11The Developing Personality Emotions and Temperament© Ra.docx

11The Developing Personality: Emotions and Temperament
© Radius Images/Corbis
Learning Objectives
After completing this module, you should be able to:
ሁ Describe the emergence of emotions, including their
relationship to separation anxiety, stranger
anxiety, and temperament.
ሁ Explain how separation anxiety and stranger anxiety
represent developmental advancements.
ሁ Describe the process and purpose of social referencing and
its relationship to developing emotions.
ሁ Provide examples across childhood on dimensions of
emotional regulation.
ሁ Understand how different kinds of temperament are
associated with principles of reciprocal rela-
tionships and goodness of fit.
ሁ Recognize behavioral signs of depression, and identify high-
risk behaviors that are markers for
potential suicide.
Section 11.1The Development of Emotions
Prologue

No doubt you have heard about the “Terrible Twos,” a time
when toddlers are seemingly more
willful, aggressive, and disagreeable. Toddlers are becoming
more autonomous and do not
want their curiosity to be obstructed. They also explore social
limits and what kind of effects
certain behaviors elicit. Banging cabinets over and over or
approaching forbidden objects
allows toddlers to understand their own capabilities and to test
how well their environment
tolerates them.
On the horizon are “temper tantrums,” during which 3 and 4
year olds literally throw them-
selves on the ground and begin to wail for apparently no reason.
When children enter elemen-
tary school, they must learn to manage new feelings associated
with academic and social
challenges. During adolescence, neurobiological and cognitive
changes may affect how teen-
agers manage behavior and perhaps the negative feelings
associated with depression.
In all of these cases, emotions and personality are
complementary, contributing to how behav-
iors are expressed. This module begins to explore these
psychosocial aspects of development
and how their interaction contributes to each person’s
uniqueness. The module looks first
at the development of emotions and the reciprocal responses
they evoke. There are clearly
genetic and neurobiological factors that affect a number of
social and emotional character-
istics. However, evidence also indicates that the environment
interacts strongly with nature,
beginning with new parents when they help regulate a baby’s

physiological response to dis-
comfort. The ways that we handle both positive and negative
emotions become integrated
into the burgeoning personality. Therefore, the module also
looks at the beginnings of per-
sonality, what is referred to during infancy as temperament. The
module concludes with an
examination of the emotional difficulties indicated by
adolescent depression and suicide.
11.1 The Development of Emotions
Infant emotions are remarkably similar across cultures, even
throughout the lifespan, although
children in different cultures may express themselves
differently. Psychologists distinguish
many aspects of emotions, including the emotional experience,
or internal state, and emo-
tional expression, or how we communicate this internal state.
For example, 11-month-old
Chinese infants show significantly less expression than
European American infants, within
the same emotional experiences (Camras et al., 1998). But
emotions involve universal princi-
ples of expression and can be recognized by voice intonation
regardless of language, culture,
or nationality. For instance, one study showed that monolingual
Spanish speakers are able to
decode emotion in three different languages, even when
speakers use only nonsense words
(Pell, Monetta, Paulmann, & Kotz, 2009).
Like the hierarchy of thinking patterns, the emergence of
emotions takes place in a prescribed
order with nearly universal consistency, as Figure 11.1 shows
(Ekman, 1972; Izard, 1982).
Although babies have a limited range of expression, infants all

over the world display the five
basic emotions of disgust, joy, anger, sadness, and fear in a
consistent sequence and demon-
strate similar facial features (Izard & Dougherty, 1982;
Mesquita & Frijda, 1992). Before they
are 1 month old, infants display interest and disgust and
communicate distress. Within 2 to 3
months, they show happiness by smiling at people and other
interesting objects; they begin
to distinguish between different emotional responses (Montague
& Walker-Andrews, 2001).
At about 3 months, emotional experiences become shared. An
example of this development
is when infants smile specifically in response to a parent’s
smile (Lavelli & Fogel, 2005). As
infants and emotionally available caregivers continue to
interact, they learn to recognize each
other’s emotional signals.
Figure 11.1: Emergence of emotions
ሁ Emotions appear at generally the same age throughout the
world. The ways in which other
humans respond to a child’s emotions influence the way those
emotions may develop.
Birth
Interest, disgust
Social smile, happiness

Anger, surprise, sadness
Fear
Shyness
Contempt
Age (months)
4 8 12 16 20 24 28
Source: Izard, 1982; Saarni et al., 2006; Sroufe, 1995.
ሁ Most healthy infants display
the five basic emotions of
disgust (a), joy (b), anger (c),
sadness (d), and fear (e) in
a consistent sequence with
similar facial expressions.
From left to right, top to bottom:
Anatoliy Samara/iStock/Thinkstock;
Domredriver/iStock/Thinkstock;
Marili Forastieri/Photodisc/
Thinkstock; Alex Varlakov/Hemera/
Thinkstock; Ralf Hettler/iStock/
Thinkstock
a. disgust
d. sadness e. fear
b. joy c. anger

Although substantial evidence points to the biological structure
of emotions, they do not
emerge in a social vacuum. When babies smile, laugh, or
become excited, they are communi-
cating with emotions. When infants have strong emotional
attachments to significant adults,
it has a positive effect on later development, including higher
social and cognitive function-
ing (Belsky, 2005). Nature meets nurture when these emotions
meet varying responses from
parents and caregivers. So, even though maturation and nature
have a tremendous influence
on capabilities, environmental factors are vital components, as
well.
Positive Emotions
The first smiles that neonates display do not occur in response
to environmental stimuli, and
they usually happen while the baby is sleeping. New parents
mistakenly believe they are due
to gas, but they appear to be simply spontaneous reflexive
smiles that are part of an infant’s
internal biological state (Sroufe & Waters, 1976). Babies will
soon, however, display a wide
range of emotions. According to surveys of new parents, within
the first month nearly all
babies show the positive emotion of joy (Ackerman & Izard,
2004).
By 2 to 3 months, infants begin to smile in response to external
stimuli. New stimulation can
positively arouse them. Most important, other people can evoke
smiles, and infant smiles

encourage caregivers to smile back. This social smile is quite
different from the early reflex-
ive smile. The social smile is an important milestone in
psychosocial development, as it is
used to initiate and sustain social contact. It follows that typical
smiling during infancy is
associated with later social competence. Children who do not
show this behavior by about 6
months may be exhibiting early signs of autism (Gangi, Ibañez,
& Messinger, 2013; Levy, Man-
dell, & Schultz, 2009).
Because this social smile encourages caregivers to respond, it
probably developed as an evo-
lutionary advantage (Saarni, Campos, & Camras, 2006). Adults
(potential caregivers) are
delighted at this social introduction and provide critical care to
the baby, including cuddling,
stroking, rocking, and other comforting behaviors. Con-
versely, if adults are unresponsive, smiling decreases.
Babies soon learn that social smiles typically evoke
interest, delight, and affection, which contributes to sur-
vival. This smiling behavior increases throughout the
first year, directed especially toward primary caregivers
(Messinger, Fogel, & Dickson, 2001).
Infants also begin to mix joy with interest and curiosity. In one
study, researchers attached a
string to infants’ arms. When the babies moved their arms, they
would hear music. A similar
group of infants heard the same music, but they did not control
its presentation by arm move-
ments; the music was played at random intervals. Compared to
the babies who randomly
heard music, the babies who controlled the music by movements

showed more interest and
smiling when they heard the music (Lewis, Alessandri, &
Sullivan, 1990).
By the middle of the first year, infants begin to smile broadly at
familiar objects and people.
They also begin to genuinely laugh when excited. Babies may
yield high-pitched squeals of
delight and laughter while being bounced on the knee, while
looking at funny faces (from
familiar people), or when parents tickle their tummies. When
infants laugh at funny faces or
sounds, cognitive growth is demonstrated when they recognize
the unexpected or inconsis-
tent stimuli (Mireault, Sparrow, Poutre, Perdue, & Macke,
2012). Throughout the preschool
Critical Thinking
How can a social smile be a form of prelinguistic
communication?
years and into early childhood, positive emotions become
milder overall, but there is great
individual variation (Sallquist et al., 2010). Perhaps children
begin to temper their positive
emotions in response to social demands for restraint.
Negative Emotions
The first easily discernable negative emotion is distress.
Hunger, an uncomfortable position,
or even overstimulation can evoke a characteristic grimacing
cry. By offering potential clues

to health and pain, negative emotions provide a survival
advantage just like the positive emo-
tions. In the Lewis et al. (1990) study cited earlier, when infants
could no longer control pre-
sentation of the music by their arm movements, they became
angry. In other string-tasks with
similarly aged infants, the level of distress varied as a function
of how much control was lost.
The absence of the music produced one level of distress; when
perceived control was also lost
(even though the outcome of “no music” was the same), infants
suffered a greater degree of
negative emotion. Research therefore suggests that the context
of the experience is important
to the expression of emotions (Sullivan & Lewis, 2003).
Infants are also learning intentional behavior and invest more
time in controlling their own
actions. For example, when adults prevent infants from pursuing
pleasure, infants are espe-
cially good at displaying anger (Buss & Kiel, 2004; Sullivan &
Lewis, 2003). Parents who try
to replace a lost pacifier with a different brand know what this
experience is like. Infants also
get upset when they are prohibited from a desired activity, like
touching an interesting object
on a table or opening a cabinet door.
At about the same time that infants begin to show anger, they
also show sadness. Although
there is some controversy about the degree to which infants
distinguish between negative
emotions, by the middle of the first year there appears to be
clear differentiation (Sullivan
& Lewis, 2003). To study how infants express sadness,
psychologists have used an experi-

mental situation called the Still-Face Paradigm (SFP). In the
SFP, infants are first measured
at a baseline level during a normal interaction with their
mothers. Next, the mother becomes
unresponsive (still-faced). The experiment concludes when
mothers return to normal levels
of interaction.
The SFP evokes clear changes in infant emotions. During the
still-face phase, infants attempt
to arouse their mothers and become gradually more upset and
smile less, eventually resulting
in tearful crying. The SFP has also increased our understanding
of how parenting styles affect
early development. Greater maternal sensitivity at baseline
levels has shown to be a protec-
tive factor against negative emotions and generally results in
closer mother-child emotional
relationships (Adamson & Frick, 2003; Mesman, Van
IJzendoorn, & Bakermans-Kranenburg,
2009; Tronick, Als, Adamson, Wise, & Brazelton, 1978).
Stranger Anxiety
The experience and expression of emotions continues to develop
throughout the first year.
While infants are at first easily comforted by any number of
caregivers, between 4 and 6
months of age they will begin to prefer the care and company of
familiar parents and care-
givers. When unfamiliar caregivers appear, they become
distressed. Under normal circum-
stances, the most common expression of fear occurs when
children display stranger anxiety.
Infants will become anxious and clingy in the presence of
unfamiliar adults. This reaction
coincides with the emergence of fear and intensifies during the

