PAGE 4Financial Institutions and PolicyAssignment 1Instruct.docx

Financial Institutions and PolicyAssignment 1
Instructions: Attempt the following exercises
Exercise 1
A) Read the attached article and answer the following question
using arguments based on the article.
a) Summarize the article
b) Do banks themselves represent a moral hazard and adverse
selection problem for their depositors and the financial system?
How does the government protect the financial system against
adverse selection and moral hazard that certain banks pose for
the financial system?
B) The following questions are independent of the previous
questions.
Let
s
P
be the present discounted value of the incomes from the assets
(or the interest payments on liabilities) over the average
duration T of the assets (or liabilities) when the interest rate
i
is low or
s
i

i
=
. Let
h
P
be the present discounted value of the incomes from the assets
(or the interest payments on liabilities) over the average
duration T of the assets (or liabilities) when the interest rate
i
is high or
h
i
i
=
. If we express the interest rate in decimal form then
s
s
h
s
s
h
i
i
i
T
P

P
P
+
-
-
»
-
1
We define the net worth of the bank as the difference between
the present discounted value of the incomes from the assets and
the present discounted value of the interest payments on its
deposits. Define, the interest rate risk as the change in the net
worth of the bank as the consequence of change in the interest
rate or as the difference between the change in the present
discounted value of the assets and the change in the present
discounted value of deposits.
A bank has $100 million of assets with an average duration of 4
years and $90 million of deposits with an average duration of 6
years.
c) Estimate the interest rate risk when the interest rate increases
from 0.02 (=2%) to 0.04 (=4%)? .
d) To reduce its interest rate risk should the bank try to change
and in which direction the average durations of its assets and its
liabilities?
Exercise 2
a) If people were free to join or not a defined contribution
pension plan, would most of them choose not to be members?
b) What is the difference between a defined benefit plan and the
Canadian Pension Plan?
Read pages 20-26 of the paper “The Relative Roles of Monetary

Policy and Financial Regulations in the development of
Financial Crises” By Hassouna Moussa. Answer the following
questions using the arguments and data contained in the article.
c) Consider the following assertion: “Some people claim that
the banking regulation and supervision in Canada allowed the
Canadian financial system to escape unscathed from the 2009-
2009 financial crises”.
What are the major differences between the US and Canadian
systems of banking regulation and supervision that could justify
the previous assertion?End Bank of America liable for
Countrywide mortgage fraud
By Nate Raymond, NEW YORK Wed Oct 23, 2014 6:57pm
EDT
(Reuters) - Bank of America Corp was found liable for fraud on
Wednesday over defective mortgages sold by its Countrywide
unit, a major win for the U.S. government in one of the few
trials stemming from the financial crisis. After a four-week
trial, a federal jury in New York found the bank liable on one
civil fraud charge. Countrywide originated shoddy home loans
in a process called "Hustle" and sold them to government
mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the government
said. The four men and six women on the jury also found former
Countrywide executive Rebecca Mairone liable on the one fraud
charge she faced.
The U.S. Justice Department has said it would seek up to $848.2
million, the gross loss it said Fannie and Freddie suffered on the
loans. But it will be up to U.S. District Judge Jed Rakoff to
decide on the penalty. Arguments on how the judge will assess
penalties are set for December 5. Any penalty would add to the
more than $40 billion Bank of America has spent on disputes
stemming from the 2008 financial crisis. "The jury's decision
concerned a single Countrywide program that lasted several
months and ended before Bank of America's acquisition of the

company," Bank of America spokesman Lawrence Grayson said.
"We will evaluate our options for appeal."
Marc Mukasey, a lawyer for Mairone, called his client a
"woman of integrity, ethics and honesty," adding they would
fight on. "She never engaged in fraud, because there was no
fraud," he said. Wednesday's verdict was a major victory for the
Justice Department, which has been criticized for failing to hold
banks and executives accountable for their roles in the events
leading up to the financial crisis. The government continues to
investigate banks for conduct related to the financial crisis. The
verdict comes as the government is negotiating a $13 billion
settlement with JPMorgan Chase & Co to resolve a number of
probes and claims arising from its mortgage business, including
the sale of mortgage bonds.
RISKY LOANS
The lawsuit stemmed from a whistleblower case originally
brought by Edward O'Donnell, a former Countrywide executive
who stands to earn up to $1.6 million for his role. The case
centered on a program called the "High Speed Swim Lane" -
also called "HSSL" or "Hustle" - that government lawyers said
Countrywide started in 2007. The Justice Department contended
that fraud and other defects were rampant in HSSL loans
because Countrywide eliminated loan-quality checkpoints and
paid employees based on loan volume and speed. The Justice
Department said the process was overseen by Mairone, a former
chief operating officer of Countrywide's Full Spectrum Lending
division. Mairone is now a managing director at JPMorgan.
About 43 percent of the loans sold to the mortgage giants were
materially defective, the government said. Bank of America
bought Countrywide in July 2008. Two months later, the
government took over Fannie and Freddie. Bank of America and
Mairone denied wrongdoing. Lawyers for the bank sought to

show the jury that Countrywide had tried to ensure it was
issuing quality loans and that no fraud occurred. The lawsuit
was the first financial crisis-related case against a bank by the
Justice Department to go to trial under the Financial Institutions
Reform, Recovery, and Enforcement Act (FIRREA). The law,
passed in the wake of the 1980s savings-and-loan scandals,
covers fraud affecting federally insured financial institutions.
The Justice Department, and particularly lawyers in the office
of U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara in the Southern District of New
York, have sought to dust off the rarely used law and bring
cases against banks accused of fraud. Among its attractions,
FIRREA provides a statute of limitations of 10 years and allows
the government to bring civil cases for alleged criminal
wrongdoing. Virginia Gibson, a lawyer at the law firm Hogan
Lovells, said the Bank of America verdict was a "big deal
because it shows the scope of a tool the government has not
used frequently since its inception." Gibson and other lawyers
say any appeal by Bank of America would likely focus on a
ruling made by the judge before the trial that endorsed a
government position that it can bring a FIRREA case against a
bank when the bank itself was the financial institution affected
by the fraud.
The case was one of three lawsuits in New York where judges
had endorsed that interpretation. Banks have generally argued
that the interpretation is contrary to the intent of Congress,
which they said is more focused on others committing fraud on
banks. Bank of America's case was the first to go to trial, a
rarity given that banks more typically choose to settle
government claims instead of face a jury. But Bank of America
had said that it "can't be expected to compensate every entity
that claims losses that actually were caused by the economic
downturn." In a statement, Bharara said Bank of America "chose
to defend Countrywide's conduct with all its might and money,
claiming there was no case here." "This office will never

hesitate to go to trial to expose fraudulent corporate conduct
and to hold companies accountable, particularly when it has
caused such harm to the public," Bharara said.
In late afternoon trading, Bank of America shares were down 27
cents at $14.25 on the New York Stock Exchange. The case is
U.S. ex rel. O'Donnell v. Bank of America Corp et al, U.S.
District Court, Southern District of New York, No. 12-01422.
(Reporting by Nate Raymond; Additional reporting by Jonathan
Stempel; Editing by Leslie Gevirtz)
_1514966506.unknown
_1514966533.unknown
_1514967942.unknown
_1514966417.unknown
_1514966392.unknown
_1514966358.unknown
· Write a factual question and answer it yourself using resources
outside the article
· Factual questions include: What does [a word] mean? Who is
[a person]? When did [an event] happen? What is [a thing]?
· Write an evaluative statement (500 words)
· Evaluative statements include: I disagree with [position or
idea]. I relate to [idea] because in my own life [personal
experience]…
· Write an interpretive question (no answer, 100-500 words)
· Interpretive questions include: When the author says
[passage], does s/he mean [an interpretation] or [another
interpretation]? On the one hand, the author says [passage], but
then elsewhere s/he says [different passage]–is that
inconsistent? Is the real meaning of what the author is saying
[your thought], or is it something else? When I read [passage], I
think it means [your thought]–but I’m not sure because [doubt].
Am I right? In one reading, I thought [something] was true, but

in this reading the author says [passage]. Is [something] really
true?
*Please include page numbers for all questions and statements
in the FEI paper.
Below is a sample FEI post that I have written for another
reading from another class. If you mimic this post, you'll be
fulfilling my expectations for an FEI paper.
1) What was the legislation from the UK Friedman is referring
to on page 12, the "control of engagement order"? According to
the website UnionHistory.info, ´´This regulation ensured that
anyone looking for work should apply through Ministry of
Labour employment exchanges or an approved employment
agency. Under the order, certain industries, mainly coal and
goods for export, were designated "essential". Exchange
officials could compel workers to take essential jobs by issuing
a "direction." Failure to follow a "direction" was subject to
severe legal penalty. Only 29 directions, excluding directions in
coal and agriculture which were still under wartime regulations,
were issued before the Order was withdrawn in March 1950.´´
2) On page 13, Friedman writes that markets permit
coordination without coercion because buyers and sellers enter
into exchanges voluntarily and on terms they agree to rather
than through a process of centralization. Buyers can buy
elsewhere, workers can work elsewhere. Markets are therefore a
decentralized coordination process where total freedom
increases. I disagree with this claim, at least in one important
case: the labor exchange. In capitalism, independently of the
type of government (democracy, fascism, oligarchy), to sustain
oneself one must work for a wage. Workers, to work, have to do
so for a wage. Now, at this point, we haven't really reached
coercion because workers could live "off the grid" and sustain
themselves. They have that choice and capitalism says "good
luck" to them. There is more of a pressure than a coercion to

