting the creation of a federal agency to
assist the former slaves crossing into Union territory. It was an
idea already eagerly discussed among abolitionists, and Curtis
publicly promoted it in his “Lounger” column in the March 1,
1862 issue of Harper's Weekly. He placed such importance on
the issue that he addressed it again in the first issue of the
newspaper in which he assumed responsibility as editorial
writer, December 26, 1863. Curtis and his father-in-law,
Francis Shaw, president of the philanthropic Freedmen’s Relief

Association, helped Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts
draft the Freedmen’s Bill to establish the Freedmen’s Bureau.
Radical Republicans like Curtis wanted the agency in the
Treasury Department under the abolitionist Chase. Others
wanted it positioned within the War Department, so passage of
the legislation was delayed until after Chase resigned in 1864.
In March 3, 1865, Congress created the Bureau of Refugees,
Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, commonly known as the
Freedmen’s Bureau. The final version of the bill established a
temporary agency within the War Department, under the
direction of General Oliver Otis Howard.
The law granted relief to black and white persons displaced by
the Civil War, but was aimed at assisting the freed slaves in
their transition from enslavement to liberty. The freed slaves
were provided basic shelter and medical care, assistance in
labor-contract negotiation and the establishment of schools, and
similar services. The Freedmen's Bureau was the first federal
agency dedicated to social welfare.
In February 1866, Congress passed a second Freedmen’s Bureau
Act, which extended the temporary agency’s life for two years
and gave the United States Army the responsibility of protecting
the civil rights of black Americans in the former Confederate
states. President Andrew Johnson, however, vetoed the bill.
Although Congress had rejected Johnson's own Reconstruction
program in 1865 as too lenient, many Republicans were
surprised by the president's veto. It was the beginning, though,
of an increasingly acrimonious relationship between the
Democratic president and the Republican Congress over the
shape and control of Reconstruction in the postwar South.
That spring, President Johnson sent Generals John Steedman
and Joseph Fullerton on a tour of the South to gather
information in an effort to discredit the Freedmen’s Bureau.

Southern blacks, however, expressed strong support for the
continued presence of the Freemen’s Bureau in the South,
believing that it gave them necessary aid and, especially,
protection. In one case, when General Steedman offered a
crowd of 800 blacks a hypothetical choice between the
Freedmen’s Bureau and the United States Army, the audience
overwhelmingly chose the Bureau. In July 1866, Congress
passed the Freedmen’s Bureau Act a second time. President
Johnson vetoed it again, but Congress was able to override his
veto and it became law.
The Freedmen's Bureau helped Southern blacks build schools
and churches, enforced civil rights and due process, facilitated
the reunion of families separated by slavery, and allocated basic
necessities of food and shelter until recipients could provide for
themselves. Yet, for all the good that it did, the agency's
effectiveness was hampered by several obstacles. During most
of its three years of existence, it never had sufficient funding or
personnel (at its peak, it only had 900 agents throughout the
South). It also faced opposition from segments of the Southern
white population and their political representatives at the local,
state, and federal level. Furthermore, many whites in the North
and their congressmen became increasingly uneasy about
Reconstruction, and in this case over a federal social program
targeting one specific group of Americans.
On July 6, 1868, Congress passed a law that essentially
instructed the Freedmen's Bureau to close up shop. The federal
legislation extended the agency's life to the end of the year, but
discontinued it in the former Confederate states that were
reconstructed (all but three). On January 1, 1869, General
Howard brought most of the agency's activities to a halt.
In an editorial appearing in the same issue as this cartoon,
George William Curtis reflected on the vital role the Freedmen's
Bureau had played. "No institution was ever more imperatively