latter half of the first year.
Stranger anxiety is considered a normal developmental
occurrence in North America and
other industrialized countries where it has been observed.
Pediatricians and psychologists
will even identify it as a milestone. However, because stranger
anxiety shows some variance
across individuals and cultures, newer research has questioned
whether nature or nurture
has a stronger influence (Saarni et al., 2006). For instance, in
the Efe culture in the Democratic
Republic of Congo, where there are diverse social contacts
during the first 3 years, little anxi-
ety regarding strangers exists (Ivey, 2000). Perhaps the
collective style of caregiving among
the Efe is an environmental adaptation due to ecological
(climate, food supply) and health-
related (disease) risks. Infants in the Efe culture are better off if
they can be easily cared for
in the event a parent is unavailable or ill. The result is that the
innate anxiety reaction is sup-
pressed. These circumstances contribute to mounting epigenetic
research, which suggests
that sociocultural factors significantly contribute to
understanding and expression of emo-
tion (Izard, 1994; Pell et al., 2009).
Separation Anxiety
Separation anxiety is the distress that infants display when the
usual caregiver departs.
Like stranger anxiety, it has been observed to be a universal

phenomenon. It begins around
8 months of age and peaks around 14 months. Some general
differences exist in degree of
anxiety, but a general trend is evident across cultures, as shown
in Figure 11.2. The stronger
emotions signaled by stranger anxiety and separation anxiety
show that infants are becoming
increasingly attached to their caregivers. This development
coincides with the emergence of
object permanence. Infants are beginning to understand that
caregivers exist even when they
are not seen. They do not understand that caregivers will return,
nor are they likely to have a
conceptual understanding of time. These developments do,
however, demonstrate cognitive
advancements, since it is apparent that infants now have the
social understanding that differ-
ent people represent different kinds of care.
Figure 11.2: Separation anxiety across cultures
ሁ Though some slight cultural variations exist, separation
anxiety is thought to be a universal
phenomenon.
P
e
rc
e
n
ta
g
e

o
f
c
h
il
d
re
n
w
h
o
c
ri
e
d
fo
ll
o
w
in
g
m
a
te
rn

a
l
d
e
p
a
rt
u
re
Age in months
0
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
20
40
60
80
100
Israeli kibbutz
(n=122) ( )Guatemalan Indian
(n=34) ( )
Antigua, Guatemala
(n=36) ( )

African Bushmen
(n=25) ( )
Source: Reprinted by permission of the publisher, from Infancy:
Its Place in Human Development by Jerome Kagan, Richard B.
Kearsley, and Philip R. Zelazo, p. 107, Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, Copyright © 1978 by the President
and Fellows
of Harvard College.
Critical Thinking
Explain how stranger anxiety and separation
anxiety both represent cognitive and social
progress, in addition to emotional changes.
Self-Conscious Emotions
During the second year, the self-conscious emotions of pride,
embarrassment, guilt, shame,
shyness, and contempt begin to emerge (Izard, 1982; Lewis &
Brooks-Gunn, 1979; Sroufe,
1995). These emotions signify advancing cognitive and
psychosocial sophistication, as they
indicate that toddlers are aware of themselves and the reactions
of others. For instance, after
completing a house of blocks or putting together a challenging
toy, toddlers may display pride
by smiling at the accomplishment, clapping, and looking to
adults for approval. Children at
this age can clearly have embarrassed reactions when they are
asked to dance or otherwise
become the center of attention. They also show guilt when they

bury their heads in the sofa
after being caught acting inappropriately. Beginning at about
age 2, children may show con-
tempt. For instance, after being asked (one more time!) not to
bang a cabinet door, children
may look at parents with a type of contempt before doing it yet
again.
Neuroscience and Emotions
As emotions become more sophisticated, there is parallel
neurological growth. At first, brain
structures that respond to and organize emotions are somewhat
disconnected, residing in
different parts of the cerebral cortex and limbic system. In the
latter part of the first year and
continuing at a rapid pace, the different brain structures
coordinate more, allowing for more
growth and complexity of emotions (Braun, 2011; Kringelbach,
Phil, & Berridge, 2010). Neu-
roscience may also be able to explain the greater range and
volatility of emotions often indica-
tive of adolescents. One study compared the brains of
adolescents and adults who viewed
faces that displayed a range of emotions. Although both groups
showed characteristic activity
in a specific part of the prefrontal cortex of the brain, the
adolescents also showed more activ-
ity in other brain areas. By being less typically organized, the
brain response may translate to
less controlled emotional responses, affecting rational thought
and decision making (Nelson
et al., 2003).
What happens to the brain when children are deprived of
appropriate psychosocial develop-
ment? For many years, neuroscientists had suspicions that

various forms of abuse affected
brain development, resulting in deficits in functioning. Due to
advancements in brain imaging
over the past few decades, it has become clear that abuse of all
kinds—including emotional
neglect—has lasting effects. In many cases, emotional
deprivation during infancy leads to
cognitive, social, and emotional deficits. Even seemingly
unrelated areas of cognition, like
visual memory and working memory are affected (Bos, Fox,
Zeanah, & Nelson, 2009; Eluvath-
ingal et al., 2006; Nelson et al., 2003; Rijlaarsdam, 2014;
Sheridan, Fox, Zeanah, McLaughlin,
& Nelson, 2012). However, if emotional deprivation can be
identified early and appropriate
interventions installed before age 2, strong evidence suggests
negative effects can disappear
(Nelson et al., 2007; Vanderwert, Marshall, Nelson, Zeanah, &
Fox, 2010).
Section 11.2Social Referencing: Understanding Others
Emotional Development and Culture
Although evidence suggests there is a universal process
underlying emotional development,
it is also strongly influenced by socialization. It appears that
maturational processes pre-
scribe when emotions emerge, but infants probably express
different degrees of emotions
due to family and other cultural factors (Denham, Bassett, &
Wyatt, 2007/2013). On a very
basic level, we know that the responses of caregivers can
significantly affect the emotions of
children and their resultant behavior.

Culturally, some societies reinforce expression or suppression
of certain emotions. For
instance, children in the United States are encouraged to
express both positive and negative
emotions more openly than Japanese children (Matsumoto,
Consolacion, & Yamada, 2002;
Matsumoto et al., 2009). Individually, caregivers respond
differently to positive and negative
emotions. Even within families, mothers generally report having
specific roles in teaching
their children emotional maturity, whereas fathers do not report
the same overt methods of
socialization (Root & Rubin, 2010). These differences in
socialization standards continue to
shape emotional reactions and behavior throughout childhood.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W
Outline how research has helped our understanding of how
emotions emerge in the first
2 years.
11.2 Social Referencing: Understanding Others
One way to learn about our own emotions is to observe how
others react in situations that
are difficult to assess. When we look to others for guidance
during uncertain and potentially
stressful events, it is called social referencing. This process
occurs throughout the first 2
years and into adulthood. Infants increasingly rely on social
referencing as they cultivate the
tendency to look at faces for emotional meaning (Walden &
Kim, 2005). Parents who look
with wide-eyed excitement as their children climb a (potentially
dangerous) wall transmit
a different message than parents who look on with anxiety and

apprehension. Subtle facial
expressions communicating curiosity, joy, or fear clearly affect
a child’s internal experience
and eventual behavior. Children specifically seek out these
social and emotional messages
(Camras & Shutter, 2010; Stenberg, 2003).
Even when mothers are typically attentive, if they begin to show
disinterest their children
will attempt to glean information from a more demonstrative
third party, even a stranger.
However, if a situation does not provoke uncertainty, infants
will typically forego guidance
and judge a situation by themselves (Stenberg, 2003; Vaish &
Striano, 2004).
The results of social referencing do not always occur
immediately. In one study, 14-month-old
children received facial feedback from mothers regarding a
novel toy, but the children were
not given access to the toy for an hour. During phase 1, mothers
displayed either positive or
negative emotions toward the toy. An hour later, during phase 2,
the children were given an
opportunity to play with the toy. Results showed that 14 month
olds do indeed regulate their
Section 11.2Social Referencing: Understanding Others
behavior based on earlier expressions of their mothers: Positive
emotions during phase 1
elicited relatively more playing time at phase 2; negative
emotions at phase 1 elicited rel-
atively less playing time at phase 2. These results held even

when mothers gave alternate
emotional messages at phase 2. For example, children who were
given negative references at
phase 1 were reluctant to play with the toy even when
expressions by mothers were neutral
at phase 2 (Hertenstein & Campos, 2004).
Because autistic children generally show poor social skills, poor
social referencing is a poten-
tial marker for autism spectrum disorder. The 18-month-old
(high-risk) siblings of autistic
children not only demonstrate poor behavioral control, but they
also show poor reception
of parental emotional signals (Cornew, Dobkins, Akshoomoff,
McCleery, & Carver, 2012).
Though not every child who displays poor social referencing is
later diagnosed with autism
spectrum disorder, it is interesting that these high-risk toddlers
in general have deficits in this
typical developmental behavior.
Identify the psychosocial milestones that indicate various kinds
of emotional development
during infancy.
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : S o c i a l R e f e r e n c i
n g
When my daughter began to walk, she loved to play with the
plants and bugs in our garden.
Mariana was captivated by pill bugs crawling on her body and
the slimy, wriggly worms
squirting through her fingers. For many years, she was
fascinated by the contrast between
the dense beetle grubs she found in our compost piles and the
squishy snails and slugs

she found elsewhere. In both cases, she often experimented by
letting the creatures roam
between her fingers, usually resulting in various secretions
dripping from her palms. It
was a joy to watch her in these activities!
How many times have you seen parents squish up their
faces or say something like, “Ewwwwww! Yucky!” when
children want to engage in these types of behaviors?
Perhaps you were even turning your nose up a moment
ago! Hertenstein and Campos (2004) remind us that even
seemingly innocuous social behaviors by parents can have
lasting consequences. The bugs were not disgusting to
my daughter, partly because of the positive reference she
received when she first played with them.
When parents are aware of the ways in which they com-
municate emotions to children, they can encourage cre-
ativity and curiosity rather than make their children
reluctant to explore.
Seiya Kawamoto/Digital Vision/
Thinkstock
Section 11.3Empathy
11.3 Empathy
Another important marker for emotional development occurs
when children become aware
of the emotions of others. At about 12 months, infants will show
distress when they view oth-
ers who are upset. In a controlled study, 12-month-old infants
watched televised models dis-
play positive, neutral, or negative emotions to target objects.