work for wages. There is a coercion within the market system
by definition, however, once the worker has chosen to sell their
labor. That coercion is through the wage. Wages cannot
compensate the worker entirely for their work. Otherwise the
employers would not spend the money--there wouldn't be
anything in it for them if wages fairly compensated workers.
The labor exchange goes like this: the worker agrees to give the
employer his labor for the price of the wage. The worker is the
seller and the employer the purchaser. But the worker does not
get the full value of their labor in their wage, though the system
of prices and the employers claim otherwise. No matter how
high the wage goes, it will never be high enough to compensate
the worker. That is coercive--it deprives the worker of the full
value of what they sell.
3) According to Friedman's argument, is the term "political
freedom" an oxymoron? He claims that governments, when they
distribute power, always centralize and prohibit freedom.
Ideally they should be fora for thinking about decisions in the
marketplace and thinking about the rules of the game. If
government should be tailored exclusively to the needs of the
market, and the market is the realm of economic freedom, then
is there no such thing as political freedom? What is the
difference here? The only example we get is of the promoters of
different social structures. (Which is strange because I don't
think capitalists would fund socialist revolutionaries...) On the
other hand, is economic freedom really freedom or just the
quality of unfettered marketplace activity from government
oversight? Is every case of unfettering from government
freedom? Is economic freedom lawlessness, in other words?
(Finally, is education political or economic, according to his
categories?)

Beyond the Intersection: A New Culinary Metaphor for Race-
Class-Gender Studies
Author(s): Ivy Ken
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Sociological Theory, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Jun., 2008), pp.
152-172
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20453102 .
Accessed: 08/10/2012 19:37
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Beyond the Intersection: A New Culinary Metaphor for
Race-Class-Gender Studies
IV K N
George ashington University
ew would argue that race, class, and gender are unrelated, now
that scholars of
ine uality have spent decades aking the once devalued but now
widely accepted
case that structures of oppression like these cannot be
understood in isolation fro
one another. et the i agery on which the field has relied-race,
class, and gender as
intersecting or interlocking has li ited our ability to e plore the
characteristics
of their relationships in e pirical and theoretical work. In this
article I build on the
gender fra ework articulated by Leslie Sal inger to articulate
new i agery-via a
etaphor of sugar-which highlights how race, class, and gender
are produced, used,
e perienced, and processed in our bodies, hu an and
institutional. This etaphor
allows us to e phasi e structural and individual forces at work in
their continual
and utual constitution.
island in the sun
discovered by Colu bus
devoured by the British

recovered by the rench
stripped and searched by Spanish not-so-noble en
uncovered for the touch of erchant utch en
passed across tables
hidden in the silken sleeves of states en
island
stone that the builders refused
but we lift it still
(I see wo en on bended knee
Cutting cane for their fa ily
I see en...)
living and dying, it was cane
only we could know
how bitter it was
how deep its roots went
those wo en knelt
to feed a dragon
there was no fa ily
Address correspondence to: Ivy Ken (for erly Ivy Kennelly),
epart ent of Sociology, 801 22
Street N , Phillips all 09, ashington, C 20052. Tel.: 202-99 -
1886 a : 202-99 -3239. - ail:
ivyken gwu.edu. I a grateful to Gerald Johnson Ken, Margaret
Andersen, Michelle Beadle, Susanne
Beechey, Ka au Bobb, Cynthia eitch, Meta u wa Jones, Mike
Kennelly, Robert Penney, Gregory
S uires, Lisa Torres, Gail allace, Misha erschkul, e bers of the G
u an Sciences Collo uiu ,
e bers of the C Sociological Society, and the reviewers and

editors of Sociological Theory for sugges
tions that greatly strengthened this work.
Sociological Theory 26:2 June 2008
A erican Sociological Association. 1 30 K Street NVV,
ashington, C 20005
A N CULINAR M TAP R R RAC -CLASS-G N R STU I S 153
only successive crops of children
reaped
crushed
distilled
till the ratoons e hausted the selves
into dried old wo en.
Kendel ippolyte (1997) e cerpt fro Island in the Sun-Side 2 fro
Birthright
ood is never si ply food-it does not start out as food, and it does
not re ain
food. ven beans and beets straight out of the ground usually
have to be organi ed,
packaged, shipped, and displayed in order to reach the people
who will consu e
the , and they ust also be prepared so ewhere along the way,
either as ready-to
eat ite s (think candy) or as ingredients in the individual
kitchens of the people who
have bought the for use in particular dishes (think hot-out-of-
the-oven cookies).
Before these food products are consu ed, I argue, they have no
flavor. e have

fairly accurate e pectations about what particular products will
taste like when we
put the in our ouths, which would e plain why a far er would go
to the length
of hilling her potatoes on the third round of cultivation to
prevent the fro getting
sunburned and producing bitter potato chips. But those potatoes
do not carry flavor
around with the . Rather, the flavor occurs in interaction with
the person whose
teeth asticate the chip to prepare it for distribution a ong the
taste buds. The
flavor lasts only a short while, however, co pared to the effects
the ite will have
on the body of the person who tastes it. ne potato chip, one
spoonful of beans,
one sugar cookie will travel through various parts of the body to
be absorbed as
nutrients, broken down into a ino acids that will be carried to
organs in need of
repair, stored as fat, and e pelled as waste. These foods -the
sugar in the cookie,
for e a ple-first get produced, and then prepared and e
perienced, as flavor, and
finally, as a collection of nutritional substances, they structure
the body that interacts
with the .
So, too, do race, class, gender, and other sources of oppression
and privilege. These
products, which each enco pass categori ation sche as,
processes, sets of e bed
ded relations, histories, structural locations, practices, social
institutions, distortions,
products of discourse, ele ents of sy bolic representations,

structural arrange ents,
tropes, di ensions of identity, and opportunities to e press
power, get produced and
used, occasionally in isolation but usually in interconnected
ways. Both people and
institutions then interact with and e perience the co binations
that have been pro
duced and prepared-we taste the . And, having received the
into our institu
tional and hu an bodies, either voluntarily or as the result of
force or hege ony,
these co binations co e to structure us. A researcher who wants
to understand
the relationships a ong race, class, and gender, then, can e
plore, analogically, how
particular foods bu p up against each other throughout the
production process,
inside the i ing bowl, on a person s tongue, and within the cells
of his body.
I develop the contours of the approach that can guide such e
plorations by con
centrating on one particular food: sugar. I e plore how sugar is
produced and used,
how it can be e perienced, and how it co es to shape the entities
with which it
interacts, in order to illustrate so e of the pri ary points at which
race, class, and
gender co e together. Sugar here is a etaphor, not for race or
class or gender in
their entirety, but for any big or s all part of any one of the . hat
is i portant
about sugar is that it is produced, used, e perienced, and
digested in ways that help

15 S CI L GICAL T R
illustrate how ele ents of race, class, and gender are produced,
used, e perienced,
and processed. or sugar to be useful as a etaphor, however, an e
a ination of
it needs to reveal aspects of the relationships a ong race, class,
gender, and other
sources of oppression that are obscure(d), as well as provide
ethodological guidance
for a field that ost sociologists agree is vital but few agree on
how to approach con
cretely. This etaphor de ands that we acknowledge, in both
theory and ethod,
that there is no one, single relationship a ong sources of
oppression. These rela
tionships e erge in different and so eti es very si ilar ways
because of how
oppression is produced, what people and institutions do with it
once they have it in
their hands, what it feels like to e perience it, and how it then
co es to shape us.
nly by e a ining these very conte t-specific relationships will
our studies of race,
class, and gender flourish.
The i ediate foundation of this approach is the e pirical work of
Leslie
Sal inger (2003), whose incisive study of factory workers in Me
ico reveals how
gender gets produced in distinctive ways in different a
uiladoras, and how gender,
thus produced, co es to shape the lives and perceptions of the
participants in the

production. I build on this dyna ic foundation to understand not
ust gender but the
relationships a ong race, class, and gender. Using the
production, use, e perience,
and digestion of sugar as a way of guiding this understanding
oves us further away
fro i agery that unwittingly akes these sources of oppression
and privilege see
static, and allows us to focus instead on the structural and
individual forces at work
in their continual and utual constitution.
BUIL ING T RAM RK
Studies of race, class, and gender,1 which have blosso ed over
the last two decades,
have focused on the ways these sources of oppression intersect
or interlock within
the real s of personal biography, co unity, and institution
(Collins 1991). This
atri of do ination approach insists that we can only get an
accurate analysis
of any one for of oppression when we e a ine how it interacts
with other sources
(e.g., gendered and raciali ed for s of class) in various conte ts.
As the field of
race-class-gender studies has atured it has yielded rich e pirical
analyses of issues
such as child welfare (Roberts 2002), labor arkets (McCall
2001), political activis
( Brien and Ar ato 2001), the perils of high school (Bettie
2003), and igration
and citi enship (Glenn 2002), a ong any others, and we are now
at a o ent
when it akes sense to articulate and build on what these studies,