necessary, and none has been more useful." The Harper's
Weekly editor agreed with cartoonist Waud's perspective that
the Freedmen's Bureau had prevented a "war of races" in the
postwar South. The Civil War ended with the slaves freed, but
left them without resources and hated in the land they knew.
"The Freedmen's Bureau was the conscience and common-sense
of the country stepping between the hostile parties and saying to
them, with irresistible authority, 'Peace!'" The agency "stood
between the freedmen and starvation and cruel laws, meanwhile
giving them arms and schools and civil and political equality,
that they might start fair in the common race."
Document 2, Former slaves reflect on their happiness with
freedom and the Thirteenth Amendment (Library of Congress,
1936-1938)[footnoteRef:2] [2: ”Aunt” Rhody Holsell, “Slaves
Happy to be Free,” Frederickstown, MO, from Born in Slavery:
Slave Narratives from the Federal Writers’ Project, 1936-1938,
Missouri Narratives, Volume X, pages 191-192; Henry Johnson,
Slave Narrative, St. Louis, MO, from Born in Slavery: Slave
Narratives from the Federal Writers’ Project, 1936-1938,
Missouri Narratives, Volume X, pages 210-212.]
Document 3, Mississippi Black Codes, 1865 (America Past and
Present Online, 1865)[footnoteRef:3] [3: “Mississippi Black
Codes,” Approved November 25, 1865.]
Section 1. Be it enacted by the legislature of the State of
Mississippi, That all freedmen, free Negroes, and mulattoes may
sue and be sued, implead and be impleaded in all the courts of

law and equity of this state, and may acquire personal property
and choses in action, by descent or purchase, any may dispose
of the same, in the same manner, and to the same extent that
white persons may: Provided that the provisions of this section
shall not be so construed as to allow any freedman, free Negro,
or mulatto to rent or lease any lands or tenements, except in
incorporated town or cities in which places the corporate
authorities shall control the same.
Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That all freedmen, free Negroes,
and mulattoes may intermarry with each other, in the same
manner and under the same regulations that are provided by law
for white persons: Provided, that the clerk of probate shall keep
separate records of the same.
Sec. 3. Be it further enacted, That all freedmen, free Negroes,
and mulattoes, who do now and have heretofore lived and
cohabited together as husband and wife shall be taken and held
in law as legally married, and the issue shall be taken and held
as legitimate for all purposes. That it shall not be lawful for any
freedman, free Negro, or mulatto to intermarry with any white
person; nor for any white person to intermarry with any
freedman, free Negro, or mulatto; any person who shall so
intermarry shall be deemed guilty of felony and, on conviction
thereof, shall be confined in the state penitentiary for life; and
those shall be deemed freedmen, free Negroes, and mulattoes
who are of pure Negro blood, and those descended from a Negro
to the third generation inclusive, though one ancestor of each
generation may have been a white person.
Sec. 4. Be it further enacted, That in addition to cases in which
freedmen, free Negroes, and mulattoes are now by law
competent witnesses, freedmen, free Negroes, or mulattoes shall
be competent in civil cases when a party or parties to the suit,
either plaintiff or plaintiffs, defendant or defendants, also in
cases where freedmen, free Negroes, and mulattoes is or are

either plaintiff or plaintiffs, defendant or defendants, and a
white person or white persons is or are the opposing party or
parties, plaintiff or plaintiffs, defendant or defendants. They
shall also be competent witnesses in all criminal prosecutions
where the crime charged is alleged to have been committed by a
white person upon or against the person or property of a
freedman, free Negro, or mulatto: Provided that in all cases said
witnesses shall be examined in open court on the stand, except,
however, they may be examined before the grand jury, and shall
in all cases be subject to the rules and tests of the common law
as to competency and credibility.
Sec. 5. Be it further enacted, That every freedman, free Negro,
and mulatto shall, on the second Monday of January, one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-six, and annually thereafter,
have a lawful home or employment. . . .
Sec. 6. Be it further enacted, That all contracts for labor made
with freedmen, free Negroes, and mulattoes for a longer period
than one month shall be in writing and in duplicate, attested and
read to said freedman, free Negro, or mulatto, by a beat, city or
county officers, or two disinterested white persons of the
country in which the labor is to be performed, of which each
party shall have one; and said contracts shall be taken and held
as entire contracts, and if the laborer shall quit the service of
the employer, before expiration of his term of service, without
good cause, he shall forfeit his wages for that year, up to the
time of quitting.
Sec. 7. Be it further enacted, That every civil officer shall, and
every person may, arrest and carry back to his or her legal
employer any freedman, free Negro, or mulatto who shall have
quit the service of his or her employer before the expiration of
his or her term of service without good cause, and said officer
and person shall be entitled to receive for arresting and carrying
back every deserting employee aforesaid, the sum of five