Even though they were merely
observers, the infants clearly internalized the modeled emotions
and subsequently displayed
more negative emotions themselves (Mumme & Fernald, 2003).
Other studies also indicate
that infants and toddlers understand that the emotional state of
another person can be dif-
ferent from their own. They will attempt to comfort a peer,
sibling, or parent when distress is
perceived. (Roth-Hanania, Davidov, & Zahn-Waxler, 2011).
This experience of empathy is one
kind of prosocial behavior. Not surprisingly, when parents
model empathy and are respon-
sive to distress, their children become more empathic. However,
others have suggested that
the genetic origins of empathy and prosocial behavior are
stronger determinants of behavior
(Knafo, Zahn-Waxler, Van Hulle, Robinson, & Rhee, 2008;
Thompson, 2000).
Before displaying true empathy after the first year, younger
infants will offer to share food
and toys. However, scientists are unsure if these actions are
spontaneous or purposeful. By
the end of the second year, toddlers begin to voluntarily share
personal objects with others.
Especially when desires are communicated explicitly, toddlers
will attempt to comfort and
otherwise assist adults who appear to be needy (Brownell,
Svetlova, Anderson, Nichols, &
Drummond, 2013; Brownell, Svetlova, & Nichols, 2009).
When children lack empathy, it is especially problematic,
predicting lifelong consequences.
On a very basic level, empathy inhibits aggression and other
antisocial behaviors. Less empa-

thy is associated with a number of behavior disorders in early
and middle childhood, which
in turn are associated with delinquent behavior in adolescence.
Just as there is evidence of
a biological basis for empathy, neuroscience research has long
suggested a similar biology
among those who demonstrate the antisocial behaviors that are
indicative of a lack of empa-
thy (Decety, 2010; de Wied, Gispen-de Wied, & van Boxtel,
2010; Hunter, 2010; Lockwood
et al., 2013). The evidence does not necessarily mean that a
“criminal gene” exists; it merely
shows that specific genes may give some antisocial behaviors a
head start.
Research also indicates that a warm parental relationship serves
as a protective factor against
delinquency, criminality, and other negative behaviors. Surveys
indicate that parental concern and
involvement and empathy are strongly associated with a
decrease in aggressive behavior (Panfile
& Laible, 2012). Furthermore, close relationships with parents
and peers predict more control
over emotions, more positive interactions and fewer negative
interactions. A meta- analysis of
certain parental behaviors as they relate to delinquency found
these relationship effects to be
somewhat stronger with mothers than with fathers (Hoeve et al.,
2012). However, longitudinal
research also indicates that parental support generally does not
overcome already low levels of
empathy in adolescents. Parental support is found to be most
protective for adolescents who
previously demonstrated high empathy (Van der Graaff, Branje,
de Wied, & Meeus, 2012).

What indications show that children see beyond themselves and
have genuine interest in
others? What predictions can you make about this behavior?
Section 11.4Emotional Regulation
11.4 Emotional Regulation
The extent to which children can manage feelings of frustration
and other negative emotions
exposes the dimension of self-regulation (Rothbart & Bates,
2006). This process refers to the
self-monitoring of emotions in order to reinforce favorable
social outcomes or avoid unfavor-
able ones. At a rudimentary level, infants begin to transition
from depending on others to ease
emotional discomfort to being able to self-soothe. This behavior
is referred to as emotional
regulation. Infants may cling to a favorite blanket rather than
rely exclusively on a parent’s
embrace (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). In early
childhood, children begin to incorpo-
rate cognitive strategies, including purposeful distractions and
negotiation through language
(Eisenberg, Sadovsky, & Spinrad, 2005).
Emotional distress is gradually replaced by conversation. For
instance, rather than getting
upset over needing to clean up a pile of toys before watching a
favorite TV program, a pre-
schooler may negotiate to begin during commercials. In this
way, children understand that
they direct their own actions and are autonomous beings.
Toddlers gain control over their

bodies by performing activities like feeding themselves and
using the toilet. Although self-
regulation is considered a maturational process, it is
nevertheless influenced both by indi-
vidual personality and by parenting factors (Cipriano & Stifter,
2010; Kochanska, Murray, &
Harlan, 2000).
Children are not terrible at two; they are simply responding to a
surge in mobility and dexter-
ity. They are able to combine their curiosity with more
purposeful movement. When toddlers
see how others respond to behaviors, it is also a kind of
“experiment.” Brain growth predicts
these developments. If parents set reasonable restrictions and
allow for normal growth of
activities, they may find that the twos are not so terrible.
Children will learn to negotiate the
social environment within accepted limits.
As emotional regulation builds, children usually acquire greater
social competence. These
developments can affect a number of important factors like
school achievement and popular-
ity. As early as kindergarten, children can begin to consciously
understand the connection
between their own behavior and how others react to them. This
recognition is an important
part of executive function, as well, as children become more
self-reflective (Carlson & White,
2013; Demirtas, 2013).
Children gradually incorporate more sophisticated cognitive
strategies into emotional regula-
tion. When rules of a game are not perceived as fair or
otherwise cause distress, older chil-

dren may adjust their cognitive strategies (Zimmer-Gembeck &
Skinner, 2011). Then, as ado-
lescents utilize the speculation and reasoning indicative of
formal operations, they become
better able to hypothesize about potential emotional outcomes.
They may purposely isolate
themselves instead of facing potential rejection, or engage in
risky behavior in order to feel
included. Adolescents understand the value of adaptation, as
well, like giving in to an unpleas-
ant parental request in order to avoid a negative situation.
Emotional Intelligence
Understanding how one’s own emotions and behavior affect the
feelings and actions of oth-
ers is essential for social competence. Psychologists use the
term emotional intelligence to
describe this practical ability to recognize and deal with
different personalities in various social
situations (Goleman, 2006). Emotional intelligence includes
other personal characteristics,
Section 11.4Emotional Regulation
like self-motivation and persistence, regulation of mood,
impulse control, and empathy. It is
not hard to see that children with higher emotional intelligence
are more likely than others to
garner favors and privileges and are more likely to display
leadership skills; high emotional
intelligence predicts both academic and career success (Lau &
Wu, 2012; Romanelli, Cain, &
Smith, 2006).

The inclusion of emotional intelligence as a separate construct
has also been criticized, often
for its poor predictive value in education (Landy, 2005). That
is, although emotional intelli-
gence is associated with success in school and work, traditional
intelligence testing is a stron-
ger predictor. If that is the case, then there is less value in
teaching and testing for emotional
intelligence. Perhaps the answer lies in the relationship of
emotional intelligence to personal-
ity. There is evidence that high emotional intelligence is
associated with certain personality
types that are in turn associated with success in school and work
(Petrides, Pita, & Kokkinaki,
2007). Like Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences, it may
be that emotional intelligence
is a worthwhile construct but is not necessarily useful as a
standalone part of the curriculum.
Conscientiousness
By contrast, evidence indicates that a strengthening of one
personality trait has a significant
positive effect on success in school and work. Although
personality research is generally
undertaken with adults, a growing body of research has linked
later personality develop-
ment to traits that are seen in children. In recent years,
psychologists have narrowed the
study of personality theory and research to a limited number of
characteristics known as the
“Big 5” factors. One of those factors, conscientiousness,
includes characteristics like persis-
tence, responsibility, and orderliness (Eisenberg, Duckworth,
Spinrad, & Valiente, 2014). An
extensive review found that conscientiousness is associated with
childhood self-regulation,

motivation, and internalization of standards that are used to
understand normative behavior
(Eisenberg et al., 2014). But it is not simply a matter of getting
to school on time and finish-
ing homework. High conscientiousness is associated with the
completion of long-term goals,
more thoughtful decision making, and the
fulfillment of personal obligations. These
traits lead to better performance in school
and greater career success. Because of its
especially strong predictive value for later
success, the study of conscientiousness has
led to increased attention among educators
and psychologists (Borghans, Duckworth,
Heckman, & Weel, 2008; Duckworth, Quinn,
& Tsukayama, 2012; Sutin, Costa, Miech, &
Eaton, 2009).
In adolescence, these traits begin to influ-
ence health and social outcomes, too (Duck-
worth, Tsukayama, & Kirby, 2013; Hagger,
2013). One longitudinal study that included
a focus on conscientiousness followed chil-
dren for over 40 years. On average, mea-
sures of conscientiousness among the 753
men and women predicted obesity in adult-
hood, along with negative health outcomes
Ryan McVay/Photodisc/Thinkstock
ሁ Orderliness is one of the observable factors of
conscientiousness.