in aggregate, have
taught us about how to study oppression.
ro the beginning, race-class-gender scholars have insisted that
we analy e the
co ple structures and processes that ine uitably confer
disadvantage and oppression
on so e and privilege on others, which has allowed us to hear
with uch greater
clarity, in Anna Julia Cooper s (1892) ter , the voices of the
oppressed. Beyond
he phrase race, class, and gender has co e to serve as a cu berso
e shorthand that is so eti es
eant to co unicate a focus on race and class and gender,
specifically, and is so eti es eant to
denote the practice of si ultaneously taking into account ultiple
sources of oppression, also including
se uality, nation, ethnicity, age, body ability, religion, and
others. I invoke the phrase to signal the place
of y work within the arena of what has been established as race,
class, and gender studies, and also to
acknowledge that y own studies to date have, in fact, focused
ore on these three sources of oppression
and privilege than others. In these pages I do not discuss se
uality and religion as uch as race and
gender, so in that respect the phrase is accurate. hat I do not ean
to assert by using the phrase,
however, is that the theoretical principles I e plore here are only
ger ane to these particular sources of
oppression.

this, though, there is little consensus a ong these scholars about
what to listen for,
where to look, and how to detect and articulate what is going
on. hen scholars
want to re ain true to the principles of race-class-gender theory,
they so eti es
start with categories: poor wo en of color, for instance. This
allows us to focus on
the lives, e periences, and perspectives of those who are arginali
ed by race, class,
and gender, but it also, in the anner detailed ost elo uently by
ueer theorists
(Ga son 1996 Green 2007), reifies the categories. e can,
instead, e a ine specific
cru es at which sources of oppression are related. As a starting
point, I propose
we ask how-and under what conditions, for what purposes the
for s of race,
class, and gender under consideration were produced, and what
ties their production
together. Institutions such as the law, education, and fa ilies, as
well as local, conte t
specific processes of interaction, are likely to be heavily i
plicated in answers to this
uestion. Second, once race, class, and gender have been
produced, what do people
and institutions do with the Third, in keeping with fe inist
scholars insistence
on the i portance of wo en s standpoints in the world, we ay
then ask how people

e perience race, class, and gender. And finally, how do race,
class, and gender affect
our lives and who we are, or, our sub ectivities
or Michel oucault (1978), the sub ect is a site of power and, we
ight add, a
place where agendas can be furthered. The agendas of
ultinational capital, for in
stance, find their way into the conceptions of fe ininity and
asculinity in the Me
ican a uiladoras Leslie Sal inger studies in her 2003 book
Genders in Production.
ith nobody able to naturally eet corporations desire for
alleable, trainable,
unde anding asse bly workers, Sal inger (2003:2) argues:
Capital akes rather
than finds such workers. The characteristics of the ideal
worker, though, vary fro
plant to plant, which enables Sal inger to analy e how gender is
produced in each
setting. ployers in one a uila constantly watch ga e on young wo
en work
ers, and reward se uali ed behavior fro the . The anagers speak
through the
language of evaluation: Their approval arks good worker and
desirable wo an
in a single gesture (2003:66). In another plant, anagers reward
wo en who dis
play decisiveness and leadership the way the other factory s
workers wear lipstick and
flirtatious s irks. In both plants, the wo en beco e, in part, the
sub ects (ob ects)
the anagers want, but they also resist the co plete for ation of
their sub ectivity
around their anagers wishes. o en in the second plant ay be

assertive and
welco e responsibilities that are otherwise unavailable to the ,
but any also face
pressures to e hibit passivity and co pliance to husbands and
boyfriends who work
fro a different set of aterial realities than the plant anagers,
who are focused
ost on productivity. The workers at these plants are not si ply
acted on by an
agers together, the workers, the anagers, the other people in
their lives, and the
conditions and conte ts under which they all work, produce
these aspects of gen
der, and they all co e to be shaped by the .
The evidence that gender (1) is produced, and then (2) co es to
shape us, pro
vides the start of a fra ework that allows us to understand not
ust gender, but
the relationships a ong sources of oppression and privilege like
gender, class, and
race. Like Sal inger, I argue it starts with production-every
aspect of race, class,
and gender has been and is produced under particular social,
historical, political,
cultural, and econo ic conditions. The production of race, class,
and gender occurs
as deliberately as the production of crops, in related ways that
can be novel but
tend to be institutionali ed through ti e-tested structural and
discursive techni ues.
e learn fro the history of sugar production that the techni ues
available for pro
ducing one source of oppression ay be borrowed for the

production of others,
156 S CI L GICAL T R
which reveals one of the funda ental ways these entities are
related to each other in
production.
Sal inger sets her work apart fro earlier scholars who assu ed
that anagers in
the syste of global production si ply use fe ininities and
asculinities that are al
ready there, rather than constituting those fe ininities and
asculinities on the shop
floor, as she argues. er successful isolation of the local
practices and rhetorics
(2003:27) within which this production occurs is a real
theoretical acco plish ent.
This focus on production rather than use, though, could obscure
the i portance of
how a product like gender does get used, especially within the
conte ts of other en
tities such as race and class that are both si ultaneously and
separately produced. I
argue that analy ing the use of race, class, and gender akes us
attentive to di en
sions of their relationships not apparent in their production. hen
an ingredient like
sugar is used, for instance, it is typically i ed together with
other ingredients to
produce so ething new so ething that would not e ist if that i ing
had not oc
curred. hat entity is being produced because of the co bination
of race, class, and

gender hat for of oppression and privilege what institution,
event, reaction,
decision is the result of their co bination And further, how do
race, class, and
gender influence and change each other when they are i ed
together uivalent
attention to both the production and use of not ust gender but
gender and race and
class within the conte ts of each other will reveal dyna ics of
their relationships that
a sole focus on the production of gender hides.
urther, Sal inger does not directly address the e perience of that
which has been
produced and used. The sugar analogy re inds us how i portant
the ele ent of
e perience is. To understand the co binatorial e perience of race,
class, and gender,
we ust rely on the individuals-si ilarly located groups of the
and institutions
that develop both uni ue and collective interpretations of their e
periences. I argue
that the e perience of a co bination of race, class, and gender,
ust like the taste of
a cookie, occurs in interaction with those who are engaged with
it, which akes it
i portant to listen to the ways they describe the flavor. And
finally, we co e back
to Sal inger s very clear understanding that what gets produced
co es to shape
constitute those involved. et Sal inger focuses on ust a single di
ension of
oppression: gender. In this pro ect I seek to understand the
process of the shaping of
sub ectivities, and liken this process to the activities of

digestion, in which particular
co binations of race, class, and gender shape the social body in
patterned ways.
Just as the sugar fro a beer will do different things to the body
when eaten with
peanuts than with pret els, the ways gender constitutes our sub
ectivities are shaped
and influenced by the presence of for s of race and class in the
diet. By body I
ean to refer to both the sub ectivities of the people who interact
with race, class,
and gender, and the nor s and functioning of institutions.
Throughout y elucidation of this etaphor I rely pri arily on e a
ples fro
the data Sal inger presents to illustrate the theory s points,
supple enting these with
other brief e pirical illustrations. I ust stress that I do not atte pt
to reanaly e
Sal inger s data here not possible, in any case, via their
secondary presentation.
Instead I use illustrative e a ples fro Sal inger s work and other
e pirical aterial
in order to further e plicate the argu ent.
But first: hy sugar The etaphor I develop here is really about
food about
how foods are related to each other, and what that can tell us
about the ways race,
class, gender, and other sources of oppression are related. In
order to e a ine this
with so e consistency, I wanted to sink y teeth into one
particular food with all its

co ple ities and nuances. Sugar has a long and well-docu ented
global history, and
it is currently in very heavy use in A erican diets, which gives e
a lot of e a ples
to work with. In what follows I begin with production-the
production of sugar to
orient the reader to the production of race, class, and gender. I
then ove on to
baking, tasting, and finally, digesting it all of which reveal i
portant aspects of the
relationships a ong sources of oppression like race, class, and
gender.
SUGAR: RAC , CLASS, AN G N R
Production
Sugar has to get fro the cane or beet into the little packets
available at coffee
shops. The planting, cultivating, and harvesting-that is, the
production-of sugar is
an ongoing, deliberate, institutionali ed enterprise. There was a
first ti e, to be sure.
So ebody, possibly so ewhere in New Guinea, perhaps about ten
thousand years
ago (Mint 1985:19), broke open a stalk of cane, or, aybe in
Greece, dug past the
chard-like leaves of the sugar beet plant to the root below, and
was then able to ake
use of the sweet substance he or she discovered. So ebody so
ewhere also decided to