dollars, and ten cents per mile from the place of arrest to the
place of delivery, and the same shall be paid by the employer,
and held as a set-off for so much against the wages of said
deserting employee.
Sec. 8. Be it further enacted, That upon affidavit made by the
employer of any freedman, free Negro, or mulatto, or other
credible person, before any justice of the peace or member of
the board of police, that any freedman, free Negro, or mulatto,
legally employed by said employer, has illegally deserted said
employment, such justice of the peace or member of the board
of police shall issue his warrant or warrants, returnable before
himself, or other such officer, directed to any sheriff, constable,
or special deputy, commanding him to arrest said deserter and
return him or her to said employer, and the like proceedings
shall be had as provided in the preceding section. . . .
Sec. 9. Be it further enacted, That if any person shall persuade
or attempt to persuade, entice, or cause any freedman, free
Negro, or mulatto to desert from the legal employment of any
person, before the expiration of his or her term of service, or
shall knowingly employ any such deserting freedman, free
Negro, or mulatto, or shall knowingly give or sell to any such
deserting freedman, free Negro, or mulatto, any food, raiment,
or other thing, he or she shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and,
upon conviction, shall be fined not less than twenty-five dollars
and not more then two hundred dollars and the costs, and, if
said fine and costs shall not be immediately paid, the court shall
sentence said convict to not exceeding two months'
imprisonment in the county jail, and he or she shall moreover be
liable to the party injured in damages: . . . .
Sec. 10. Be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for any
freedman, free Negro, or mulatto to charge any white person,
freedman, free Negro, or mulatto, by affidavit, with any
criminal offense against his or her person or property and upon

such affidavit the proper process shall be issued and executed as
if said affidavit was made by a white person, and it shall be
lawful for any freedman, free Negro, or mulatto, in any action,
suit, or controversy pending, or about to be instituted, in any
court of law or equity of this state, to make all needful and
lawful affidavits, as shall be necessary for the institution,
prosecution, or defense of such suit or controversy.
Sec. 11. Be it further enacted, That the penal laws of this state,
in all cases not otherwise specially provided for, shall apply and
extend to all freedmen, free Negroes, and mulattoes. . . .
Approved November 25, 1865
Document 4, Reflections on the Lincoln Assassination (The
New York Times, 1865)[footnoteRef:4] [4: N.a., “President
Lincoln Shot by an Assassin,” New York: New York Times,
April 15, 1865, pp. 1.]
Awful Event
President Lincoln Shot by an Assassin
The Deed Done at Ford's Theatre Last Night
THE ACT OF A DESPERATE REBEL
The President Still Alive at Last Accounts.
No Hopes Entertained of His Recovery.
Attempted Assassination of Secretary Seward.
DETAILS OF THE DREADFUL TRAGEDY.
Official
War Department, Washington April 15, 1:30 A.M. - Maj. Gen.
Dis.: This evening at about 9:30 P.M. at Ford's Theatre, the
President, while sitting in his private box with Mrs. Lincoln,
Mr. Harris, and Major Rathburn, was shot by an assassin, who
suddenly entered the box and appeared behind the President.

The assassin then leaped upon the stage, brandishing a large
dagger or knife, and made his escape in the rear of the theatre.
The pistol ball entered the back of the President's head and
penetrated nearly through the head. The wound is mortal. The
President has been insensible ever since it was inflicted, and is
now dying.
About the same hour an assassin, whether the same or not,
entered Mr. Sewards' apartments, and under the pretence of
having a prescription, was shown to the Secretary's sick
chamber. The assassin immediately rushed to the bed, and
inflicted two or three stabs on the throat and two on the face. It
is hoped the wounds may not be mortal. My apprehension is that
they will prove fatal.
The nurse alarmed Mr. Frederick Seward, who was in an
adjoining room, and hastened to the door of his father's room,
when he met the assassin, who inflicted upon him one or more
dangerous wounds. The recovery of Frederick Seward is
doubtful.
It is not probable that the President will live throughout the
night.
Gen. Grant and wife were advertised to be at the theatre this
evening, but he started to Burlington at 6 o'clock this evening.
At a Cabinet meeting at which Gen. Grant was present, the
subject of the state of the country and the prospect of a speedy
peace was discussed. The President was very cheerful and
hopeful, and spoke very kindly of Gen. Lee and others of the
Confederacy, and of the establishment of government in
Virginia.
All the members of the Cabinet except Mr. Seward are now in