Section 11.5Temperament
(Hampson, Edmonds, Goldberg, Dubanoski, & Hillier, 2013). It
is likely that a person who has
a stronger internal dialogue, self-control, and intrinsic
motivation is likely to engage in the
types of behaviors that will increase health outcomes. Recent
studies in the United States and
elsewhere have reached similar conclusions (Kern, Hampson,
Goldberg, & Friedman, 2014;
Hong, 2013; Vollrath, Hampson, & Júlíusson, 2012).
Some studies show that global traits associated with self-
discipline and conscientiousness
predict year-end grades among adolescents, even better than
intelligence testing (e.g., Duck-
worth & Seligman, 2005). However, this finding may be the
result of secondary school teach-
ers often rewarding effort over performance, resulting in
disproportionate weight being
given to work habits. Nevertheless, conscientiousness is
correlated positively to standardized
test scores and predicts selection into subsequent competitive
academic programs. Whether
because of intrinsic (e.g., self-control) or extrinsic (e.g., teacher
favoritism) influences, it
appears that children who demonstrate higher conscientiousness
are advantaged over their
less-conscientious counterparts.
Cross-culturally, this trait may be responded to differently
among girls and boys. For instance,
a Swedish researcher found that conscientious traits among girls
predicted higher grades
3 years later. The girls benefitted from being eager to please a
school system that stresses

conformity. By contrast, male students in the study tended to be
driven more by curiosity
than by adherence to norms. In their case, high
conscientiousness did not serve them as well
(Rosander, 2012). As education reform continues to emphasize
more individualized instruc-
tion, these kinds of studies have important implications for
future planning.
In addition, as with physical and cognitive growth, it is not
surprising that poverty and low
socioeconomic status are associated with deficits in emotional
regulation and traits like consci-
entiousness. Simply growing up in poor physical conditions can
increase behavioral and emo-
tional problems (Rijlaarsdam, 2014). Although personality has
relatively strong innate tenden-
cies, we can design interventions that lead to improved
emotional outcomes, which potentially
addresses some of the school and career obstacles associated
with low SES (Duckworth, Grant,
Loew, Oettingen, & Gollwitzer , 2011; Romer, Duckworth,
Sznitman, & Park, 2010).
Describe how increased emotional regulation may lead to
academic and career success.
11.5 Temperament
Unlike emotions, which define a temporary state or mood,
temperament refers to early per-
sonality traits that are persistent and stable. It describes a
person’s basic emotional style of
social interaction, or how a person experiences the world,
including the internal regulation
of states. For example, an “easy” baby can be fussy or unhappy

at times but still generally
handles distress well and is relatively predictable; an “active”
baby does not always engage in
prolonged activity but can still be described as mostly energetic
and vigorous. Regardless of
any transient emotions, “easy” and “active” describe more
consistent traits—temperament.
Like older children and adults, infants display considerable
variation in the way they respond
to the world. These differences in temperament can be observed
in neonates and even during
fetal development, remaining relatively stable across various
situations (Casalin, Luyten, Vlie-
gen, & Meurs, 2012). There is strong evidence that genetics and
biology influence tempera-
ment, including in factors related to emotions, motor activity,
self-regulation, and attention.
Together, these characteristics interact with the environment
and begin to define personality
(Ivorra et al., 2010; Posner, Rothbart, & Sheese, 2007;
Rothbart, 2007).
There is also evidence that culture and a parent’s personality
affect temperament (Laxman
et al., 2013). For instance, although differences decline with
age, infants born in the United
States score relatively high in measures of surgency, a
psychological measure that encom-
passes extroversion, confidence, and independence. These traits
tend to be valued in more
individualistic countries. U.S. infants are relatively better at

managing feelings of frustration
and other negative emotions, too (Slobodskaya, Garstein,
Nakagawa, & Putnam, 2013).
Categories of Infant Temperament
In 1977, researchers Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess
offered the first widely accepted
conceptual model of temperament. They followed a group of
141 U.S. infants into adulthood.
Each person was rated on several dimensions, including activity
level, adaptability, attention
span, and mood. Multiple interviews and observations with
parents and children revealed
that infants could be classified as having one of three types of
temperament (Thomas &
Chess, 1977).
• Infants with an easy temperament are generally happy.
They find ways to self-
soothe and establish regular body rhythms of sleeping, eating,
and elimination. They
adapt relatively easily to change. About 40% of children fit this
category.
• Infants with a difficult temperament often display
intensely negative reactions.
They have difficulty establishing regular routines and do not
adapt well when intro-
duced to new experiences. About 10% of children fit this
category.
• About 15% of infants are slow to warm up. They are
relatively less active with
somewhat regular biological rhythms for activities like sleep
and elimination. They
have mild to moderate reactions to new experiences but are

notably more accepting
than difficult children.
• About 35% of children show a combination of
characteristics and do not clearly fit
any of the categories (Thomas & Chess, 1977; Thomas, Chess,
& Birch, 1968).
The differences observed during infancy were found to be
moderately stable throughout
childhood. Children who were classified as easy during infancy
had fewer adjustment prob-
lems in school than those who were identified as difficult.
Difficult children were more likely
to be aggressive and to withdraw from social interactions. Slow-
to-warm-up infants exhibited
relatively smooth developmental adjustment during infancy, but
during elementary school
they had more problems than easy children (Bates et al., 1994;
Caspi & Silva, 1995; Chess &
Thomas, 1984; Schmitz et al., 1999).
Other models of temperament focus less on biological rhythms,
but they still emphasize atten-
tion, activity, and emotionality. Research by Rothbart and her
colleagues has been particularly
instrumental in focusing on variations in reactivity and self-
regulation, including intensity of
motor and emotional responses, self-soothing behaviors, and
self-control (Rothbart, Ahadi, &
Evans, 2000; Rothbart & Bates, 2006).

Accordingly, researchers explored out-
comes such as whether or not temper tan-
trums could be easily elicited or if children
could be easily calmed (Gartstein & Roth-
bart, 2003).
Characteristics like social competence,
reactivity, and self-regulation extend well
beyond biology and maturation and encom-
pass social and familial variables, too. For
example, depending on culture and fam-
ily, some children must wait to talk or eat
until proper rules of etiquette have been fol-
lowed. Therefore, it should not be assumed
that difficult children are necessarily des-
tined for problems. Instead, biology and maturation produce
different patterns of responses
in children; individual experiences eventually modify the way
personality is expressed. That
is, outcomes depend on the way parents and caregivers react to
behaviors (Henry, Caspi, Mof-
fitt, & Silva, 1996; Lee, Zhou, Eisenberg, & Wang, 2013;
Propper & Moore, 2006). If adults
meet difficult behavior with frustration and demands, children
are more likely to remain dif-
ficult. If, by contrast, parents are warm and consistent, difficult
children can learn to respond
positively. Simply having access to adaptive experiences and
practicing self-regulation bring
about positive changes for difficult children (Bradley &
Corwyn, 2008; Teerikangas, Aronen,
Martin, & Huttunen, 1998; also see Focus on Behavior:
Reciprocal Determinism).
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : R e c i p r o c a l D e t e r
m i n i s m

The way in which people react to others has a significant effect
on both sides of the inter-
action. Reciprocal determinism is a term coined by Albert
Bandura to describe the
behavior that is both inf luencing and inf luenced by others. A
simple example of reciprocal
determinism occurs when you smile at another person. After
doing so, the other person is
in a way invited to smile back. In turn, you smile more and feel
better, too! Similarly, when
anger is expressed (for example, at an undeserving cashier in a
store), that person is likely
to direct anger back, creating a negative cycle.
Therefore, reciprocal determinism can work in both positive and
negative ways. With
regard to temperament, a smiling, happy baby is likely to evoke
smiles and happiness from
parents. Parents in turn are likely to respond favorably toward
their baby. A fussy, incon-
sistent baby is likely to evoke frustration and inconsistency
from parents, resulting in
greater difficulty and inconsistency from the baby, who evokes
more frustrations from the
parents, and so on.
In the latter example, the way to break the cycle of negative
responses is for parents to
transform their behavior through cognitive awareness of the
cycle. Specific prescriptions
for calmness, warmth, and soothing behaviors from parents—
even when the child does
not immediately respond favorably—will eventually become
adaptive.
(continued)

Fuse/Thinkstock
ሁ There is strong evidence that temperament is
partly innate.
Reciprocal determinism often occurs in older schoolchildren, as
well. Students who smile
and have a natural, friendly temperament toward their teachers
are more likely to receive
positive responses than children who evoke frustration. A child
who has difficulty learning
and begins to act out evokes distrust and anger from teachers,
causing further misbehav-
ior. Once again, the way to break the cycle is through cognitive
restructuring. For example,
rather than teachers only allowing favorite students “special
assistant” privileges, genuine
compassion and inclusion of the troublesome student will bring
about a change in recipro-
cal behaviors.
Goodness of Fit
The match between temperament and environmental demands is
referred to as goodness
of fit. For instance, as was noted in Module 8, the diagnosis of
attention-deficit/hyperactivity
disorder differs depending on culture. Extending this idea to an
individual basis, the tem-
perament of some children may be a better or poorer fit than
others for particular situations.

Fussy infants become more difficult toddlers when they are
faced with harsher restrictions.
Parents of these infants become more easily stressed, more
negative, and more hostile; they
often engage in inconsistent discipline practices and aggravate
the child’s behavior problems.
In contrast, supportive parenting can have a significant positive
effect on children’s self-
regulation skills (Paulussen-Hoogeboom, Stams, Hermans, &
Peetsma, 2007; Raikes, Robin-
son, Bradley, Raikes, & Ayoub, 2007). Adjustment may
therefore be a function of biological
temperament acting on fit.
To counteract what might be poor goodness of fit, difficult
children benefit from warm, sen-
sitive parents who have consistent rules for behavior and make
reasonable demands. Less
active infants and toddlers benefit from parents who will engage
them—asking questions,
exploring, naming objects. Because active, outgoing children
will naturally self-stimulate, for
them, intrusive adult involvement may limit exploratory
behavior and innate curiosity. Many
parents do not recognize when they do not respond
appropriately to their children. In these
instances, parenting programs that include identifying emotions
appear to be helpful. In one
study that used directed interventions that focused on awareness
of emotions, children were
able to engage in a higher level of social behavior. Importantly,
by learning how to better
recognize emotional cues in their children, parents also became
more aware of their own
emotional regulation (Wilson, Havighurst, & Harley, 2012).

