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80 R. A. Gardner
have a common etiology. An example would be Down’s syndrome, which
includes a host of seemingly disparate symptoms that do not appear to have
a common link. These include mental retardation, mongoloid faces, droop-
ing lips, slanting eyes, short fifth finger, and atypical creases in the palms of
the hands. Down’s syndrome patients often look very much alike and most
typically exhibit all these symptoms. The common etiology of these disparate
symptoms relates to a specific chromosomal abnormality. It is this genetic
factor that is responsible for linking together these seemingly disparate symp-
toms. There is then a primary, basic cause of Down’s syndrome: a genetic
abnormality.
Parental Alienation Syndrome
Parental alienation syndrome (PAS) is a disorder that arises almost exclu-
sively in the context of child-custody disputes. It is a disorder in which
children, programmed by the alienating parent (programming parent, brain-
washing parent, PAS-inducing parent) embark upon a campaign of deni-
gration against the alienated (victimized, targeted) parent. Furthermore, we
are not dealing here with simple “brainwashing” by one parent against
the other. The children’s own scenarios of denigration often contribute
to and complement those promulgated by the programming parent. Ac-
cordingly, I introduced the term parental alienation syndrome (PAS) to
refer to both of these contributions to the disorder. Because of the chil-
dren’s cognitive immaturity, their scenarios may often appear preposterous
to adults. Of course, if the alienated parent has genuinely been abusive,
then the children’s alienation is warranted and the PAS diagnosis is not
applicable.
There are three types of parental alienation syndrome: mild, moderate,
and severe (Addendum I). It is beyond the scope of this article to describe
in full detail the differences between these three types. At this point only
a brief summary is warranted. In the mild type, the alienation is relatively
superficial and the children basically cooperate with visitation, but are inter-
mittently critical and disgruntled with the victimized parent. In the moderate
type, the alienation is more formidable, the children are more disruptive and
disrespectful, and the campaign of denigration may be almost continual. In
the severe type, the children are so hostile that visitation may be impossible.
In severe PAS, the child is hostile even to the point of being physically violent
toward the allegedly hated parent. Other forms of acting out may be present
in severe PAS. Acting out that is designed to cause formidable grief to the
parent who is being visited. In some cases the children’s hostility may reach
paranoid levels (e.g., they exhibit delusions of persecution and/or fears that
they will be murdered in situations where there is no such danger). Each
type requires a different psychological and legal approach (Gardner, 2001a)
(Addendum II). At this time, there are over 130 peer-reviewed journal articles
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TABLE
1.
Differential
Diagnosis
of
the
Three
Types
of
Parental
Alienation
Syndrome
(PAS)
Mild
Moderate
Severe
Primary
symptomatic
manifestations
The
campaign
of
denigration
Minimal
Moderate
Formidable
Weak
frivolous,
or
absurd
rationalizations
for
the
deprecation
Minimal
Moderate
Multiple
absurd
rationalizations
Lack
of
ambivalence
Normal
ambivalence
No
ambivalence
No
ambivalence
The
independent
thinker
phenomenon
Usually
absent
Present
Present
Reflexive
support
of
the
alienating
parent
in
the
parental
conflict
Minimal
Present
Present
Absence
of
guilt
Normal
guilt
Minimal
to
no
guilt
No
guilt
Borrowed
scenarios
Minimal
Present
Present
Spread
of
the
animosity
to
the
extended
family
and
friends
of
the
alienated
parent
Minimal
Present
Formidable,
often
fanatic
Additional
differential
diagnostic
considerations
Transitional
difficulties
at
the
time
of
visitation
Usually
absent
Moderate
Formidable,
or
visit
not
possible
Behavior
during
visitation
Good
Intermittently
antagonistic
and
provocative
No
visit,
or
destructive
and
continually
provocative
behavior
throughout
visit
Bonding
with
the
alienator
Strong,
healthy
Strong,
mildly
to
moderately
pathological
Severely
pathological,
often
paranoid
bonding
Bonding
with
the
alienated
parent
prior
to
the
alienation
Strong,
healthy,
or
minimally
pathological
Strong,
healthy,
or
minimally
pathological
Strong,
healthy,
or
minimally
pathological
81
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TABLE
2.