attendance upon the President.
I have seen Mr. Seward, but he and Frederick were both
unconscious.
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.
Detail of the Occurrence
Washington, Friday, April 14, 12:30 A.M. - The President was
shot in a theatre tonight, and is perhaps mortally wounded.
Secretary Seward was also assassinated.
Second Dispatch.
Washington, Friday, April 14 - President Lincoln and wife, with
other friends, this evening visited Ford's Theatre for the purpose
of witnessing the performance of the "American Cousin."
It was announced in the papers that Gen. Grant would also be
present, but he took the late train of cars for New-Jersey.
The theatre was densely crowded, and everybody seemed
delighted with the scene before them. During the third act, and
while there was a temporary pause for one of the actors to enter,
a sharp report of a pistol was heard, which merely attracted
attention, but suggesting nothing serious, until a man rushed to
the front of the President's box, waving a long dagger in his
right hand, and exclaiming "Sic semper tyrannis," and
immediately leaped from the box, which was in the second tier,
to the opposite side, making his escape amid the bewilderment
of the audience from the rear of the theatre, and mounting a
horse, fled.
The screams of Mrs. Lincoln first disclosed the fact to the
audience that the President had been shot, when all present rose
to their feet, rushing toward the stage, many exclaiming "Hang

him! Hang him!"
The excitement was of the wildest possible description, and of
course there was an abrupt termination of the theatrical
performance.
There was a rush toward the President's box, when cries were
heard: "Stand back and give him air." "Has any one stimulants."
On a hasty examination, it was found that the President had
been shot through the head, above and back of the temporal
bone, and that some of the brain was oozing out. He was
removed to a private house opposite to the theatre, and the
Surgeon-General of the army and other surgeons sent for to
attend to his condition.
On an examination of the private box blood was discovered on
the back of the cushioned rocking chair on which the President
had been sitting, also on the partition and on the floor. A
common single-barreled pocket pistol was found on the carpet.
A military guard was placed in front of the private residence to
which the President had been conveyed. An immense crowd was
in front of it, all deeply anxious to learn the condition of the
President. It had been previously announced that the wound was
mortal but all hoped otherwise. The shock to the community
was terrible.
The President was in a state of syncope, totally insensible, and
breathing slowly. The blood oozed from the wound at the back
of his head. The surgeons exhausted every effort of medical
skill, but all hope was gone. The parting of his family with the
dying President is too sad for description.
At midnight, the Cabinet, with Messrs. Sumner, Colfax and
Farnsworth, Judge Curtis, Gov. Oglesby, Gen. Meigs, Col. Hay,
and a few personal friends, with Surgeon-General Barnes and

his immediate assistants, were around his bedside.
The President and Mrs. Lincoln did not start for the theatre until
fifteen minutes after eight o'clock. Speaker Colfax was at the
White House at the time, and the President stated to him that he
was going, although Mrs. Lincoln had not been well, because,
the papers had announced that Gen. Grant and they were to be
present, and, as Gen. Grant had gone North, he did not wish the
audience to be disappointed.
He went with apparent reluctance and urged Mr. Colfax to go
with him; but that gentleman had made other engagements, and
with Mr. Ashman, of Massachusetts, bid him good bye.
When the excitement at the theatre was at its wildest height,
reports were circulated that Secretary Seward had also been
assassinated.
On reaching this gentleman's residence a crowd and a military
guard were found at the door, and on entering it was ascertained
that the reports were based on truth.
Everybody there was so excited that scarcely an intelligible
word could be gathered, but the facts are substantially as
follows:
About 10 o'clock a man rang the bell, and the call having been
answered by a colored servant, he said he had come from Dr.
Verdi, Secretary Seward's family physician, with a prescription,
at the same time holding in his hand a small piece of folded
paper, and saying in answer to a refusal that he must see the
Secretary, making the same representation which he did to the
servant. What further passed in the way of colloquy is not
known, but the man struck him on the head with a "billy,"
severely injuring the skull and felling him almost senseless. The
assassin then rushed into the chamber and attacked Major