Describe the different types of temperament, including
implications for parenting and
goodness of fit.
Section 11.6Depression
11.6 Depression
Though teenagers appear to respond well to beneficial
interventions, adolescence is also
sometimes a precarious time. Reflecting the more dramatic
developmental changes of this
period, emotions and self-regulation reemerge as an important
area of attention. As discussed
in Module 3, there is a second wave of growth in the frontal
lobes of the brain (including areas
involved in decision making) during the teenage years, which is
not completed until well into
the 20s. During this time of transition, the psychosocial and
physical changes associated with
adolescence are not always aligned with higher-order thinking.
That is, the frontal lobe may
not be ready to fully process the social and emotional changes
for which today’s adolescents
typically must prepare. The increased turmoil and risk-taking
behaviors among teenagers
(recall the personal fable) can be consequences of this
psychosocial change. These emotional
changes can also lead to an increased incidence of depression
and the hopeless feelings asso-
ciated with suicide (Garber & Rao, 2014).
The most notable behavioral changes related to depression
include a change in appetite

(significantly more or less), a change in sleep (significantly
more, less, or erratic), and a
change in activity level (significantly less). Adolescents and
others who are depressed feel
sad and hopeless about life and find everyday
joy is illusive. Concentration is affected, possibly
leading to a drop in grades. Depression is asso-
ciated with dropping out of school, pregnancy,
delinquency, and violent relationships. It may be
accompanied by substance use as adolescents try
to self- medicate and relieve symptoms (Hammen,
2009; Tomlinson & Brown, 2012).
A reported 9.1% of adolescents aged 12 to 17
have had a major depressive episode in the past
year (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Ser-
vices Administration, 2013). Coinciding with
other developmental changes, the prevalence
of depression accelerates until about age 15.
Although symptoms among boys and girls are
similar, girls report being depressed nearly three
times as often as boys, as shown in Figure 11.3.
Girls are thought to internalize problems more
(like worrying about body image) and to rumi-
nate about their problems and mood more than
boys do. These findings are consistent with sex
differences in the brain showing more sophis-
ticated processing of emotions in female brains
(Bennett, Ambrosini, Kudes, Metz, & Rabinovich,
2005; Graber & Sontag, 2009; Hammen, 2009).
Photodisc/Thinkstock
ሁ Signs of emotional problems are not
always easily noticed.

Figure 11.3: Reported prevalence of major depression among
U.S.
adolescents
ሁ Reported prevalence of major depression varies significantly
by age, gender, and ethnicity. What
could account for the differences?
AgeSex Race
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
O
ve
ra

ll
Fe
m
al
e
M
al
e
Hi
sp
an
ic
W
hi
te
Bl
ac
k
As
ia
n
AI
/A
N*

2
or
M
or
e12 13 14 15 16 17
*AI/AN = American Indian/Alaskan Native
Data courtesy of SAMHSA
P
e
rc
e
n
t
9.1
13.7
4.7
3.7
7.1
8.6
11.8 11.8
10.9
10.5

9.1
7.9
4.2
5.2
11.3
Source: Major Depression Among Adolescents. The National
Institute of Mental Health, NIH.
In contrast, boys more often externalize their problems by
acting out on others. This behavior
results in increased aggression and other antisocial activities,
which may mask (or transform)
depression. However, differences in prevalence may at least
partly reflect societal expecta-
tions of gender, according to which it is more acceptable for
boys to act out than for girls to
do so (Leadbeater, Kuperminc, Blatt, & Hertzog, 1999).
Familial effects also exist. Depressed
teenagers are more likely to come from a family with a history
of depression and to have
experienced dysfunctional family relationships, leading to a
cycle of vulnerability (Fergusson
& Woodward, 2002; Garber & Rao, 2014).
Suicide
Adolescents are particularly vulnerable to depression that leads
to suicide, since they often
do not recognize available resources for intervention, like
counseling. With slight variances
by age, gender, and ethnicity, suicide is the second or third

leading cause of death among ado-
lescents in the United States (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, 2014c). (Among
teenagers, accidents involving motor vehicles are the leading
cause of death in every demo-
graphic group; homicide is often a higher risk than suicide
among some nonwhite groups.) In
countries that have different driving standards, more mass
transit (which limits automobile
accidents), and little gun violence (which restricts homicide),
like Korea, suicide is the leading
cause of death among adolescents (Kim, Han, Trksak, & Lee,
2014).
Increased risk of suicide is associated with previous
attempts at suicide, depression, and substance abuse.
Talking about suicide does not promote it. As part of
the effort to prevent suicide, professionals recommend
that parents, educators, and school personnel in fact
use explicit language when they talk to those who may
be at risk, even asking direct questions about suicidal
thoughts (Mathias et al., 2012).
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : R i s k F a c t o r s f o r S
u i c i d e
• Depression
• Change in eating habits, sleep, or activity level
• Feelings of hopelessness, worthlessness

• Suicidal ideation (thoughts about suicide, including
planning)
• Abuse in the household
• Expression of worry that nobody cares
• Substance abuse
• Past suicide attempts
• Dramatic changes in personality and behavior
• Withdrawal from friends and family
• Uncharacteristic reckless behavior
• Giving away of possessions
• Glamorization of suicide, including discussions of suicide
pacts
• Suicide of a friend
National Suicide Prevention Lifeline, 1-800-273-TALK (8255).
After declining from 1990 to 2003, suicide rates among teens
have risen recently (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, 2014c). Speculation about
possible reasons for this change
so far lacks any empirical support (Bridge, Greenhouse, &
Kelleher, 2008; Eaton et al., 2012).
Females attempt suicide more than males, but males are far
more likely to complete suicide
due to their increased use of violent means, especially firearms.

Girls more often than boys
cut themselves or overdose on pills.
Although suicidal ideation (thoughts and plans about suicide)
should always be taken
seriously, it is difficult to know whether survey data give an
accurate picture of true risk.
According to reports on youth risk behavior compiled by the
Centers for Disease Control
Critical Thinking
If handguns were suddenly restricted in the
United States, do you think the rate of suicide
would change? Do you think homicide and motor
vehicle accidents are in any way associated with
rates of suicide?
and Prevention, 14% of high school students seriously
considered suicide in the previous
12 months and 11% made a plan (directly asking depressed
individuals if they have made
a plan is a sound intervention strategy), percentages that appear
high (Eaton et al., 2012).
Although 6.3% of students reported attempting suicide in the
previous year, only 1.9% made
an attempt serious enough to require medical attention.
Importantly, the number of attempts
that result in medical treatment drops a dramatic 50% from 11th
to 12th grade. This finding
lends support to the adage that suicide is “a permanent solution
to a temporary problem.” It
appears that difficulties experienced by many 11th graders are

indeed temporary.
Cluster Suicide
A recent analysis has found evidence that confirms what has
long been suspected regard-
ing suicide clusters: Media coverage of suicide leads to
increased numbers of suicides among
youths in the area where an initial suicide occurs. Researchers
looked at 48 suicide clusters
(more than one suicide in the community) that occurred between
1988 and 1996. Each of the
48 communities was matched to two similar communities in
which only one suicide occurred
over the same period of time. In the cluster communities, there
were 7.4 newspaper stories
pertaining to suicide between the first and second suicides;
noncluster communities aver-
aged 5.1 stories over the same period, a statistically significant
difference (Gould, Kleinman,
Lake, Forman, & Midle, 2014).
The researchers noted that stories about suicides often had
prominent headlines and descrip-
tions of what methods were used. Though this association does
not mean that news stories
cause an increase in suicide, the researchers suggest that
incidence of suicide is affected by
how information is presented. And although mainstream
newspapers have become more
sensitive to how they disseminate news since 1996, the same
cannot be said for electronic
media. These findings have important implications for suicide
prevention efforts and com-
munity mental health professionals.
Depression and Suicide among LGBT Teens

Most research shows that sexual minority status (including
same-sex attraction) has an inde-
pendent effect on depression, suicidal ideation, attempted
suicide, and completed suicide
(Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Lamis, & Malone, 2011; Silenzio,
Pena, Duberstein, Cerel, & Knox,
2007). In limited research, transgendered youth (see Module 14)
have been found to be at
higher risk for suicidal ideation. However, those who attempted
suicide were subjected to
more verbal and physical abuse at home than non-attempters
and received far less social
support, so a separate effect of transgenderism on suicide is
difficult to confirm (Grossman &
D’Augelli, 2007; Mustanski & Liu, 2013).
Similarly, a study of 246 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and
transgendered (LGBT) youth in the urban
Chicago area did not find a separate effect of sexual orientation
on mental disorders in gen-
eral. Instead, depression and suicide rates were similar to a
representative sample of non-
LGBT youth from the same geographic area (Mustanski,
Garofalo & Emerson, 2010). Never-
theless, certain social interventions have been found to be
successful in shielding LGBT teens
from depression and suicide. Teens who remain more connected
to family and teachers and
who are protected from ridicule in school are more highly
guarded against depression (Eisen-
berg & Resnick, 2006). These issues are also part of a growing
sense of self, which is the focus
of the next module.

Summary and Resources
How is personal functioning affected by depression? How would
you know if an adolescent
is depressed or has thought about attempting suicide?
Wrapping Up and Moving On
This module focused more completely on the early components
of psychosocial development.
The display of emotions and temperament are the first
indications that we are social beings.
Positive and negative emotions have developed in a way that
promotes survival as they facilitate
social engagement. Whereas the growth in stranger anxiety and
separation anxiety appears to
be due mostly to internal processes, other changes must operate
within a social context. Social
referencing and emotional regulation provide a bridge between
external reinforcement and
internal states. During adolescence, an increase in abstract
thinking may become entwined
with emotional development, perhaps playing a role in
depression and suicide.
The study of personality begins with infant temperament.
Evidence indicates that infants
are born with particular dispositions, which often dictate the
responses of others. Recipro-
cal socialization and goodness of fit are concepts in
development that describe the two-way
interaction that defines the social life of children. The next
module considers more directly
how the personality becomes organized into self-identity. Later
modules examine how these
developments grow into family, peer, and love relationships.

• Emotions and temperament are cornerstones for early
personality and social
development.
• Although clear evidence indicates that genetics and
biology affect psychosocial
development, socialization and context also have profound
influences.
• Emotions can be classified as either positive or negative,
and they emerge in a
mostly universal pattern.
• Stranger anxiety and separation anxiety are key first-year
psychosocial milestones,
as infants display their growing understanding of social bonds.
• Development of empathy illustrates important
psychosocial progress, as it acknowl-
edges a child’s growing mental activity.
• Emotional regulation, emotional intelligence, and
conscientiousness are relatively
new areas of focus in child development. Research indicates
that these factors have
strong predictive value for a number of positive outcomes.
• Infant temperament can be classified as easy, difficult, or
slow to warm up. Research
strongly suggests that these early markers of personality remain
associated with
other childhood behaviors.