Differential
Treatment
of
the
Three
Types
of
Parental
Alienation
Syndrome
(PAS)
Mild
Moderate
Severe
Legal
approaches
Court
ruling
that
primary
custody
shall
remain
with
the
alienating
parent
Plan
A
(Most
Common)
1.
Court
ruling
that
primary
custody
shall
remain
with
the
alienating
parent
1.
Court
ruling
that
primary
custody
shall
be
transferred
to
the
alienated
parent
2.
Court
appointment
of
PAS
therapist
3.
Sanctions:
2.
Court-ordered
transitional
site
program
a.
Post
a
bond
b.
Fines
c.
Community
service
d.
Probation
e.
House
arrest
f.
Incarceration
Plan
B
(Occasionally
necessary)
1.
Court
ruling
that
primary
custody
shall
be
transferred
to
the
alienated
parent
2.
Court
appointment
of
PAS
therapist
3.
Extremely
restricted
visitation
by
the
alienating
parent,
monitored
to
prevent
indoctrinations
Psychotherapeutic
approaches
None
usually
necessary
Plans
A
and
B
Treatment
by
a
court-appointed
PAS
Therapist
Transitional
site
program
monitored
by
court-appointed
PAS
therapist
82
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Relationship between PAS and FMS 83
on PAS. These can be found on the author’s website (www.rgardner.com),
and are periodically updated.
The primary manifestations of the parental alienation syndrome (PAS)
include:
1. The Campaign of Denigration
2. Weak, Frivolous, or Absurd Rationalizations for the Deprecation
3. Lack of Ambivalence
4. The “Independent-Thinker” Phenomenon
5. Reflexive Support of the Alienating Parent in the Parental Conflict
6. Absence of Guilt Over Cruelty to and/or Exploitation of the Alienated
Parent
7. Presence of Borrowed Scenarios
8. Spread of the Animosity to the Extended Family and Friends of the Alien-
ated Parent
Because these symptoms generally appear as a cluster, children who
suffer from PAS will typically exhibit most (if not all) of these symptoms.
However, in the mild cases, one might not see all eight symptoms. When
mild cases progress to moderate or severe, it is highly likely that most (if not
all) of the symptoms will be present. This consistency results in PAS children
resembling one another. It is because of these considerations that PAS is a
relatively “pure” diagnosis that can easily be made. Because of this purity,
PAS lends itself well to research studies because the population to be studied
can usually be easily identified. As is true of other syndromes, PAS is the
result of a specific underlying cause: programming by an alienating parent
in conjunction with additional contributions by the programmed child. It is
for these reasons that PAS is indeed a syndrome, and it is a syndrome by the
best medical definition of the term.
False Memory Syndrome (FMS)
False memory syndrome (FMS) is a psychiatric disorder that develops pri-
marily in young and middle-aged adults, most often female. The primary
manifestation is the persistent belief that one has been sexually abused in
childhood, a belief that has no basis in objective reality. When bona fide
sexual abuse has been reasonably validated, especially by external corrobo-
ration, the diagnosis is not justified. Under such circumstances, few, if any,
of the symptoms below are likely to be present. The primary symptomatic
manifestations of the false memory syndrome include:
1. Persistent belief that one has been sexually abused in childhood
2. Preposterous and/or impossible elements
3. Belief that the alleged perpetrator was a close family member
4. Belief that one or more family members facilitated the sexual abuse
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84 R. A. Gardner
5. Recall in the context of therapy
6. Commitment to questionable therapeutic techniques alleged to facilitate
recall of repressed sexual memories
7. Idealization of the therapist
8. Commitment to the concept of the memory-free hiatus
9. Enlistment of a coterie of supporters
10. Belief that the childhood sexual abuse was the cause of most of the
patient’s problems in life
11. Belief that recollections of a happy childhood must be false memories
12. The absence of guilt
13. Pathologizing the normal
14. Hysteria
15. Paranoia
16. Variations
17. Residua in adult sexual life
18. Multiple personality disorder
19. Posttraumatic stress disorder
The symptoms of the FMS generally arise in a situation in which the
false memory is facilitated by reading material that promulgates the notion
that a memory must reflect reality and/or a type of psychotherapy in which
the therapist operates on the same principle. The symptoms generally ap-
pear in clusters. The greater the number of the aforementioned symptoms
present, the greater the likelihood the FMS diagnosis is justified. Again, these
considerations justify FMS being considered a syndrome. The list of FMS
publications is on the website of The False Memory Syndrome Foundation
(www.FMSFonline.org).