Seward, Paymaster of the United States army and Mr. Hansell, a
messenger of the State Department and two male nurses,
disabling them all, he then rushed upon the Secretary, who was
lying in bed in the same room, and inflicted three stabs in the
neck, but severing, it is thought and hoped, no arteries, though
he bled profusely.
The assassin then rushed down stairs, mounted his horse at the
door, and rode off before an alarm could be sounded, and in the
same manner as the assassin of the President.
It is believed that the injuries of the Secretary are not fatal, nor
those of either of the others, although the Secretary and the
Assistant Secretary are very seriously injured.
Secretaries Stanton and Welles, and other prominent officers of
the government, called at Secretary Seward's home to inquire
into his condition, and there heard of the assassination of the
President.
They the proceeded to the house where he was lying, exhibiting
of course intense anxiety and solicitude. An immense crowd was
gathered in front of the President's house, and a strong guard
was also stationed there, many persons evidently supposing he
would be brought to his home.
The entire city to-night presents a scene of wild excitement,
accompanied by violent expressions of indignation, and the
profoundest sorrow; many shed tears. The military authorities
have dispatched mounted patrols in every direction, in order, if
possible, to arrest the assassins. The whole metropolitan police
are likewise vigilant for the same purpose.
The attacks both at the theatre and at Secretary Seward's house,
took place at about the same hour- 10 o'clock- thus showing a
preconcerted plan to assassinate those gentlemen. Some

evidences of the guilt of the party who attacked the President
are in the possession of the police.
Vice-President Johnson is in the city, and his headquarters are
guarded by troops.
Document 5, President Andrew Johnson orders the return of
Field Order 15 land (Engine of Souls Forum,
1865)[footnoteRef:5] [5: N.a., “Legal Form for the Restoration
of Confiscated Property Held by the Freedmens Bureau,” 1865,
From South Carolina Freedmens Bureau Records, Box 483; in
Martin Abbott, Freedmens Bureau in South Carolina (Chapel
Hill, NC: 1967), pp. 137-138.]
Richard H. Jenkins, an applicant for the restoration of his
plantation on Wadmalaw Island, S. C., called Rackett Hall, the
same having been unoccupied during the past year and up to the
1st of Jan. 1866, except by one freedman who planted no crop,
and being held by the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and
Abandoned Lands, having conformed to the requirements of
Circular No. 15 of said Bureau, dated Washington, D. C., Sept.
12, 1865, the aforesaid property is hereby restored to his
possession.
The above instrument to be considered null and void unless the
obligation herewith attached and subscribed to by said Richard
H. Jenkins be faithfully and fully complied with.
All differences arising under this instrument and obligation are
to be adjusted by the Board of Supervisors constituted by order
of the Commissioner of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and
Abandoned Lands, dated Charleston, November 14, 1865.
. . . . . .

The Undersigned, Richard H. Jenkins, does hereby solemnly
promise and engage, that he will secure to the Refugees and
Freedmen now resident on his Wadmalaw Island Estate, the
crops of the past year, harvested or unharvested; also, that the
said Refugees and Freedmen shall be allowed to remain at their
present houses or other homes on the island, so long as the
responsible Refugees and Freedmen (embracing parents,
guardians, and other natural protectors) shall enter into
contracts, by leases or for wages, in terms satisfactory to the
Supervising Board.
Also, that the undersigned will take the proper steps to enter
into contracts with the above described responsible Refugees
and Freedmen, the latter being required on their part to enter
into said contracts on or before the 15th day of February, 1866,
or surrender their right to remain on the said estate, it being
understood that if they are unwilling to contract after the
expiration of said period, the Supervising Board is to aid in
getting them homes and employment elsewhere.
Also, that the undersigned will take the proper steps to enter to
schools sanctioned by the Supervising Board, or by the Bureau
of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands.
But nothing in this instrument shall be so construed as to
relieve the above mentioned persons from the ordinary judicial
consequences of crime and misdemeanor.
Neither the land owners nor the Refugees and Freedmen will be
obligated by this instrument beyond one year from this date
unless the instrument is renewed.
Document 6, The 14th and 15th Amendments (The Charters of
Freedom, 1866 (r. 1868); 1869 (r. 1870))[footnoteRef:6] [6:
Amendment XIV, passed by Congress June 13, 1866, ratified
July 9, 1868. Amendment XV, passed by Congress February 26,
1869, ratified February 3, 1870.]