• Infant temperament is mediated by the ways in which
caregivers and others respond
to the infant. Temperament is likely to affect how relationships
develop.
• Changes during adolescence lead to increased incidence of
depression, which is the
strongest risk factor for suicide. Parents and professionals are
wise to understand
the sometimes-transient nature of adolescent emotions.
Key Terms
depression A psychological condition that
describes prolonged feelings of hopeless-
ness, sadness, and a lack of joy.
difficult temperament A generally nega-
tive disposition coupled with poor adapta-
tion to new experiences.
easy temperament An overall positive dis-
position coupled with regular rhythms.
emotional intelligence The ability to rec-
ognize and deal with different personalities
in various social situations.
emotional regulation The extent to which
we balance ongoing environmental demands
with appropriate behavioral responses.
empathy The capacity to identify and

understand another person’s emotions.
goodness of fit The match between an
infant’s temperament and environmental
demands.
reciprocal determinism A process
in which behaviors of infants influence
responses in others, which in turn has a
reciprocal effect on infants.
self-conscious emotions Emotions that
appear in the second year and indicate more
cognitive and psychosocial sophistication.
separation anxiety The emotional upset
that infants experience when their usual
caregiver leaves.
slow to warm up temperament A disposi-
tion in which less active babies adapt slowly
to new situations and have somewhat regu-
lar biological rhythms.
social referencing When infants (and older
individuals) look to others for emotional
cues about uncertain events or behaviors.
social smile A smile in response to other
people.
stranger anxiety The caution infants dem-
onstrate in the presence of unfamiliar adults.
suicidal ideation Thoughts and plans
about suicide.

temperament A person’s basic emotional
nature. See also easy temperament, difficult
temperament, and slow to warm up.
Web Resources
See links below for additional information on topics discussed
in the chapter.
Cerebral Cortex
https://faculty.washington.edu/chudler/functional.html
Depression
http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/depression/index.shtml?
utm_
source=BrainLine.orgutm_medium=Twitter
Limbic System
http://www.sciencedaily.com/articles/l/limbic_system.htm
Separation Anxiety
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=izfwLM8mGWU&feature=rel
ated
Social Referencing
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EE76gCfrRmk&playnext=1&
list=PL44D12FE9DAD

88CCB&index=2
Stranger Anxiety
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sCgvR1-gFjM
12The Self and Moral Development
Gary S. Chapman/Photodisc/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
After completing this module, you should be able to:
ሁ Articulate Erikson’s and Marcia’s theories of psychosocial
development and evaluate their role in the
development of identity.
ሁ From the viewpoint of Erikson, explain how children must
balance independence of actions with
possible negative consequences of those actions.
ሁ Outline the evidence for the emergence of self-awareness.
ሁ Determine how self-esteem is developed and summarize
demographic differences.
ሁ Define ethnic identity and understand how it influences
identity development.
ሁ Distinguish among behaviors that are indicative of different
stages of moral development.

Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial
Development
Prologue
I once coached a basketball team of 11-year-old girls. It was a
highly competitive league, but
we were out to have fun as well. My slight, 4½-foot-tall
daughter was on the team, as was a
girl she eventually befriended, Chrystal, who was about a foot
taller, about 50 pounds heavier,
and well into puberty. Chrystal could easily have passed for 16
years old. After one particu-
larly hard practice, I gave a few of the girls hugs of
encouragement as they were leaving. I did
not really think anything of it at the time.
At the beginning of the next practice, Chrystal’s mother made a
point of letting me know that
my hug had a tremendous impact on Chrystal and later brought
her mother to tears. Because
of her size, adults rarely treated Chrystal as the young child she
was. Sometimes adult men
would flirt with her or otherwise look at her in a way that was
entirely inappropriate even for
a teenager, let alone an 11 year old. As a result, Chrystal had
changed from an outgoing child
to one who was more withdrawn.
Chrystal’s personality and emotional development was on par
with that of my daughter. In
nearly every way in which development is measured, Chrystal
and Mariana were identical,
but you would not know it by looking at the two of them on a
basketball court. Even though
Chrystal was able to throw around her size and weight to the

team’s advantage, she still liked
dolls, children’s music, and stuffed animals. My hug, and
Mariana’s friendship, apparently
allowed her to recapture the social and emotional processes that
had become derailed. Her
mother reported that the turnaround was immediate and
sustained; Chrystal had once again
become more outgoing and childlike.
Factors that directed Chrystal’s social, emotional, and
personality development are even
harder to pinpoint than those related to physical and cognitive
development. As we explore
development of the self in this module, remember that there are
many ways to measure growth
besides age.
12.1 Foundations: Erikson’s Stages
of Psychosocial Development
Perhaps the most well-known theorist in the area of
psychosocial development is Erik Erik-
son. An important aspect of this development is that of the self,
which is a conceptualization
of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves.
Erikson stressed how the self
develops as a function of the way we constantly interact with
society. In many ways, Erikson
is to psychosocial development as Piaget is to cognitive
development. That is, his theory of
psychosocial development remains a historical benchmark from
which contemporary the-
ory has evolved. And like Piaget, psychologists continue to find
Erikson’s ideas practical and
worthwhile.

Erikson was influenced by Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic
theory. Both of these psychology
pioneers emphasized the importance of early development on
later personality and behav-
ior. However, whereas Freud felt early development was largely
a function of sexual conflict,
Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development focused on social
influences during the life-
span (Erikson, 1950, 1993). According to Erikson, each
developmental period is marked by
a psychosocial conflict that can have either a favorable or an
unfavorable outcome. Although
Development
Erikson developed his theory to encompass the entire lifespan,
this section focuses on psy-
chosocial stages through the end of adolescence.
Basic Trust versus Mistrust (birth to 1 year old)
Erickson proposed that the fundamental conflict of infancy
revolves around the infant’s
dependency needs and parental responsiveness. Infants need to
feel secure that they will
be fed, changed, nurtured, and comforted. If parents are
responsive and dependable, infants
become confident that their needs will be met; they develop a
sense of trust. In contrast, an
insecure infant (perhaps one who has been neglected) will
develop a sense of mistrust. There-
fore, the first of Erikson’s stages is referred to as basic trust
versus mistrust.

Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt (2 to 3 years old)
If infants do not develop trust, they become insecure and are
hesitant to venture on their own.
By contrast, trusting infants feel confident about exploring the
world. They become mobile
and are able to do more things for themselves. As they move
into toddlerhood, they are often
heard saying, “Me do it!” This expression reflects their
inclination toward independent behav-
iors. They want to dress themselves and explore garbage in the
street, open cabinets, and run
freely—they want autonomy.
Toddlers develop a sense of autonomy when parents set limits
while also encouraging self-
sufficiency, for example, by saying, “You may run on the grass,
but not in the street” or “You
may wear either of these two outfits.” By contrast, if parents are
overly demanding or do not
let children perform tasks on their own, a sense of shame and
doubt may result. Parents who
are patient while walking or waiting for their children to dress
are encouraging a sense of self-
sufficiency and competency; children who are rushed begin to
doubt themselves because of a
perceived lack of competence. This conflict is known as
autonomy versus shame and doubt.
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : A u t o n o m y v e r s u s
S h a m e
a n d D o u b t
One night, just before my son turned three, he asked if he could
clear the ceramic (i.e.,
breakable) dinner dishes and load them into the dishwasher. I
did not think about it at the
time, but it was a decision that is key to Erikson’s stage of

autonomy versus shame and
doubt: Should we let him do this task by himself and risk
breaking dishes, or insist on set-
ting limits on a task he felt he was capable of doing? It is not
always easy to know if you are
overcontrolling or undercontrolling—either of which, according
to Erikson, can lead to
shame and doubt.
While my anxious wife looked on, I guided Max over to the
dishwasher, where he promptly
displayed his pride and confidence after performing what was
previously an adult job. He
soon was clearing the dishes most nights and did not break a
plate until years later when
he was old enough not to want the job anymore. (Of course, by
then he was stuck with it!)
Doing the dishes myself would certainly have been more
efficient, but it also would have
given my son the message that he was not competent in a task
that he was absolutely able
to do. Sometimes parents must struggle with issues related to
patience as their children
gain autonomy and take initiative.
Development
Initiative versus Guilt
(3 to 6 years old)
When children gain autonomy, they begin

to master the world around them. They
become more independent but sometimes
suffer negative consequences as a result.
Early “experiments” with food flying off
of a highchair, which first occur randomly,
are now done with more purpose. Chil-
dren might cut their own hair. Parents are
again faced with dilemmas. If a 4 year old
attempts to pour a glass of orange juice but
ends up dropping the container and break-
ing a glass, how should the parent react?
Children can either be reinforced for taking
the initiative or feel guilt for having done
something wrong. The key to helping chil-
dren overcome this initiative versus guilt conflict is to set
balanced limits in goal-directed
activities like climbing on rocks or crossing streets alone.
Industry versus Inferiority (7 to 11 years old)
Children develop an increasing sense of competence by taking
the initiative, expanding their
opportunities, and feeling a sense of accomplishment. They
become productive. This pro-
ductivity is reflected in self-reinforced learning and discovery.
As explained in Module 9, this
process occurs when children begin to use reading as a way to
advance learning, not simply
as a skill to master. Industry is reflected in the way children
build, fix, organize, and acquire
knowledge. For example, following recipe directions produces
output, even if it is not perfect.
The output translates to achievement in the conflict of industry
versus inferiority, building
esteem that leads to a sense of identity in the next stage.

Conversely, children who did not favorably resolve the earlier
stage of autonomy versus
shame and doubt are more likely to hesitate when they come
across new situations. They
may fear disapproval for independent actions and become less
self-sufficient. Exploratory
behaviors may be perceived as “trouble-making.” Restrictions
lead to less exploration, fewer
accomplishments, and a lowered sense of competence. Instead
of feeling industrious, chil-
dren feel a sense of inferiority.
Identity versus Role Confusion (adolescence)
Erikson believed that the stage of identity development that
coincides with adolescence was
pivotal. Early stages lead up to it, and later stages are
dependent on it. The earlier stages set
the groundwork for the development of self-concept and self-
esteem. In this stage, teenagers
try to discover who they really are, including their sexual
identity and what they want to do
in life. Beginning in early adolescence, physical, sexual, and
cognitive changes, as well as more
complex social demands, contribute to confusion about identity.
Erikson called this time of
© Curi Hyvrard/Corbis
ሁ As part of their developing personality,
children must balance independence of actions
with possible negative consequences of those
actions.