The next section describes each of the symptomatic manifestations of
PAS in the child and the parallel symptomatology seen in FMS.
PAS AND FMS
Relationship Between PAS Symptoms and FMS Symptoms
1. THE CAMPAIGN OF DENIGRATION
Typically the PAS child is obsessed with “hatred” of a parent. The word hatred
is placed in quotes because there are still many tender and loving feelings felt
toward the allegedly despised parent that are not permitted expression. These
children speak of the hated parent with every vilification and profanity in their
vocabulary—without embarrassment or guilt. The denigration of the parent
often has the quality of a litany. After only minimal prompting by a lawyer,
judge, probation officer, mental health professional, or other person involved
in the litigation, the record will be turned on and a command performance
provided.
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Relationship between PAS and FMS 85
In FMS the campaign of denigration is also directed against a parent,
usually an elderly father. Sometimes the accusation expands to uncles, grand-
parents, friends, and neighbors. But most often it is the father who is the
primary target of the campaign of denigration. Whereas in PAS the campaign
of denigration is broad-based and may cover a wide variety of fantasies
regarding all the indignities to which the child has allegedly been subjected,
in FMS the campaign of denigration most often focuses on sexual abuse,
especially childhood sexual abuse. In both disorders the term campaign is
warranted because of the obsessive preoccupation that the patient has with
regard to the depravities of the target parent. In both, the obsession may be
perpetuated by a programmer. For the PAS child it is usually a parent, and
his or her coterie of enablers. For the FMS patient the obsession is usually
fueled by an overzealous therapist and the patient’s coterie of enablers, often
in what are referred to as “sex-abuse support groups.” Because the delusion
has no basis in reality, and is basically a “house of cards,” it needs constant
refueling and booster shots to be maintained and embedded in the brain
circuitry (Gardner, 1997). This is true for both PAS and FMS.
2. WEAK, FRIVOLOUS, OR ABSURD RATIONALIZATIONS FOR THE DEPRECATION
Typically, PAS children provide irrational and often ludicrous justifications for
their alienation from the target parent. The child may justify the alienation
with memories of minor altercations experienced many years previously in
the relationship with the victimized parent. When these children are asked to
give more compelling reasons for their vilification, they are unable to provide
them. Frequently, the alienating parent will agree with the child that these
professed reasons justify the ongoing animosity.
In FMS one also sees a wide variety of frivolous rationalizations, all of
which share in common that they serve as justification for the deprecation
of the victim parent. In FMS, the rationalizations generally focus on sexual
elements, for example, the accuser “thinks” that the target parent “might
have” touched her breasts and/or genital regions at some indefinite time in
the remote past, often in early childhood. Operating on the dictum, “If you
have a thought, then it must be true, or where else would it come from?”
these “feelings,” “hunches,” and “speculations” convert fantasy into fact.