AMENDMENT XIV
Passed by Congress June 13, 1866. Ratified July 9, 1868.
Section 1.
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and
of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce
any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of
citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any
person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law;
nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws.
Section 2.
Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States
according to their respective numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed.
But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of
electors for President and Vice-President of the United States,
Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers
of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied
to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one
years of age,* and citizens of the United States, or in any way
abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime,
the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the
proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to
the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in
such State.
Section 3.
No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or
elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil
or military, under the United States, or under any State, who,
having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as

an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State
legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to
support the Constitution of the United States, shall have
engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given
aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a
vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.
Section 4.
The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized
by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and
bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion,
shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any
State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid
of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any
claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such
debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.
Section 5.
The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate
legislation, the provisions of this article.
AMENDMENT XV
Passed by Congress February 26, 1869. Ratified February 3,
1870.
Section 1.
The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be
denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on
account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude--
Section 2.
The Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by
appropriate legislation.
Document 7, The Arkansas Gazette on Black Male Suffrage,

1890 (Perman, 2001)[footnoteRef:7] [7: Michael Perman,
Struggle for Mastery: Disenfranchisement in the South, 1888-
1908 (North Carolina: UNC Press, 2001), 61.]
The negro must retire as a competitive factor in politics, in
order to ensure peace and harmony between the races. The
rugged issue cannot be dodged. It is a struggle for mastery, in
which the strongest arm must win.
Document 8, 1868 Ku Klux Klan Charter (albany.edu,
1868)[footnoteRef:8] [8: N.a., “Organization and Principles of
the Ku Klux Klan,” 1868.]
Appellation
This organization shall be styled and denominated the Order of
the---
We, the Order of the ---, reverentially acknowledge the majesty
and supremacy of the Divine Being and recognize the goodness
and providence of the same. And we recognize our relation to
the United States government, the supremacy of the
Constitution, the constitutional laws thereof, and the Union of
states thereunder.
Character and Objects of the Order
This is an institution of chivalry, humanity, mercy, and
patriotism; embodying in its genius and its principles all that is
chivalric in conduct, noble in sentiment, generous in manhood,
and patriotic in purpose; its peculiar objects being:
First, to protect the weak, the innocent, and the defenseless
from the indignities, wrongs, and outrages of the lawless, the
violent, and the brutal; to relieve the injured and oppressed; to
succor the suffering and unfortunate, and especially the widows
and orphans of Confederate soldiers.
Second, to protect and defend the Constitution of the United
States, and all laws passed in conformity thereto, and to protect

the states and the people thereof from all invasion from any
source whatever.
Third, to aid and assist in the execution of all constitutional
laws, and to protect the people from unlawful seizure and from
trial, except by their peers in conformity to the laws of the land.
Titles
Section 1. The officers of this Order shall consist of a Grand
Wizard of the Empire and his ten Genii; a Grand Dragon of the
Realm and his eight Hydras; a Grand Titan of the Dominion and
his six Furies; a Grand Giant of the Province and his four
Goblins; a Grand Cyclops of the Den and his two Night Hawks;
a Grand Magi, a Grand Monk, a Grand Scribe, a Grand
Exchequer, a Grand Turk, and a Grand Sentinel.
Section 2. The body politic of this Order shall be known and
designated as "Ghouls."
Territory and Its Divisions
Section 1. The territory embraced within the jurisdiction of this
Order shall be coterminous with the states of Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida,
Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Missouri,
Kentucky, and Tennessee; all combined constituting the Empire.
Section 2. The Empire shall be divided into four departments,
the first to be styled the Realm and coterminous with the
boundaries of the several states; the second to be styled the
Dominion and to be coterminous with such counties as the
Grand Dragons of the several Realms may assign to the charge
of the Grand Titan. The third to be styled the Province and to be
coterminous with the several counties; provided, the Grand
Titan may, when he deems it necessary, assign two Grand
Giants to one Province, prescribing, at the same time, the
jurisdiction of each. The fourth department to be styled the Den,
and shall embrace such part of a Province as the Grand Giant
shall assign to the charge of a Grand Cyclops.