Development
potential upheaval the adolescent identity crisis. During this
period, teenagers will often try
out different behaviors before finding a clear path. The process
of reconciling these conflicts
results in an individual’s achieving a sense of identity. When
children are allowed to explore,
create, and accomplish, they develop the competence necessary
to define goals and forge a
unique sense of self. Conversely, if teenagers feel a sense of
inferiority, they do not develop
feelings of accomplishment and purpose. Current and future
roles remain undefined.
The cognitive advancement associated with formal operations
allows adolescents to hypoth-
esize about different futures (and also makes them more self-
conscious, as in Elkind’s imagi-
nary audience). Identity formation therefore includes self-
assessment about strengths and
weaknesses, friendships, sexual identity, occupational
possibilities, and values. The sense of
“self ” and personal control emerge when there is a sense of
continuity about these character-
istics (Erikson, 1970).
Once again, according to Erikson, parents can facilitate
adolescent psychosocial development
by allowing teenagers to explore their own identities while
setting limits. If, however, par-
ents continually insist that children conform to specific views,
identity development can be
arrested. Instead of developing a strong sense of self, teenagers
will face role confusion. They
may engage in behaviors that are socially unacceptable. Role

confusion may lead to difficulty
forming close adult relationships. Relationships become more
superficial because individuals
have not developed the strong sense of self that is necessary for
intimate emotional connec-
tions. This outcome is sometimes referred to as identity
diffusion since the self, or personality,
lacks a unified core. Erikson proposed that identity versus role
confusion was the key to
developing into an adult.
Adult Stages
The adult stages rest firmly on the successful resolution of the
challenges of earlier devel-
opmental stages. A strong sense of identity sets the foundation
for adult success in form-
ing intimate relationships, leading to successful resolution in
the stage of intimacy versus
isolation. The intimate expression of hopes, dreams, and fears
results in the formation of
deep emotional connections. Without the risk of vulnerability, a
sense of isolation develops.
In middle age, adults then seek to accomplish goals that they
hope will provide a lasting influ-
ence on children and the community. This stage is generativity
versus stagnation, whereby
adults either “leave a mark” (generate) or develop a sense of
stagnation when they lack pro-
ductivity. In Erikson’s final stage of integrity versus despair,
people in late adulthood either
accept their lives and what they have accomplished with a sense
of integrity or live in despair
as a result of knowing that goals went unfulfilled. Though these
adult stages are summarized
here only briefly, you can see how they are strongly connected
to the earlier focus on identity

development in adolescence.
Summarize Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.
Section 12.2Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia
12.2 Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia
Using Erikson’s stage of identity versus role confusion as a
backdrop, James Marcia suggests
that there are four ways of resolving the crisis of identity that
adolescence presents. He clas-
sifies individual identity development in terms of two
characteristics: crisis and commitment.
Crisis refers to a period of some turmoil, during which
adolescents begin to question previ-
ous values. As a result, individuals explore different
alternatives. A high school senior may
consider a technical school, traveling, or several different
college majors. Commitment refers
to whether or not a decision has been made related to the
exploration (Marcia, 1966, 2007).
There is quite a difference, for instance, between an
unmotivated high school student who
jumps in and out of menial part-time jobs and one who attends
college workshops and volun-
teers at a health care agency. In the latter case, exploration will
eventually lead to commitment.
As Figure 12.1 indicates, Marcia organized four observable
identity statuses based on the two
criteria of exploration (crisis) and commitment. Identity
achievement occurs when occupa-
tional and social challenges of education, career, and marriage

are explored and pursued and
there is a current commitment. The crisis occurs when various
options are considered. For
example, after an individual investigates a number of
opportunities in the mental health field
(e.g., social work, counseling psychology, research and
teaching), identity achievement would
occur when the individual commits to the pursuit of one over
another. Early identity achieve-
ment is associated with high achievement motivation, empathy,
compassion, and self-esteem.
However, for most, identity does not solidify until the early to
mid-20s (Bang, 2013; Kroger,
2007; Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2010).
Figure 12.1: Marcia’s identity statuses
ሁ James Marcia described four possible outcomes related to
adolescent identity development.
Identity
Diffusion
Identity
Moratorium
Identity
Foreclosure
Identity
Achievement
AbsentPresent
Commitment
A

b
se
n
t
E
x
p
lo
ra
ti
o
n
(
c
ri
s
is
)
P
re
se
n
t
Source: Adapted from Marcia (1966, 2007).

Adolescents sometimes commit to an identity without
adequately exploring alternatives, per-
haps because of the strong influence of an authority figure or
societal norm. They join the
military, work in the family business, or pursue a law degree
because their parents have
decided that is “what is best.” This status of identity foreclosure
does not necessarily equal
Section 12.2Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia
unhappiness, but it is associated with a high need for approval.
Identity foreclosure is more
common among Asian, European, and collectivist cultures than
in mainstream, middle-class
culture in the United States. Therefore, the independence that is
indicative of identity achieve-
ment is not necessarily a desirable goal for every group.
Furthermore, secular changes within
cultures also affect goals and values. For instance, among
adolescents there has been a recent
shift in attitudes, resulting in an increased concern for other
people and the environment. As
a result, career development in the contemporary cohort of
adolescents and young adults
includes relatively more collectivist goals and less materialism
(Greenfield, Keller, Fuligini, &
Maynard, 2003; Park, Twenge, & Greenfield, 2014; Rothbaum,
Weisz, Pott, Miyake, &
Morelli, 2000).
Traditionally, though, middle-class culture in the United States
is usually associated with
exploration. The common mantra of “you can be anything you

want to be” is an example of
parents encouraging the exploration of various alter-
natives. When adolescents actively explore choices but
are not committed, it is referred to as identity morato-
rium. This struggle for identity is often associated with
anxiety, since the future is unplanned. Those who are
considering changing majors or colleges, or dropping
out of school altogether, are often in moratorium.
Finally, adolescents who have neither explored nor committed
to any social or occupational
choices are in a state of identity diffusion. These individuals
tend to be flighty, without clear
direction for the future. They may be confused about goals,
occupation, sexual identity, or
gender roles. The lack of occupational or social dedication
makes it difficult to sustain rela-
tionships. Consequently, these individuals are more likely than
others to become isolated.
It is considered a positive development when individuals move
from diffusion to foreclosure
to moratorium to achievement. However, adolescents are not
necessarily fixed into one iden-
tity status, and achievement does not mean identity will remain
stable. For instance, it is com-
mon for individuals to change statuses from moratorium to
achievement and back again, in
what has been called the MAMA cycle. This sequence is
considered normal and may appear
periodically throughout the lifespan, though moratorium status
peaks during late adolescence
and declines thereafter. Whereas research finds that about half
of all adolescents have a stable
identity status, more than one-third move in a direction toward
identity achievement. Among

a college research sample, status begins to change more during
late adolescence. Although
identity status is still not always solidified by the time these
young adults graduate, perhaps a
noncollege sample would yield different results (Kroger, 2007;
Kroger et al., 2010).
The way in which Erikson and Marcia discuss the concept of
identity development is both
a culmination of sorts and a jumping-off point. That is,
according to Erikson, we have a ten-
dency to strive to reach a key phase of self-identity and carry
that forward into marriage,
community, and retirement. Note, however, that these processes
apply mostly to Western-
ized youth and young adults. (Neither Erikson nor Marcia
suggested that their theories could
be applied universally.) Cross-cultural studies have validated
Marcia’s conceptual basis for
achievement; however, identity development is quite different,
even within Western coun-
tries, when there are choices in career and education and
everyday survival can be taken for
granted (e.g., Brzezińska & Piotrowski, 2013; Cinamon & Rich,
2014; Crocetti, Sica, Schwartz,
Serafini, & Meeus, 2013).
Critical Thinking
In what ways can attending college and pursu-
ing a degree be categorized as identity foreclo-
sure? When is it moratorium?
Section 12.3Development of the Self

In coal-mining towns or other working-class communities, for
instance, the menu of careers
to explore often appears limited. Education might not be a high
priority, and economic neces-
sity may dictate when and where a young adult seeks work.
Identity development through
exploration would not even be considered when daily living
remains a struggle.
Describe an individual who is representative of each of
Marcia’s identity statuses.
12.3 Development of the Self
Because the people around us heavily influence the construction
of self, the development of
the self is tied to social norms and expectations. Children in the
United States grow up in a
culture that emphasizes individual traits and abilities over
interdependence and group goals.
Early childhood characterizations of self typically include
mostly concrete descriptions (“I
like to draw,” “I am smart”). In contrast, Chinese culture favors
modesty and the social aspects
of the self. As such, Chinese children are more likely than
children in the United States to use
more situational and social accounts to describe the self (“I play
with my friends at the park,”
“I like to help my teacher”). These differences are evident as
early as 3 years of age (Wang,
2006). During adolescence, psychosocial factors expand to
include romantic relationships
and sexuality. Continuing into late childhood and adolescence,
descriptions become complex,
and include both personal and social aspects of self (“I am a
good friend,” “I work hard in

school, but sometimes I get lazy,” “I am Latino”).
Self-Awareness
Psychologists agree that babies are not born with inherent
knowledge that self is separate from
others. To develop an expression of individuality, children must
develop an understanding of
themselves. Piaget and other cognitive psychologists suggest
that infants do not demonstrate
awareness of themselves until they begin to show intention (see
discussion of sensorimotor
substage 4 in Module 7) beginning at about 8 months. Other
views hold that children lack the
cognitive capacity to know that they are distinct persons until
they recognize themselves in
a mirror or in photographs. This process is called self-
awareness. Children can define their
identities only when they are able to recognize that they are
separate from others.
The most common method for identifying the psychosocial
milestone of self-awareness is
the mirror-and-rouge test. In a clever experiment, infants are
prominently marked on their
nose or forehead. The children are then placed in front of a
mirror. They may attempt to wipe
off the mark, point to it in the mirror, or otherwise pay attention
to it. If they do, it may be con-
cluded that they are aware of their own physical
characteristics—the first step in developing
a sense of self that is independent from other people and
objects.