3. LACK OF AMBIVALENCE
All human relationships are ambivalent, and parent-child relationships are
no exception. However, the concept of mixed feelings has no place in the
PAS child’s scheme. The targeted parent is all bad, and the alienating parent
is all good. Most children (normal as well as those with a wide variety of
psychiatric problems), when asked to list both good and bad things about
each parent, will generally be able to do so. When PAS children are asked to
provide the same lists, they will typically recite a long list of criticisms of the
maligned parent, but will not be able to think of one positive or redeeming
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86 R. A. Gardner
personality trait. In contrast, they will provide only positive and endearing
qualities for the preferred parent and claim to be unable to think of even one
trait they dislike. The victimized parent may have been deeply dedicated to
the child’s upbringing, and a strong bond may have been created over many
years. Yet, the PAS child may not be able to think of one single thing she
(he) ever liked about the targeted parent.
Lack of ambivalence is also seen in the FMS patient. In many cases,
there is amnesia for all positive events that may have occurred, or the pa-
tient may claim that she had the delusion that she had a happy childhood,
but that it was all “cover-up.” We see then the rewriting of history both in
the PAS child and the FMS patient. The PAS child denies completely any
recollection of happy events (e.g., visits to Disney World, joyful vacations,
and parental attendance in special school events such as plays, recitals, etc.).
The FMS patient, however, may be too sophisticated to simply deny en-
tirely the validity of all these childhood experiences. This is dealt with by
claiming that the recollection of happiness in childhood was merely a delu-
sion, and a cover-up for the grief and misery that was really experienced
during those early days. This phenomenon is called retrospective reinterpre-
tation. But even if there is some memory—and even recognition—of happier
times, all that is counterbalanced and negated by the belief that abuses were
perpetrated.
4. THE ‘‘INDEPENDENT-THINKER” PHENOMENON
Many PAS children proudly state that their decision to reject the alienated
parent is their own. They deny any contribution from the programmer. And
the PAS-inducing parent often supports fully this professed independence of
thinking. In fact, the alienators often profess that they want the children to
visit with the target parent and recognize the importance of such involvement.
Yet, the alienator’s every act indicates otherwise. Such children appreciate
that, by stating that the decision is their own, they assuage the programmer’s
embarrassment and guilt, and protect the PAS inducer from criticism.
The FMS patient utilizes the same mechanism, but in a more sophisti-
cated way. The FMS patient will claim that memories of the abuse emerged
de novo in therapy. Part of the therapist’s programming process is to get the
patient to claim that these ideas are her (his) own, and were not in any way
influenced by the therapist, who is merely catalyzing the emergence of what
already existed in the patient’s brain. We see here a good example of folie-
á-deux, a mutual delusion, inculcated by a more powerful authority into the
mind of a weak and gullible patient.
5. REFLEXIVE SUPPORT OF THE ALIENATING PARENT IN THE PARENTAL CONFLICT
Whenever there is a parental difference of opinion regarding an issue relevant
to the child, PAS children will reflexively support the programming parent
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Relationship between PAS and FMS 87
and automatically consider the targeted parent’s rendition invalid. Even when
presented with incontrovertible proof that the deprecated parent’s position
is the valid one, they will find some rationalization to justify their believing
that the alienating parent’s rendition is valid.
Again, if one substitutes the therapist as the programmer for the parent
as the programmer, this criterion is also satisfied for the FMS. Those who
question the qualifications of the therapist are perfunctorily dismissed. Those
who ask for their qualifications may be told that the therapist is much too
brilliant an individual to subject herself/himself to traditional educational
training programs and has special insights and/or special training that are
superior to the traditional education and training programs pursued by most
therapists.
6. ABSENCE OF GUILT OVER CRUELTY TO AND/OR EXPLOITATION
OF THE ALIENATED PARENT
The PAS child may exhibit a guiltless disregard for the feelings of the ma-
ligned parent. There will be a complete absence of gratitude for gifts, child-
support payments, and other manifestations of the alienated parent’s ongoing
involvement and affection. Often these children will want to be certain that
the alienated parent continues to provide support payments, but at the same
time adamantly refuse to visit.
Here, too, FMS patients have much in common with PAS children. The
lawsuit against the victim parent is an excellent example of this phenomenon.