take a naturally occurring plant like cane and deliberately grow
it, in order to be able
to use the resulting product on a larger scale than would
otherwise be possible. hat
is i portant, for our purposes, is the deliberateness of the
enterprise. alking by a
plant, investigating it, and aking use of it constitute one kind of
activity. Turning
that plant into a crop is another. It is as if you can i agine so
ebody, taken by the
taste he e periences when he puts the broken cane to his outh,
thinking, Now
here s so ething And then he plans and e peri ents and flails
and refines until he
is able to capture that so ething in a deliberate process, rather
than si ply hoping
to co e upon a plant like that again in his travels across the
ground. or sugar to
be produced, people have to decide to ake it happen. or the to
decide this, they
have to believe there is so e use in what they are going to
produce. or the to
actually do it, they also have to have institutional support, in
the for of capital,
infrastructure, labor, and a arket.
The production of race, class, and gender is no less deliberate,
and re uires no less
hu an ingenuity. It is al ost i possible to track the first ti e these
were produced,
especially because they have taken such different for s in
different historical-cultural
conte ts throughout the world. Indeed, searching for the origins
of their production
assu es that we share a co on understanding of what race, class,
and gender are,

which, as scholars such as Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1988)
and yeronke y ewiu i
(1997) have argued, is not si ply i possible but presu ptuous.
The production of
so ething I ay understand today to be race, for e a ple, ay, to so
ebody else,
be the production of religion. Ivan annaford (1996) argues that
while there have al
ways been conflicts between groups, such conflicts only took on
racial di ensions
once religious and political differences were churned through
the ill of science and
associated with so atic characteristics dee ed racial in the 19th
century. thers,
though, re ind us that conceptions of blackness and whiteness
are even in
fused in edieval uropean Christian te ts (La pert 200 ). hiteness
appears as
the nor ative arker of Christian identity (La pert 200 : 10) and
the color of
salvation ( olsinger 1998), as set apart fro the blackness the
color of hell
designating Musli s and Jews ( uoted in La pert (200 : 03) fro
the translation
of the 13th century opera Par ival, by olfra von schenbach).
hat is ore i portant than the origin and inception of any of these
sources of
oppression and privilege, for our purposes, is the ongoing
nature of their production.
owever and wherever this production started, it continues, in old

and new for s,
with old and new ai s, using old and new infrastructural
supports. It takes a lot
of work to produce race, class, and gender, which indicates a
deliberateness to the
enterprise. In e phasi ing its deliberateness, I a not arguing that
the production of
these structures of oppression and privilege is necessarily
rational. Nor is it si ply
a choice. The production process is also, i portantly,
institutionali ed. As the pro
duction of sugar has continued on since its inception, it has
occurred without the
need for constant, conscious decision aking. So e degree of
decision aking is
re uired along the way, perhaps when a stor hits and threatens
the cane crop, say,
or when sugar loses value on the world arket because of the
introduction of other
sweeteners. ecisions on issues like these are the very things that
keep sugar s produc
tion institutionali ed because they provide this living institution
with the fle ibility
needed to adapt to a changing environ ent. But underneath day-
to-day decisions,
the process of production, itself, has a force of its own.
Si ilarly, when we consider the production of race, class, and
gender, we ust be
attentive to both its deliberate and institutionali ed di ensions.
Scholars of ine ual
ity have uncovered how these production processes have
typically (and deliberately)
relied on grander ideological supports in the for s of religion
and science to buttress
their institutionali ation. ith their activities of coloni ation and

nation building al
ready underway in the late 18th century, uropeans and North A
ericans bent on
e ercising their new powers of enlighten ent easily transferred
the scientific fra e
work of classification fro plants and ani als onto hu an beings.
Race ca e
to be produced as a biological concept ( i and inant 199 ).
Philosophers, in
cluding Voltaire, egel, and Kant, and states en like Tho as
Jefferson participated
in the production of race with their pronounce ents of the
relative superiority of
white s nature, ideas, i agination, and reason. The production
of these scientific
ustifications of race provided the necessary ideological support
for continued col
oni ation and even slavery, solidifying both ngland s and,
eventually, the United
States world econo ic positions and the co on understanding of
race as anal
ogous to species.
The production of race re uired deliberate activity, even as it
was beco ing, in a
way that now see s inevitable, institutionali ed. e need not look
back three cen
turies, however, to witness the production of oppression. ven on
Sal inger s a uila
floors, gender is being produced within the conte t of specific
local practices and
rhetorics. Shop anagers do not si ply fill their floors with ale
and fe ale bod
ies, e ploiting previously established fe inine traits and
asculine traits, Sal inger

argues (2003:31). Rather, anagers take what is available, such
as a labor supply of
rural wo en accusto ed to sub ission and docility, and turn it
into so ething ore
useful for their factories. Their ideal worker in one plant is one
who takes charge
and feels e powered to ake shop floor decisions, so they
construct this worker out
of the labor supply, and in doing so, actively produce fe ininity
(i.e., gender).
hile the production of individual di ensions of oppression and
privilege like race
and gender has received careful, interdisciplinary study, the
story of sugar also gives
us rich aterial to help tease out the co plicated relationships
these di ensions have
with each other. ne such relationship, apparent in the production
process, has to
do with how the techni ues of the production of sugar are
related to the techni ues
of the production of other foods, including bananas, rice, citrus
fruits, sorghu ,
and olives. Sidney Mint (1985) argues that early sugar
production was spread ost
rapidly by Arabs who brought it fro Northern Africa to the
Mediterranean in
the 17th century and westward to Spain decades later. ocu
entation of the Arab
agricultural revolution (Glick 1970, 197 Idrisi 2005 atson 197

) reveals that, in
Mint s (1985:26) words: verywhere, the Arabs showed a lively
interest in irrigation,
water use, and water conservation. They took with the ,
wherever they went, every
watering device they encountered. Irrigation techni ues that had
been in use for
centuries in the Mediterranean for cereal crops and carob trees,
for instance, were
the basis for the technological innovations that enabled Arabs to
introduce sugar
cane into dry parts of the area, and on into Spain (Glick 197 ).
This history can help us understand one of the echanis s that
relate race, class,
and gender to each other, na ely, the techni ues used to produce
the . Carob trees
had long been irrigated using a particular techni ue, and then
new people ca e
along, saw how the techni ue worked, shaped it up a bit, and
used it in new ways,
including in the production of sugar cane. a ples of how the
techni ues used to
produce race or class or gender ine uality are borrowed to
produce other kinds of
ine uality abound. Nancy Leys Stepan ( 1986 1996:122), for e a
ple, argues that
the science that was used in the 19th century to rationali e
racial ine uality was
then used for the sa e purpose regarding gender ine uality.
Thus it was clai ed that wo en s low brain weights and deficient
brain struc
tures were analogous to those of lower races, and their inferior
intellectualities
e plained on this basis. o en, it was observed, shared with

Negroes a nar
row, childlike, and delicate skull, so different fro the ore robust
and rounded
heads characteristic of ales of superior races.
The relationship between race and gender here is evident in the
co onalities and
uses of one of the techni ues that produce the : science. This
techni ue in particular,
along with any others, can be used to produce any for s of ine
uality, not li ited
to race and gender, ust as the sa e borrowed and enhanced
irrigation techni ues
allowed far ers to grow crops such as sugar in addition to carob,
and then oranges
and olives in addition to sugar (Glick 197 Idrisi 2005). or e a
ple, efforts to ap
a gay gene with science have followed an analogous path.
The contributions the story of sugar akes to our understanding
of the produc
tion of race, class, gender, and other sources of oppression are
that it is deliberate,
ongoing, and institutionali ed, and the techni ues of production
ay be transfer
able. hy, though, do race, class, and gender get produced They
certainly would
not co e into being if they were not going to be used. I discuss
the use of race,
class, and gender in the ne t section.
Baking
Ji odge: And I have a little trick here when I cook sugar and
water. And
that s first to easure everything and stir it into this bowl so that