Infants as young as 12 months old react to the mark, but
the median age is closer to 18 months. By 24 months,
nearly every child attempts mark-directed behavior,
suggesting an increased sense of awareness. They also
recognize themselves in photos and videos by pointing
and verbalizing their own name or saying, “That’s me”
(Amsterdam, 1972; Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985).
So does awareness via the mirror-and-rouge test occur
all at once, or is it a gradual process? Again the issue of
continuous or discontinuous development arises. Ber-
tenthal and Fischer (1978) attempted to reconcile this
question by demonstrating that self-awareness occurs
in at least five stages, rather than the one implied by
the mirror-and-rouge test. They constructed a series of
experiments with 6- to 24-month-old children that cor-
responded to substages 3 through 6 of Piaget’s senso-
rimotor development (as well as one level beyond sub-
stage 6, referred to here as substage 7).
In phase 1, to be considered self-aware at the most basic
level, infants needed to look at themselves in a mirror
and within a short time touch some part of the image.
In phase 2, infants were dressed in an outfit with a hat that was
supported by a hidden wire
attached to a vest. In this way the children were not aware of
the hat, so when it appeared
in the mirror, children with self-recognition would be surprised
and perhaps try to grab the
hat. Phase 3 was similar to phase 2 but included a toy that was
lowered into view behind the
infant. Unlike the hat that moved with the child, the toy was not
connected physically. Infants
demonstrated success by connecting the reflection with the toy,
and locating it behind them.

Phase 4 consisted of the mirror and rouge. As found by
Amsterdam and others, successful
infants indicated that the mirror image did not fit the schema for
normal appearance. Finally,
in the fifth and last phase, mothers stood to the side of the
mirror and asked their children,
“Who’s that?” Successful infants stated their names or an
appropriate pronoun.
Table 12.1 shows that 46 out of 48 infants aged 6 to 24 months
followed the progression of
phases. That is, nearly every child who was successful at the
most advanced task (responding
verbally) was also successful at all the other tasks; children who
were successful at the rouge
task (phase 4) were also successful at phases 1–3, but not at
phase 5; children who were
successful at the toy phase (phase 3) passed the earlier tests, but
not the more sophisticated
ones. Only two children did not fit the profile, suggesting that
self-awareness indeed does
change incrementally and develops in a more continuous fashion
than typically represented
by the mirror-and-rouge test (Bertenthal & Fischer, 1978).
Digital Vision/Valueline/Thinkstock
ሁ By 24 months of age, most
children recognize their distinct
selves in a mirror.
Table 12.1: Phases of self-awareness

ሁ With only two exceptions, children showed distinctive
patterns of self-awareness. Children
who showed more advanced self-awareness were always able to
demonstrate more basic forms.
Conversely, children who had limited ability to coordinate their
actions (corresponding to Piaget’s
substages of sensorimotor development) had corresponding
limitations of self-awareness.
Phase
Stage of
development
N
1
(Touches
mirror)
2
(Attached
hat)
3
(Toy low-
ered into
view)
4
(Mirror-
and-rouge

test)
5
(Responds
verbally)
Substage 2
(younger than 4
months)
2 Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø
Substage 3 6 + Ø Ø Ø Ø
Substage 4 18 + + Ø Ø Ø
Substage 5 8 + + + Ø Ø
Substage 6 4 + + + + Ø
Substage 7 8 + + + + +
Other (nonconforming) profiles
1 + Ø + Ø Ø
1 + + Ø + Ø
Note: + = successful with task; Ø = not successful with task.
Source: Bertenthal, B. I. & Fischer, K. W. (1978). Development
of self-recognition in the infant. Developmental Psychology, 14,
44–
50. Published by the American Psychological Association.
Reprinted with permission of the American Psychological
Association.

Other Indicators of Self-Awareness
Self-awareness is also noticeable in the development of the
higher-order emotions intro-
duced in Module 11. The self-conscious emotions of shame,
guilt, and pride are accompa-
nied by behavior that indicates self-knowledge. For instance,
self-awareness is acknowl-
edged when toddlers warily “challenge” parents by touching
forbidden objects. They will
not automatically take food from another child’s plate because
they know their behavior
will be met with disapproval. When children implore parents to
“Look!” at a pose, a block
design, or an arrangement of stuffed animals, it shows pride of
accomplishment. There is
ownership of the task. Self-awareness and a growing
consciousness are also demonstrated
when toddlers fail at a task. Tears of frustration show that
toddlers understand their own
limitations; they are able to separate outside forces from
internal appraisals (Stipek, Rec-
chia, & McClintic, 1992).
Section 12.4Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : D e l a y o f G r a t i f i c
a t i o n :
T h e M a r s h m a l l o w T e s t
Self-regulation is a precursor to delay of gratification, the
ability to wait before engaging in
a pleasurable activity, like purchasing a desirable item or
eating. In a famous study, Walter
Mischel and his colleagues at Stanford University placed a tray

of marshmallows (and
other highly desirable treats like cookies and pretzels) in front
of children as young as 4
years old to see if they could resist temptation.
Children were placed by themselves in a small room and told
they could have one marsh-
mallow (or other treat). They were further informed that they
could either eat the
marshmallow right away or, if they waited for a period of time,
they could have two marsh-
mallows instead.
Some of the children ate the marshmallow right away, while
others waited just a few min-
utes before indulging; about 30% doubled their treat by waiting
the entire 15 minutes for
the researcher to come back.
In a number of follow-up studies, Mischel and his collaborators
discovered insights into the
importance of self-control. Children who were able to delay
rewards were later found to be
more attentive in school, had fewer behavioral problems, and
were better at forming and
maintaining friendships. As adolescents, they showed more
independence, had more confi-
dence, and were better able to cope with stress. Perhaps most
surprisingly, this simple test
also predicted cognitive differences, resulting in an average
gain for the delayers of over
200 points on the SAT college admission exam!
Delayers developed strategies to distract themselves by
covering their eyes, singing, or
imagining something other than marshmallows in front of them,

like cotton balls. Older
children focused more easily on the greater rewards (using
metacognition).
Maybe the ability to delay gratification as evidenced by the
Marshmallow Test serves
as a shield against cognitive or social disappointments that can
sometimes lead to fur-
ther failure. Perhaps those with better self-control are more
likely to be persistent in the
face of potential defeat (Eigsti et al., 2006; Mischel & Ebbesen,
1970; Shoda, Mischel, &
Peake, 1990).
Describe how evidence-based research explains the emergence
of self-awareness.
12.4 Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
Complete the activity on self-esteem. The descriptions describe
who you are and illustrate
your self-concept, or your own perception of characteristics
related to academics, athletics,
family roles, personality, sexuality, and more. Though the terms
self-concept and self-esteem
are often used interchangeably, they refer to different
dimensions. Self-concept is concerned
with constructing a sense of identity through self-expression.
Self-esteem is the evaluation
of that self-concept. An adolescent may think, “I am a fair

student, a good athlete, and a nice
friend. I wish I were better at video games, but I am really good
at making people laugh.” If the
person assesses those characteristics in an overly positive
manner, it expresses a high self-
esteem; if the assessment is particularly poor, then self-esteem
is poor. A person’s assessment
of self-concept may not be a reasonable reflection of self-
concept, but nevertheless it defines
self-esteem. Personal characteristics distinguish self-concept;
the assessment of those char-
acteristics is self-esteem.
A C T I V I T Y
Take a moment and think of words that describe you. Formulate
descriptions that are
related to your culture and ethnicity, gender, and sex. Also
include adjectives that relate to
the way you perform at work or in school, and the way you
behave around your family or
in groups.
To increase self-esteem, children and adolescents must
therefore increase their self-
evaluations. Although programs and methods have been
designed to boost self-esteem, it is
not a “thing” that adults can simply hand out, like a sticker or a
pat on the back. Instead, self-
esteem is produced by accomplishment (which can be
recognized and reinforced with a star
or a pat on the back). But children cannot feel proud if there are
no activities about which to
feel proud. Therefore, to increase self-esteem, there need to be
endeavors or personal circum-
stances that result in greater perceived success. Although

professionals often remark that
high self-esteem in school or elsewhere leads to better
performance, research finds that this
directional relationship does not exist. In fact, evidence shows
the reverse to be true: Suc-
cessful performance leads to high self-esteem (Baumeister,
Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003;
Crocker & Park, 2004). In Erikson’s terms, this is what
is meant by industry. Being industrious fosters identity
and self-esteem as children learn to integrate success-
ful skills, strategies, character traits, and behaviors into
personality.
During early elementary school, children also develop an
understanding that there are differ-
ent kinds of social competencies and friendship qualities; they
develop a sense of emotion-
ality, and self-regulation becomes a more conscious activity.
Cognitive maturation helps to
define one’s identity. It leads young children to transition from
analyses of external traits, like
producing drawings, to more internal, psychological
characteristics, like what it means to be
a good friend (Harter, 2006; Marsh & Ayotte, 2003).
Sources of Self-Esteem
Like work and family for adults, a significant proportion of
childhood self-concept is
immersed in school and academics. For the most part, however,
elementary-school chil-
dren do not initially separate related characteristics. That is,
though math and reading are
Critical Thinking
How might grade inf lation affect self-esteem?

separate skills, since both relate to school, children will identify
themselves as either good
students or not based on an academic evaluation of total ability.
Each skill area is assessed as
a function of perceived overall competence. For instance, in a
study of nearly 2,000 German
schoolchildren, subject-specific (e.g., math, language) self-
esteem varied only as a function
of global self-esteem; they did not separate different aspects of
esteem (Arens, Yeung, Nagen-
gast, & Hasselhorn, 2013). As children enter Erikson’s stages of
initiative versus guilt and
then industry versus inferiority, evaluation of identity becomes
differentiated into “parts.”
Additionally, stability of self-esteem during this time is low,
probably because the sense of
self is most plastic. Younger children are still discovering and
assessing different parts of
themselves, and there is generally less self-criticism than at
older ages (Trzesniewski, Don-
nellan, & Robins, 2003).
Early adolescence is generally considered a difficult time,
during which self-esteem suffers
(Erol & Orth, 2011; Huang, 2010). The physical changes of
puberty can be awkward, and
universally elevated expectations regarding academics may not
be consistent with abilities.
During this time of increased psychosocial challenges, there is a
usually a simultaneous
decrease in the physical and emotional availability of teachers.

11The Developing Personality Emotions and Temperament© Ra.docx

Recommended

Recommended

More Related Content

Similar to 11The Developing Personality Emotions and Temperament© Ra.docx

Similar to 11The Developing Personality Emotions and Temperament© Ra.docx (20)

More from aulasnilda

More from aulasnilda (20)

Recently uploaded

Recently uploaded (20)

11The Developing Personality Emotions and Temperament© Ra.docx