There may be no guilt over suing the victim parent for an amount of money
that goes beyond life savings, pensions, and even personal property. The
goal is to “wipe him out.” To embark upon such a cruel course of action
involves a psychopathic loss of the capacity to feel guilt.
7. THE PRESENCE OF BORROWED SCENARIOS
Not only is there a rehearsed quality to PAS children’s litanies, but one often
hears phraseology that is not commonly used by the child. Many expressions
are identical to those used by the programming parent. A father tries repeat-
edly to call the children’s home in order to communicate with them. Each
time he calls, the mother screams, “Stop harassing us!” and hangs up. The
four-year-old son, then, when asked why he does not want to see his father,
responds, “He harasses us.” One four-year-old girl told me that she never
wants to see her father again because “he penetrated me.” When I asked her
what “penetrated” meant, she replied, “Ask my Mommy. She knows what
that means.”
Whereas the PAS child’s borrowed-scenario terms are easily traced to the
programmer, the PAS adult victim’s borrowed scenarios are usually traced to
the therapist, the survivor group, and in-vogue terms commonly found in
self-help books for sex-abuse victims. Some examples: “He destroyed my
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88 R. A. Gardner
childhood innocence,” “He’s in denial,” “I realize now he had a formidable
boundary problem,” “I need many years to heal,” “Before I can heal he must
apologize.”
8. SPREAD OF THE ANIMOSITY TO THE EXTENDED FAMILY AND FRIENDS
OF THE ALIENATED PARENT
The vilification of the targeted parent often expands to include that par-
ent’s complete extended family and network of friends. Cousins, aunts, un-
cles, and grandparents—with whom the child previously may have had lov-
ing relationships—are now similarly disliked. Loving grandparents now find
themselves suddenly and inexplicably rejected. Greeting cards are not recip-
rocated. Presents sent to the home are refused, remain unopened, or even
destroyed (generally in the presence of the alienating parent). When the de-
spised parent’s relatives call on the telephone, the child will respond with
angry vilifications or quickly hang up on the caller.
For the FMS patient, all those who side with the victim parent are quickly
rejected, often permanently. This commonly includes the patient’s mother,
who may be also considered to be “in denial,” and, in many cases, even an
active facilitator of the abuses, her vehement denials notwithstanding. Broth-
ers and sisters who support the victim father—who claim that the accusing
woman is “crazy,” “sick in the head” and “nuts”—are similarly relegated to
the camp of the permanently rejected.
Relationship Between FMS Symptoms and PAS Symptoms
1. PERSISTENT BELIEF THAT ONE HAS BEEN SEXUALLY ABUSED IN CHILDHOOD
The patient’s persistent belief that she has been sexually abused in childhood
is not an isolated thought but is an ongoing preoccupation. The patient takes
every opportunity to denigrate the alleged perpetrator, both privately and
even publicly. Furthermore, there is good reason to believe that the accusa-
tion has absolutely no basis in reality. Accordingly, the belief can justifiably
be considered a delusion.
The PAS child’s campaign of denigration is analogous to this symptom of
the FMS patient. This is especially the case for children who are in the severe
category, children who can justifiably be considered delusional with regard
to their belief that the target parent is noxious, dangerous, and loathsome.
2. PREPOSTEROUS AND/OR IMPOSSIBLE ELEMENTS
False accusations commonly include elements that are highly improba-
ble, patently absurd, preposterous, and even impossible. For example, the
woman may recall having had sexual intercourse with her father at the age of
six months. First (see item #22 below), human memory at that age is not reli-
able. Furthermore, the insertion of an adult male penis into a six-month-old
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Relationship between PAS and FMS 89
infant would produce severe pain, bleeding, and trauma (including signif-
icant laceration of the vaginal walls). The inclusion of satanic ritual abuse
scenarios with baby murders and cannibalistic rites are other examples of
such ludicrous elements. Lanning (1992) reported the results of the FBI’s in-
tensive investigation of satanic ritual complaints over a ten-year period. He
found absolutely no concrete evidence for childhood sexual abuse, murder,
or bizarre events.