I dissolve
the sugar crystals. e re starting with two-thirds of a cup of
water. And then
I going to add a cup and a half of sugar. Julia Child: ou re very
careful
with your easure ents, I noticed. J : Very i portant in baking.
JC: Very
i portant. J : And the last ingredient before we stir is the light
corn syrup.
And we need ust a uarter of a cup. JC: hy do we need that J :
This helps
to prevent the sugar fro crystalli ing while we re cooking that.
JC: h, because
a lot of people have trouble with that.
Chef Ji odge preparing Chocolate udge rosting with Master
Chef Julia Child
A thousand years ago, sugar was not available for everyday use
around the world.
Its production first developed on a large scale in the
Mediterranean, but it was hun
dreds of years before wealthy uropean households would begin
to use it sparingly
as a spice for eats, fish, and vegetables physicians would use it
edicinally and the
nobility would co ission elaborate decorations to be ade fro it
(Mint 1985).
Sugar s substantial use as a food (Mint 1985:78, e phasis in
original) was only
established in urope in the late 1700s, and in the United States

in the id 1800s,
after production had ceased in the Mediterranean but spread via
coloni ation into
the Caribbean and Latin A erica. Today, the U.S. epart ent of
Agriculture esti
ates that the average adult A erican currently consu es over 6
pounds of refined
sugar e uivalent to the a ount in about 5,000 sugar cookies-each
year ( aley et
al. 2005).2 About three-fourths of this sugar co es in products
prepared co er
cially such as cereal, pastries, candy, and fruit drinks. The rest
is prepared in-ho e
as a co ponent in cooking and baking, which are the activities
on which I focus
here.
To understand the use of sugar as an ingredient in baking, i
agine so ebody
preparing to ake sugar cookies. This could begin with a trip to a
food arket,
where the baker selects ite s off the shelves within the
constraints of the recipe for
what she wants to ake. She ay grab a sack of sugar, a pound of
butter, and a
carton of eggs, which she will use along with the flour she
bought on a previous
trip and the vanilla e tract she borrowed onths ago fro her
neighbor. hen she
gets to her kitchen, the baker unites these ingredients in very
specific and prescribed
ways-she has to beat the sugar and butter together first, until
they are inseparable
and have a whipped te ture. Then she adds the eggs, one by one,

aking the i ture
even lighter and fluffier. The recipe instructs her to stir the
flour in gradually, but
she du ps it all in at once like she usually does and stirs slowly
at first to keep fro
aking a ess. She could have added the drops of vanilla e tract at
al ost any
stage, but forgets until the end. hat is in the baker s bowl now is
not a separate
section of sugar, one of flour, and one of eggs, but a dough a
cohesive ass.
By i ing all these ingredients together and baking the , she akes
cookies she
uses the ingredients in a way that results in the construction of a
different for
of food.
Race, class, and gender often inter ingle like the sugar, eggs,
and flour in this
baker s bowl. The sugar cookies are her creation, but they result
fro her following
the instructions of a recipe-a script3 that she ay have enacted so
any ti es it
feels like second nature to her. She knows to start with the
sugar and the butter, and
has a feel for what the i ture s te ture should be. Likening these
to race, class, and
gender, we ay think about a particular i ture in Sal inger s
Partici e shop.
Most of the anage ent staff is ade up of young en ost white A
erican
fro the co pany s U.S. head uarters, and a few Me ican who
typically started their
careers in Ciudad Ju are and oved up the ranks. The Me ican en

are influenced
and i peded by the race-class-gender scripts white A ericans
apply to the , as
Sal inger (2003:77) e plains:
2This does not include consu ption of other sweeteners such as
high fructose corn syrup or honey.
Total sweetener consu ption in the United States is around 100
pounds per person per year ( aley et al.
2005).
3Thanks to Lisa Torres for pointing e to this parallel.
isparaging co ents about Me ican anagers are routine a ong their
North A erican superiors and counterparts. In Sal inger s
interviews with
transnational anagers throughout the industry, Me ican anagers
and an
agerial prospects are described to e without apology, itigation,
or even
circu spection-as variously unsophisticated, underdeveloped,
authoritar
ian, infle ible, acho, and se ually predatory.
Part of the way these anagers deal with such i ages of the , since
they have
to prove how odern they are to their white A erican superiors,
is to apply
race-class-gender scripts to their own workforces, ade up pri
arily of Me ican
peasant wo en. The anagers de onstrate willingness to further A

erican
goals by helping workers in their plant overco e the local custo
s that restrict
their opportunities, yet they perceive resistance when they try to
place wo en in
supervisory positions.
Supervisors rarely suggest wo en workers for coordinator obs,
but co plain
at length that no atter how uch they encourage their wo en
workers to
be coordinators, They won t ake the leap. Jesfus (a supervisor)
says that
he thinks half the supervisors should be wo en, but
unfortunately, la cultura
e icana .. . e looks pained. (Sal inger 2003:97)
This script, this recipe for anaging the Me ican workforce,
instructs the an
agers actions and the beliefs that for the basis for those
actions. The recipe tells
the anagers how to i Me ican culture with the capitalist shop
floor, and
helps the anticipate the te ture of the resulting i ture as a
enable to partic
ular for s of both productivity and e ploitation. The anagers add
the eggs of
autono y-allowing/re uiring the wo en to feel responsible for
their tea s pro
ductive output-bit by bit, in each work shift, as they pit tea s
against each other
and publici e both the best and the worst each day. The dough is
now at its lightest,
and they strengthen it with a heaping helping of flour in the for
of unise unifor s

that cover all the workers fro head to toe.
The result of these baking activities-the dough-is a fairly
cohesive ass of race,
class, and gender in and around a a uiladora. This dough re
uired ingredients
like ideologies about Me ican peasant wo en that have been as
painstakingly and
elaborately produced as sugar in the fields of Guyana. Sugar
cookies do not result
fro the si ple addition of a separate section of butter with a
separate section
of sugar, but are the result of what happens when sugar and
butter eet and
transfor each other. In one respect, this eans we are focusing on
the product
of their co bination: the cookie. ne of the bedrock pre ises of
race-class-gender
theory is that di ensions of race, class, and gender depend on
each other (Collins
1991), but it is unclear e actly what they depend on each other
for. In the production
phase, they ay depend on each other for their e istence, in an
indirect way. That
is, a particular techni ue that helps produce a di ension of class
(like irrigation in a
sugar field) ay, in another conte t, be used to produce a di
ension of gender. But
in the baking phase, di ensions of race, class, and gender do not
si ply depend on
each other for their e istence. Rather, sugar depends on butter
and flour for the new
Sugar and butter ay have already et any ti es in their production
(e.g., they ay be produced
for si ilar reasons, using related techni ues, for connected

reasons), and they eet again in this baking
stage.
entity they create together that entity would not e ist if not for
their co bination.
A chef interviewed for Rick olphi n s book oodscapes (200 ), e
phasi es that his
sole interest is
in what happens between the ingredients . . . on how, within the
confronta
tion, one ele ent is related to the other. e is not interested in the
different
ingredients the selves, but rather in what happens between the
when they are
confronted with one another. Between the Port wine ripened in
oak barrels, and
the salty bitterness of an aged cheese between the soft te tures
of Japanese tofu
and the orange that per eates it with its sweet freshness. ( olphi
n 200 :97)
olphi n argues that this helps us to think fro the space between
... They teach
us to think not in ter s of the ualities to be found within each ele
ent, but in
how ualities are created between the ele ents (200 :97). So
ething new e erges
because these particular ele ents have co e together, and the new
entity ay be a
once-in-a-lifeti e creation, or an institution that we would be
surprised not to find

in the cookie ar. hen they are being used, race, class, and gender
depend on each
other for the for s (events, situations, institutions, actions,
feelings, sub ectivities,
bodies, structures) of oppression and privilege they produce
because of their co ing
together.
In another i portant respect, though, these baking activities
reveal the ways butter
changes sugar-what happens to the structure of sugar when it co
es in contact with
roo -te perature butter. Sugar is ade up of active olecules, and
when those
olecules get cold and slow down, they oin together in a precise
for al pattern
called a crystal (Corriher 1997: 22). Crystals can be big, such as
those in rock candy,
or s all, in crea y fudge frosting, and their si e depends on the a
ount and type
of interference the baker introduces. Corn syrup, like that used
by Ji odge and
Julia Child, interferes with sugar s crystalli ation, so when
sugar dissolves in heated
water and co es in contact with the corn syrup, that corn syrup
affects the structure
of the sugar-it keeps the crystals very fine. at (butter) has a si
ilar effect on
sugar s process of crystalli ation, since it coats tiny sugar
crystals and keeps the
fro co ing together to for big crystals. The ingredients affect
each other. Butter
and sugar co e together in so e ways that are partially
prescribed, in the for of
scripts, and also original to the baker, who has both choices to

ake about how to
bring things together and constraints on how she is able to do
so. And when these
ingredients co e together, they transfor each other. No
ingredient in the resultant
cookie has the sa e s ell, the sa e te ture, the sa e look or feel as
it did before it
went into the bowl. This illustrates very nicely the race-class-
gender theory pre ise
of utual constitution, which eans, in the words of velyn Nakano
Glenn, that
each develops in the conte t of the other (1992:33). Sugar s
structure is changed
by the conte t of butter. Ideologies about Me ican wo en change
and develop when
they co e in contact with work tea s ai ed at increasing capitalist
production.
These ingredients, like sugar and butter, change each other.
The bringing together of sugar with other ingredients in a baker
s bowl is, in part,
a atter of the structural availability, i position, and institutionali
ation of the in
gredients. But the baker also has choices. She can use vanilla e
tract or al ond
whole wheat or white flour. The baker interacts with various di
ensions of race,
class, and gender in so e knowing and so e unknowing ways,
and without her ac
tions, decisions, and o ents of knowledge and ignorance about
the structural forces
that shape her opportunities to use particular ingredients, the
specific dough the