Questions To Be Asked Candidates
1. Have you ever been rejected, upon application for
membership in the ---, or have you ever been expelled from the
same?
2. Are you now, or have you ever been a member of the Radical
Republican Party, or either of the organizations known as the
"Loyal League" and the "Grand Army of the Republic"?
3. Are you opposed to the principles and policy of the Radical
Party, and to the Loyal League, and the Grand Army of the
Republic, so far as you are informed of the character and
purposes of those organizations?
4. Did you belong to the Federal Army during the late war, and
fight against the South during the existence of the same?
5. Are you opposed to Negro equality both social and political?
6. Are you in favor of a white man's government in this
country?
7. Are you in favor of constitutional liberty, and a government
of equitable laws instead of a government of violence and
oppression?
8. Are you in favor of maintaining the constitutional rights of
the South?
9. Are you in favor of the reenfranchisement and emancipation
of the white men of the South, and the restitution of the
Southern people to all their rights, alike proprietary, civil, and
political?
10. Do you believe in the inalienable right of self-preservation
of the people against the exercise of arbitrary and unlicensed
power?
Post-Reading Exercises:
1. According to the documents in this chapter, what were some
of the positive changes made for blacks in the United States
during Reconstruction? What were some of the problems that
Reconstruction posed for blacks?
2. Pretend you are a former slave who was freed by the 13th

Amendment. Using specific examples and quotes from the
primary source documents in this chapter, write a letter to a
friend or family member (also a former slave who was freed by
the 13th Amendment) about your hopes, happiness, fears, and
doubts about your future.
3. JOURNAL OPTION: For this chapter of OB, instead of
answering Question 1 or 2, you may instead choose to turn in a
2-4 page typed document (double-spaced) with brief notes on
each document in the chapter, as well as 5 questions about the
chapter’s material. Please see the handout under Files titled
“Journal Notes/Questions Guide” for more specific instructions
on how to do this properly.
Works Cited
Document 8: albany.edu. (1868). albany.edu. Retrieved July 10,
2012, from Organization and Principles of the Ku Klux Klan:
http://www.albany.edu/history/history316/kkk.html
Document 3: America Past and Present Online. (1865). America
Past and Present Online. Retrieved July 10, 2012, from
Mississippi Black Codes:
http://occawlonline.pearsoned.com/bookbind/pubbooks/divine5e
/medialib/timeline/docs/sources/theme_primarysources_Civil_R
ights_1.html
Document 5: Engine of Souls Forum. (1865). Engine of Souls
Forum. Retrieved July 10, 2012, from Restoration of
Confiscated Property:
http://www.activeboard.com/forum.spark?forumID=110976&p=
3&topicID=14448331
Document 1: Harper's Weekly. (1868, July 25). Harper's
Weekly. Retrieved July 10, 2012, from Cartoon of the Day,
"The Freedmen's Bureau":
http://www.harpweek.com/09Cartoon/BrowseByDateCartoon.as
p?Month=July&Date=25
Document 2: Library of Congress. (1936-1938). Library of
Congress. Retrieved July 10, 2012, from Born in Slavery: Slave

Narratives from the Federal Writers' Project, 1936-1938:
http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-
bin/ampage?collId=mesn&fileName=100/mesn100.db&recNum=
195&itemLink=D?mesnbib:1:./temp/~ammem_P0aU
Document 7: Perman, M. (2001). Struggle for Mastery:
Disenfranchisement in the South, 1888-1908. North Carolina:
UNC Press.
Document 6: The Charters of Freedom. (1866 (r. 1868); 1869 (r.
1870)). The Charters of Freedom. Retrieved July 10, 2012, from
Constitution of the United States, Amendments 11-27:
http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_amendm
ents_11-27.html
Document 4: The New York Times. (1865, April 15). The New
York Times. Retrieved July 10, 2012, from On This Day,
President Lincoln Shot by an Assassin:
http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/big/0414.ht
ml
20
Hello Everyone!
I would like to provide some basic APA information for
assistance with your writing.
The use of in-text citations and the full source reference at the
end complement each other.
Why use in-text citations?
We use brief in-text citations to indicate to the reader who said
it and when they said.
The year is important because it serves 2 purposes. It provides
a context. What was said in 1974 may be different in 2015.
The author may also have more than one source. The year