particular co bination of race, class, and gender would not e
erge. The baker her
self has to be there buying or growing ingredients, easuring and
rolling, turning
on the oven, and taking the cookies out when she has udged the
to be done.
Managers at Partici e had to assess both local and international
work processes,
and buy into the strategies of work tea s and gender de-
differentiation. Because the
baker is not alone in her social location, and because any of the
sa e categories,
processes, and other di ensions that ake up race, class, and
gender e ist for her
or anybody else to grab onto, it is likely that others would
produce si ilar prod
ucts. In fact, lots of people bake sugar cookies. But this baker,
in concert with all of
those people, institutions, and forces that have ade these
particular ingredients both
available to her and so eti es uninvited influences on her,
produce this co bination
of race, class, and gender. The dough is not si ply there, as an
aspect of workers
or anagers bodies or identities. Rather, it gets processed in
everyday activities, in
anagers e pectations of workforces, in the postures one ethnic
group of anagers
takes over another, in choices about unifor s and work organi
ation, and in the

rewards or lack of rewards individuals receive for enacting
scripts applied to people
in their structural locations.
This highlights how the eanings and e pressions of race, class,
and gender are
locali ed. ach batch of cookies is prepared in one specific place,
ti e, and set of
circu stances. There is no collective cookie baking across the
world every week at an
appointed hour. Race, class, and gender do have te poral
consistency, but sociologists
ust beco e uch ore adept at articulating how their consistent
aspects co e
together with particulari ed aspects, and this etaphor ay help.
Analysts ust
specify the conditions under which a particular dough was
prepared: here did the
baker get the ingredients ho helped her bake id she beat the
eggs by hand
or use an electric i er Is this a recipe she has ade before The
conte t atters
because, as the principle of utual constitution reveals, the sa e
ingredient ay
generate different flavors under different conditions.
It certainly atters who does the baking. hen so eone can bake
cookies for
herself, she ay have uch ore control over which ingredients she
will use and
which she will avoid. f course, so e of the ingredients she uses
ay actually have
been baked or prepared elsewhere, by others, so she has to
create her own food
using those prepared foods. hen we eat ite s that are either

entirely prepared by
others, or ade fro ingredients that were co pletely prepared and
processed in
real s outside our own kitchens, we are uch ore sub ect to race-
class-gender
di ensions outside our own control. This really speaks to the
structuring aspects
of race, class, and gender. It is very hard to avoid using those
preprocessed in
gredients when we bake, and it is hard for social-structural
reasons, akin to not
being able to aintain one s own garden and grind one s own
spices. This is so
difficult that ost people (in the United States) do not even think
about it on a
daily basis they si ply get the ingredients they need at the arket
or fro their
pantry and prepare eals fro the , regardless of how, where, or
for what reasons
they have been prepared. ast-food conglo erates and co ercial
cookie co pa
nies typically use ingredients that fit within their production
processes, and that they
have had success with-in order (of course) to ake a profit rather
than ingredi
ents that are in any way good for consu ers (unless providing
healthy foods is
one of their strategic, profit-generating niches). Just as people
so eti es en oy con
for ing to race-class-gender stereotypes, so e people will prefer
nten ann s over
ho e ade. It is to this en oy ent or lack thereof the e perience of
flavor-that I
now turn.

16 S CI L GICAL T R
perience (Tasting)
T he high fat it akes us feel fuller faster, Capaldi says. And
pairing fat and
sweet is the agic co bination, she says. Take a brownie-a tasty
treat that is
full of sugar and fat. Since sugar akes you like whatever you re
eating it with,
when you eat a brownie, you re teaching yourself to like fat,
she says. And
sugar asks the taste of fat, so you don t reali e what you re
eating. Moreover,
fat akes sugar taste better because it produces so ething called
outh feel,
she says.
ro a 2001 article in the University at Buffalo Reporter by Sue
uetcher on
the work of psychologist li abeth . Capaldi
Sugar is one thing its sweet flavor is another. Sugar takes on a
variety of eanings
as it is produced on plantations (e.g., ob source, distributor of
pain, i petus for
colonialis ) and as it is used in kitchens or factories (e.g., cheap
staple, readily
available co odity). These eanings are altered again when a
person puts a cookie
in his outh and the sugar-in its transfor ed state-gets dispersed
on his taste
buds. Before a cookie hits the tongue, as it sits in the cookie ar,
it ight atter for
another reason (e.g., it ight attract ants to the kitchen), but it is

flavor only once
so ebody e periences it.S It can easily be argued that the people
and institutions
that produce sugar and the people and institutions active in
using sugar e perience
sugar in those activities. Poets have described sugar s flavor as
bitter for those who
have sacrificed the days of their lives and the skin of their ar s
to produce it. But
when sugar is chewed up in so ebody s outh, the e perience is
taste. The person
on whose tongue the cookie rests participates with the people
and institutions that
produced and prepared the ingredients to construct its flavor.
ach of these parties is
present, whether active or not, in the construction of the flavor,
and they all depend
on each other for the construction.
Because the cookie s flavor is constructed as it collides with the
tongue, the pos
sibility e ists that each tongue ay e perience it differently. Like
sugar, butter, eggs,
and flour, which do not si ply interlock or intersect, co
binations of race,
class, and gender inter ingle like flavors in our ouths. e taste the
. e e peri
ence the . Race, class, and gender s eanings transfor when they
co e in contact
with those who taste the , who enact the , who need the , who
rely on the , who
hate the , who are oppressed by the , who get advantages fro
the , who do not
reali e they are there, who do the , who use the . Undoubtedly,
this eans these
co binations end up with any different eanings.

The differential e perience of race, class, and gender is what
necessitates, in the
words of Anna Julia Cooper, that each voice be heard, that
truth fro each stand
point be presented (1892:11, e phasis in original). Cooper
wanted a cacophony of
voices to be able to testify about how they each e perience the
structural advantages,
disadvantages, and a biguities of race, class, and gender, and to
articulate how those
5This e perience ay originate in the interpretive essages sent
between the cells of taste buds and
the brain, but the e perience of flavor can also occur in people s
e ories and e pectations. So eone
who anticipates flavor and whose outh waters as part of that
anticipation is clearly e periencing flavor.
Likewise, so ebody who regrets what they have ust tasted, feels
a bivalence about it, is dissatisfied with
it, or has a fond e ory of it is also e periencing the flavor, albeit
at a ti e and probably space re oved
fro the cookie-to-taste bud interaction. hile I hope to e plore
each of these types of e perience, in
this article I li it y discussion to the e perience of the physical
cookie in the outh. ( or an e cellent
analysis of i aginary food, see d onds 200 .)

e periences have shaped their perspectives. hile the voices of
the participants in
Sal inger s a uiladora study are not terribly loud, we gain so e
sense of how indi
vidual wo en workers e perience their hyper-se uali ation at the
Panopti e plant
( The other girls don t like e, I get on their nerves (2003:71)),
and the individual
pressures of tea work at Partici e ( I help you so that you don t
fall behind, but
you have to help e too (2003:86)). ach of these wo en has a
perspective on
how she is treated at work that has been shaped by the conte ts
within which she
e periences it.
Cooper, though, re inds us that individuals who are si ilarly
grouped will e peri
ence the world in so e si ilar ways. The white A erican en
anagers in Genders,
for instance, reveal a shared understanding of their position
relative to Me ican en
anagers. Cooper focuses on black wo en who, she says, have
been particularly
arginali ed by whites in the United States, absent fro literature
and account
ings of productivity but ade uite visible in statistics on
illiteracy and cri inality,
for instance (1892:268-69). Because treat ent like this shapes a
group s structural
location, e bers of that group ay share collective interpretations
of life-a col
lective e perience of flavor. A people can construct and
interpret inter ingling

flavors in distinctive, collective ways. People who eat with each
other within the
structures of race, class, and gender talk to each other about
what they eat and see
the looks on each other s faces as they chew each bite, or in
other words, they con
struct their e periences of race, class, and gender together. This
is not si ply about
what tastes good and what tastes bad, although that is certainly
a co ponent of it.
Rather, it is about participating in the interpretation of the e
perience of co bina
tions of race, class, and gender that have been produced,
prepared, and presented for
consu ption.
e can understand, through the story of sugar, that ust as a people
can con
struct flavor, a people s tastes can change. In nglish cookbooks
beginning in the
1 th century, for e a ple, recipes that use sugar as a spice for eat
and fish abound,
which is to say, any nglish people liked sugar-spiced eat. By the
19th century,
the co bination see ed revolting: veryone is aware ... that
nothing is ore sick
ening than an oyster sprinkled with sugar. et we have ore than
one old receipt
reco ending such co bination ( a litt 1886, uoted in Mint
1985:85). Groups
collectively e perience life, including the changes that occur to
what they had origi
nally e perienced together. That such preferences can change
over ti e and even at
a very rapid rate see s certain (Mint 1985:86).

Groups tastes ay change as rituals evolve and as the eanings
associated with
particular ingredients and co binations transfor .
rinking tea, eating bread s eared with treacle or porridge
sweetened with it,
baking sweet cakes and breads were all acts that would
gradually be assi ilated
into the calendar of work, recreation, rest, and prayer-into the
whole of daily
life, in su -as well as into the cycle of special events such as
births, baptis s,
arriages, and funerals. In any culture, these processes of assi
ilation are also
ones of appropriation: the culture s way of aking new and
unusual things part
of itself. (Mint 1985:120-21)
Groups tastes ay also change in part for structural reasons, such
as the availability
of different products and ingredients. Before sugar beca e
widely available, nobody
clai ed to have a sweet tooth. Che ists, psychologists, and chefs
describe our
co on interpretation of tastes as a tetrahedron-an organi ed
series of categorical
u tapositions. et s weet could only be a counter taste to
salt/bitter/sour when
there was a plentiful enough source of sweetness to ake this
possible (1985:17). The

categories associated with race, class, and gender ay see as
natural as the scie
ntifically defined activities of our taste buds, but the structural
availability of
for s of race, class, and gender influence our e periences and the
eanings
we construct.
The focus on individual and group taste e periences clearly
reveals that people are
active and necessary for the construction of the race-class-
gender co binations that
influence their lives. In addition, institutions e perience race-
class-gender. The law,
for instance, is seated at the table ust to the side of Cooper s
group of black wo en,
and slightly behind the individual who unches on a cookie as a
idnight snack.
This institution, like all others, e periences and interprets the co
binations of race,
class, and gender that co e its way. They endure attacks on
grounds otivated by
race, class, and gender they are for ed on the un uestioned
privileges accorded on
the basis of race, class, and gender they shift and change
because of the ongoing
dyna ics of race, class, and gender. It is not difficult to i agine
an individual tasting
sugar, but it is vital to incorporate the i age of living, breathing
institutions as
consu ers of race, class, and gender, as well.
hether an analysis focuses on how an individual, a si ilarly
located group of
individuals, or an institution e periences flavor, it ust delineate

how particular in
gredients function within the tasting e perience. oes sugar
generate the sa e kind
of flavor in cookies as it does in oysters This is another way of
asking how the
conte t, and the particular dyna ics of the co binations of race,
class, and gender,
atter at particular points.
A co parison of any group of recipes reveals that sugar often
serves the function
of sweetening a particular dish, but this is not its sole possible
function. Sugar
as a spice or condi ent alters the flavor of food as does any
other spice saffron,
say, or sage, or nut eg-but without clearly sweetening it (Mint
1985:79). In one
particular recipe, sugar ay atter less than it does in other
recipes, in ways that
do not necessarily correspond with uantity. That is, three cups
of sugar in a cookie
recipe are obviously present to produce a sweet flavor, but a
sprinkle of sugar in
the cooking of a pork chop ay be present to assist with car eli
ation, or to help
ake the outside te ture of the chop crunchy. In Mint s analysis
of cookbooks
he finds that when sugar was first introduced into the nglish
diet, it was rarely
used as a sweetener: Sugar and other spices were co bined in
dishes that tasted

neither e clusively nor preponderantly sweet (1985:85). There
is variability in the
i portance of any ingredient in different inter inglings, which is
to say that an
aspect of gender or of race or class ight be there, attering less
than it does
at other ti es. Co petition that A erican anagers feel with Me
ican anagers,
which has real effects for all of their career prospects, ay atter
not a whit when
added to the recipe of harass ent they collectively bake for e
ploited wo en factory
workers.
Conte t has a great deal to do with flavor s construction. ow
sugar tastes is
influenced by the flavors people did or did not e perience i
ediately before that
flavor, the associations people have with the flavor, the
conditions under which they
taste it-even whether they engaged in e ercise i ediately before
tasting it (Raloff
200 ). This is one of the reasons why e a inations of race-class-
gender on the local
level atter so uch. Race, class, and gender can ean a ultitude of
things nation
ally and internationally, but their co binations are also given
eaning locally on
tongues.

hen an ingredient like sugar inter ingles with other ingredients,
it transfor s
the and is transfor ed by the , illustrating the principle of utual
constitution.
The ingredients affect each other s structures butter akes sugar
crystalli e in a
particular way. In e perience, sugar akes fat taste a particular
way, and fat akes
sugar taste a particular way. The e perience of oppression is si
ilar: a dyna ic
of class akes people and institutions e perience gender in a
particular way, for
instance. ne s oker na ed Tara in Julie Bettie s (2003) study of
young wo en
in a California high school, for instance, got in trouble with her
dad when two other
girls told the school nurse that Tara was regularly throwing up
after eating. S okers
were white students fro low-inco e fa ilies and they attended
their school al ost
invisibly, due both to the self-centering obliviousness of the
iddle-class students
and to their own efforts to go unnoticed. After the school nurse
called hi Tara s
father told her she was stupid, ost likely because her actions
called attention
to her fa ily, which unnerved her father who was on probation
for dealing drugs.
The class dyna ics of both her fa ily and her school, then,
influenced how she
e perienced gender: hile eating disorders appear to be so ething
girls universally,
and unfortunately, share as girls, the e periences of the are
always shaped in classed

and raciali ed ways (Bettie 2003:113).
inally, it is also i portant to e a ine how uch currency an inter
ingling flavor
has-whether it is a forgettable one-ti e creation or it co es to be
part of the weekly
eal rotation, or in other words, an institution. So e co binations
of race, class,
and gender see very co on, while others startle us. or the ost
part I have been
describing flavors that any people would describe as good, like
sugar cookies,
but flavors can also be wretched. Race, class, and gender, too,
ay co e together
in uni ue ways- good or bad that cannot be found again, or
they ay be
produced, baked, and then tasted in co binations that beco e
institutionali ed and
part of people s everyday life e periences. e ay want to or have
to taste particular
co binations of race, class, and gender, whether they are good
for us or not. The
uestion of what these co binations do to us once we have tasted
the is the sub ect
of the ne t section.
igestion
hen you first consu e any sort of refined sugars or refined
carbohydrates (like
white flour), the digestion process begins i ediately in fact, it
begins even
before you swallow the foods. There are digestive en y es in
your saliva that go

to work on these sugars and start converting the into blood
sugar, even before
they hit your sto ach. nce they re in your sto ach, they are i ed
with acidic
digestive uices and physically churned through sto ach uscle
contractions so
that it creates a li uid paste. This li uid, sugary paste is then
very easily absorbed
through the intestinal walls, causing a rapid spike in blood
sugar levels.
So your blood sugar, which ight have been around 80 or 90
before you drank
the soft drink or ate that candy bar, now suddenly starts spiking
up to 150
or 200, or perhaps even higher. This creates an e ergency
situation in your
body. igh blood sugar is very dangerous for hu an beings. If it is
allowed
to continue, it will cause sy pto s that are ore classically known
as diabetic
neuropathy, which eans the nerves that feed various li bs in
your body (feet,
ostly) start to die. iabetics who aintain high blood sugar over a
long period
of ti e often have to have their feet a putated because the nerves
in their feet
are wasting away. http://www.newstarget.co /002038.ht l
News Target A: hat s the real story about sugar, does it turn into
body

fat, how does it affect health Posted Sunday, ctober 2 , 200 by
Mike Ada s
ou are what you eat. ood that has been produced, prepared, and
tasted has
effects on the body that consu es it. hen sugar, butter, and flour
inter ingle in
so eone s outh and she tastes and eats the , they beco e her they
constitute
her they create and feed what is in her cells and her blood. e
eat food every day,
and our bodies are forever influenced by what has been ade
possible and what has
beco e restricted because of these food co binations. In the sa e
way, we snack
on the inter ingling flavors of race, class, and gender fro o ent
to o ent, all
day, each day. hether so eone eats a cookie lovingly baked by
her father or an
apple pie in a bo fro Mc onald s, she takes in the co binations
of race, class,
and gender that she and others have produced, prepared, and e
perienced, and those
co binations shape who she is.
ere, at the stage of digestion or, in ore conventional sociological
ter s, internal
i ation and structuration, the do inant nor s and structures of
society get in us,
with our participation, and beco e us. hat we beco e as sub ects,
in oucault s
ter s, depends on the products that are available for our consu
ption and digestion.
e participate in the production and preparation of those products
to so e degree,

but we largely use and adapt what is already there. e beco e who
we are on the
basis of the foods that nourish and har us. As Judith Butler e
plains:
part of what it eans to be a sub ect is to be born into a world in
which nor s
are already acting on you fro the very beginning . . . you re
given a na e,
you re ordered in that particular way you re assigned a gender,
and very often
a race you re inculcated uite uickly into a na e and therefore a
lineage ...
And there are a set of fantasies that are i ediately i posed: what
this will be
if it is a boy, what it will be if it is a girl, what it will be, how it
will relate to
the fa ily, how it will or will not be the sa e as others. ( 2000
200 :3 1)
These are the ingredients, which do not enter one s body
without her sensation (of
e perience) at the least, and possibly also her preparatory and
production work. To
so e degree, digestion happens to us, but at the sa e ti e, it is us-
we are not alive
if we are not digesting, not constantly beco ing sub ects.
hich particular foods are co bined is e tre ely i portant in
digestion. More
iron, for e a ple, is digested if it is eaten with acidic foods like
citrus fruits, which
have vita in C, while cows ilk inhibits the absorption of iron.
Conversely, so e
different foods, when digested, can have any of the sa e effects
on the body. The