often helps to distinguish between the works by the same
author.
We also want to keep the in-text citation very brief. We do not
want to disrupt the reading. As such, just the last name and
year is usually all that is needed.
We do not use initials.
But providing just the last names and the year, the reader should
be able to match the in-text citation to the full source reference
at the end. Below are a few variations of the basic format.
Blah blah blah (Champion, Merlo, & Benekos, 2013).
"Blah blah blah" (Champion, Merlo, & Benekos, 2013, p. #).
According to Siegel and Welsh (2015), blah blah blah.
Siegel and Welsh (2015) argued that "blah blah blah" (p. #).
In the above, notice the placement of the commas. Also, notice
that the year always goes with the name.
When quoting, the page or paragraph number is required.
"Blah blah blah" (Champion, Merlo, & Benekos, 2013, p. #).
Siegel and Welsh (2015) argued that "blah blah blah" (p. #).
If the author is not known, we use an abbreviated title. The
title is abbreviated because we want to keep the citation short.
We only need part of the title to match it up with the full source

reference on a reference page. Just use 2 – 3 words of the title.
Notice that there are quotation marks around the abbreviated
title. The comma also goes inside the last quotation mark.
Blah blah blah ("Abbreviated title," year).
If the year is not known, use n.d. for the year.
Blah blah blah (Last name, n.d.).
Full source references:
Champion, D. J., Merlo, A. V., & Benekos, P. J. (2013). The
juvenile justice system: Delinquency,
Processing, and the Law (7th ed.). Upper Saddle River,
NJ: Pearson Education, Inc.
Siegel, L. J. & Welsh, B. C. (2015). Juvenile Delinquency: The
core (5th ed.). Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth – Cengage Learning.
NOTE: You do not need to cite your work in the participation
posts. However, I strongly encourage students to cite when
possible. This is a "best practice" and a great habit to
develop...........
You will need to use APA in the assignments where appropriate.
So why not practice in the participation posts?
Also, remember that the writing center is available to help you
with writing style and APA.
Also, visit the following web site for help with APA:
https://owl.english.purdue.edu/owl/resource/560/01/
I encourage you to copy and paste my example above and use
them when creating your own in-text citations. By learning a
few simple rules and understanding "why" everything is the way

it is, you should have no problem with APA.
Hello Everyone!
I would like to give you some assistance with writing papers.
Structure:
It is best to have a structure (introduction, body, conclusion).
Introduce the main points that will be covered. Let the reader
know where the essay is going (but do not use "I will" or "The
paper will"). Put the focus on the points rather than you or the
reader.
For example, rather than saying:
I will discuss the 3 components of the criminal justice system.
Put the focus on the actual point.
The three components of the criminal justice system will be
discussed.
The following is an example of a good introduction. I like to
begin with 1 – 2 general sentences about the topic just to get the
ball rolling so to speak. Then I focus on the main points and
use action words to provide direction: I use the main points as
the subject of the sentences.
Blah blah blah. Blah blah blah. In the following paragraphs,
_____ will be discussed. In addition, _____ will be examined
from the context of _______. Lastly, ______ will be evaluated.
After introducing the main points that will be covered, cover the
main points with details and examples where appropriate.
After the introduction and the body, provide a conclusion. A
conclusion should summarize some of the main points that were
covered.

Remember that the last point of the assignment is not the
conclusion. The conclusion should focus on the overall, entire
essay or paper.
But the conclusion is not just a restatement of the introduction.
It only focuses on the most important main points that were
covered. Add a few very important details from the body so
that the conclusion is more substantive.
Use sectional headings as you move from topic to topic. Think
about the main points and modify them into a short, informative
heading. Then place this bold heading before the paragraph
discussing this point or topic. Using headings will help with
structure and flow.
General writing tips:
1. Write in past tense if the sources are from the past. You do
not know if the authors still feel this way.
2. Do not use the words "we," "us," or "our." You do not know
who the reader is.
3. Do not use the words "I," "me," or "my." Only use these
words if you are asked to give your opinion. But even a good
writer can provide their opinions without using these words.
Do not use these words in an introduction or in a conclusion.
4. Double space everything.
5. Write in a clear and concise manner. Use short sentences.
And put the focus on the action verbs.
6. If the information is not common knowledge, you need to
cite it using in-text citations (refer to my previous message or
announcement about help with APA).

7. In the narrative put the punctuation inside the quotation
marks (see my examples in # 2 and #3 above). The dog was
"lazy" and "slow."
Mechanics:
1. Proof read
2. Spell check
3. Remove excessive wording
I hope this helps.

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