white flour and the sugar in the cookies are both partially
broken down into glucose
in the body, which, if digested in the appropriate uantities,
serves the ulti ate
purpose of providing energy to cells. If ore glucose is produced
than the body
needs, it is converted into fat. These digestive processes
provide so any interesting
points of analysis for the relationships a ong di ensions of race,
class, and gender.
An ele ent of class, for e a ple, ay have ore effect if it is
digested with one
ele ent of race than it would be if it were digested with a
different ele ent of race.
r, different ele ents of race, class, and gender ay have the sa e
effect on people s
lives.
It is so ewhat unfortunate that this aspect of the etaphor
describes, in part, a
process found in nature: the biological process of cell
generation and odification
based on the content of the nutrients present in the food we eat.
A depiction of
race, class, and gender s relationships should have little in co
on with natural,
biological processes, given the decidedly unnatural character of
these structures of
oppression. espite that fault, though, it does capture the back-
and-forth process
Sal inger describes: we produce things (collectively and

individually), and those things
co e to ake up who we are. e produce co binations of race, class,
and gender,
and I e phasi e how we also use and e perience those co
binations, which in turn
shape us as we digest the . The cell odification in the etaphor
depicts how race,
class, and gender shape how we perceive ourselves and how
others perceive us (i.e.,
our sub ecthood), and therefore what opportunities we have.
Managers at Panopti e
contribute to the production and preparation of gender through
their e pectations of
what clothes wo en workers should wear, how they should wear
akeup, and how
they should behave. The workers then begin to understand the
selves through the
logic of this product-they confor to and participate in this
raciali ed, class-specific,
and very gendered set of e pectations, and even encourage
newly hired workers to
do the sa e. In this process of interpellation, the workers take in
the product they
participate in creating, and it beco es who they are. Their ideas
about the selves
and their behaviors then co e to confor to the negotiated and
agreed upon ter s of
their sub ecthood: rather than feeling like good workers
because they are assertive
or prioriti e their tasks well, they co e to believe they are good
workers because
they are rewarded for wearing short skirts and flirting with the
en anagers.
Race, class, and gender not only shape each other, as discussed
in the use and

e perience sections, but they also shape people. Race, class, and
gender are e tre ely
i portant because they constitute each other, they constitute the
institutions and
uni ue for s that result fro their co bination, and they also
constitute people.
This etaphor allows us to analy e how the social products we
know as race, class,
and gender beco e us, shape us, constitute us.
ISCUSSI N AN IR CTI NS
Sugar is a co ple substance. It is generated fro a variety of
sources. It takes
an a a ing array of for s. It has innu erable uses. And it affects
our bodies and
institutions in both debilitating and sustaining ways. Just as co
ple is every inute
di ension of race, class, gender, and other sources of oppression
and privilege.
Clifford Geert (1983) observed that ost theori ing arises fro
etaphor, since
ordinary situations help us understand the co plicated features
of social relation
ships. Metaphors are particularly useful if they yield new
insights, and while the
i agery of race, class, and gender as intersecting and
interlocking has been use
ful to a point, I argue here that conceptuali ing the di ensions of
these structures
as inter ingling foods that get produced, used, e perienced, and
digested enhances
our theoretical understanding of their relationships. It has
uncovered at least a nu
ber of theoretical di ensions of the relationships a ong race,

class, and gender that
deserve further e pirical elaboration.
irst, one of the pri ary ways race, class, and gender are related
to each other
is in the techni ues used to produce the . Like irrigation on
sugar fields, the tech
ni ues used to produce one di ension of oppression (e.g.,
science) can be transferred
to other real s to produce other di ensions. Second, in
preparation activities, race,
class, and gender co e together like ingredients in a baker s
bowl, aking so ething
new that is ore than the su of parts, and also influencing the
structures of the
parts the selves. A third theoretical point centers on why one
particular set of ingre
dients, rather than others, co e together in that bowl, and reveals
the i portance of
the structural relationships between the de and for one
ingredient and the availabil
ity of another. In ter s of e perience, a fourth theoretical
contribution this etaphor
e phasi es is that the eanings of race, class, and gender are
constructed, in part, in
interaction with the people who e perience the . lavor only
really beco es flavor
when a food hits the tongue. As in the baking stage, ingredients
influence each other
when co bined, but in this tasting stage it is the e perience of
those co binations

that is highlighted. ifth, in the digestion of sugar, the functions
of race, class, and
gender are apparent different co binations affect us in different
ways.
Backing up fro the four stages and considering the together,
two additional
theoretical contributions beco e clear as well. irst, ust as sugar
eans so ething
different fro stage to stage, the eanings of race, class, gender,
and other sources
of oppression change all the ti e, fro their production to their
use, e perience, and
digestion. In addition, their eanings at any one stage influence
eanings and the
e istence of possibilities of eanings at other stages. Never do
gender or race or class
ean so ething that is per anently fi ed but, rather, they each take
on eanings
that are interdependent and utually constitutive. And finally, fro
production to
digestion, race, class, and gender take on an a a ing variety of
for s, fro stalks
of cane to brown and then white crystals, to cookies, to
nutrients.
This account ay see too linear, as though there is a o ent in ti e
when race,
class, and gender are produced, and another in which they are
prepared, and so on.
In reality, race, class, and gender inter ingle in essy ways that
ight go back and
forth between, for instance, e perience and use. nce so e aspects
of race, class, and

gender have been produced, people do a lot of things to the .
They co bine the
in uni ue and institutionali ed ways. People taste the and spit
the out. They try
new co binations and then go back to get different ingredients.
It is not a si ple
four-step kind of process.
The etaphor reveals that it is i portant to take into account all
these aspects
of how race, class, and gender co e together, and ore. It is not
eant to be
e haustive. So eone ay want to include uch ore about the
distribution process
in his investigation of race, class, and gender. So e ay want ore
e phasis on
the eli ination of body waste. It is y hope that this etaphor will
spark these
kinds of elaborations, so we can find out ore about which of the
cru es at which
race, class, and gender eet tend to ost influence the others (e.g.,
once race, class,
and gender are produced, is there uch we can really do to
influence how people
will e perience the ). And, of course, it is only one etaphor.
ostess Twinkies,
challah bread, and sausages ay have a lot of si ilarities in how
they are produced,
used, e perienced, and digested, but y guess is that we will learn
a great deal by
e ploring the dissi ilarities in analogical production processes as
well.
I hope that the pursuit of this etaphor has added two ingredients
to Leslie

Sal inger s analysis: first, that we attend to the relationships a
ong disparate sources
of privilege or oppression and second, that we e plore the co
ponents of use and
e perience. Sal inger e pertly pushes us to understand the local
ways gender is pro
duced and conse uently shapes us, but we are left to wonder
how ele ents like
la cultura Me icana are used, in global and institutional as well
as interactional
ways. And while Sal inger docu ents workers and anagers
participation in the
processes of production, their e periences are not an e plicit part
of her theoreti
cal fra ework. I agining the e perience of race, class, and gender
as the tasting of
food de onstrates how i portant it is, and, in the vein of fe inist
work over the
last half-century, de ands that we ake an institutional place for e
perience in our
theories.
hat I believe the culinary analysis adds to the study of race,
class, and gender
is a guiding fra ework a way to investigate the social world that
will open up our

understandings of how, where, in what ways, and under what
circu stances race,
class, gender, and other dyna ics of oppression are related in
any given product
or process. This fra ework does not allow scholars to si ply e
cavate de ographic
infor ation about the people involved in a social activity, and
speak convincingly
about race, class, and gender in that activity. It de ands that
scholars ground their
work historically in the production of the dyna ics of
oppression. It necessitates a
focus on the local and institutional ways that people actually i
race, class, and
gender. It institutionali es a place for e perience in the analysis,
and it re uires us
to think about i plications. It is y hope that scholars will apply
this etaphor to
their e pirical work for a dual purpose: both to reveal aspects of
their data that
ay have otherwise gone hidden, and to provide further
elaboration of the nuances
of this etaphor to help us characteri e and i agine and taste-the
relationships
a ong structures of oppression like race, class, and gender.
R R NC S
Bettie, J. 2003. o en ithout Class: Girls, Race, and Identity.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Butler, J. 2000J200 . Changing the Sub ect: Judith Butler s
Politics of Radical Resignification. Interview
with Gary A. lson and Lynn orsha , fro ac 20: (2000), pp. 731-
65. Reprinted in The Judith

Butler Reader, Sara Salih (ed.) with Judith Butler.
Collins, P. . 1991 2000. Black e inist Thought: Knowledge,
Consciousness, and the Politics of pow
er ent. New ork: Routledge.
Cooper, A. J. 1892. A Voice fro the South. enia, : Aldine
Printing ouse.
Corriher, S. . 1997. Cook ise: The ows and hys of Successful
Cooking. New ork: illia Morrow
and Co pany.
olphi n, R. 200 . oodscapes: Towards a eleu ian thics of Consu
ption. elft: buron Publishers.
d onds, . 200 . ating Identity, Ingesting urselves. Master s
Thesis. George ashington University.
oucault, M. 1978 1990. The istory of Se uality, Vol. 1: An
Introduction (translated by Robert urley).
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