In contrast, women who have been genuinely abused usually provide
credible descriptions of their abuses. On occasion, there may be a few exag-
gerations and elaborations, but rarely does one see the kind of preposterous
and even impossible elements described above.
The PAS child often includes impossible and even preposterous ele-
ments in the campaign of denigration. The younger the child, the less ca-
pable the youngster is of appreciating the absurdity of some of the alle-
gations. Unfortunately, these children’s therapists, like recovered memory
therapists, somehow suspend disbelief and encourage the child to profess
the most preposterous and even impossible allegations. This is especially the
case when the sex-abuse accusation emerges as a spin-off of PAS. The most
bizarre and preposterous sexual acts may be described, with little apprecia-
tion on the child’s part of the implausibility, and even impossibility, of the
accusation.
3. BELIEF THAT THE ALLEGED PERPETRATOR WAS A CLOSE FAMILY MEMBER
The woman generally believes that the perpetrator was a close family mem-
ber, such as her father, grandfather, uncle, or close family friend. Typically,
the allegation begins with a single alleged perpetrator and, over time, ex-
pands to include other family members and then friends, neighbors, and
others. These elaborations are often facilitated by the therapist who encour-
ages the patient to recall further abuses, which presumably emerge from the
storehouse of repressed memories.
As is true for the FMS, in the PAS the perpetrator is typically identified.
In both disorders the targeted perpetrator is usually a parent. In both cases
the target parent was usually a loving, kind, and committed parent prior to
the onset of the campaign of denigration.
4. BELIEF THAT ONE OR MORE FAMILY MEMBERS FACILITATED THE SEXUAL ABUSE
Patients who falsely accuse will often interpret their mother’s denial of the
abuse as part of a conspiracy to cover up this family secret. Typically, the en-
treaties of these mothers to their daughters that the abuse could not possibly
have taken place falls on deaf ears.
In contrast, patients who were genuinely abused may have been in
situations in which their mothers were indeed facilitators. They may have
“looked the other way” because of the recognition that disclosure of the
abuse might bring about the break-up of the family, significant economic
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90 R. A. Gardner
privation, and even police intervention with public disgrace. Such facilitat-
ing mothers, however, do not generally support the denials of their hus-
bands when their children are adults. They may, however, have involved
themselves in some denial in the earlier years during the time frame of the
abuses.
In the PAS, the accusing child puts full blame for the alienation on the
allegedly despicable behavior of the target parent. The programmer is, of
course, facilitating and fueling the child’s campaign of denigration. However,
the child does not recognize this process. Accordingly, a PAS child would
not say to a programming mother: “You facilitated and allowed him to abuse
me.” In contrast, an FMS patient is likely to say to her mother: “By your
passivity, by your looking the other way, by your denial, you facilitated his
abuse of me.”
5. RECALL IN THE CONTEXT OF THERAPY
Commonly, when the accusation is false, the recall of the sex abuse first
comes about in the course of therapy and there was no actual recollec-
tion of abuse until the patient went into treatment. Typically, the recollec-
tion of the false belief emerges in the course of a type of psychotherapy
designed to uncover repressed memory (“Repressed Memory Therapy”).
Such recall argues for a false accusation. This is especially the case when
the therapist has a reputation for being particularly skilled in bringing
such long-repressed memories into conscious awareness. The issues of re-
pression, dissociation, and repressed memories are discussed in Gardner,
1995a.
In contrast, when the abuse is real, the individual does not need to go
into treatment in order to remember the major elements in the abuse.
Whereas in FMS, the programming is likely to originate in the course of
treatment, in the PAS the programming begins in the context of the child’s
relationship with the programming parent. However, it is quite common for a
programming parent to bring a child into treatment with a therapist who will
serve to entrench the child’s campaign of denigration. The parent’s purpose
here is not to cure a child of PAS. Rather, the purpose is to use the therapist
as an assistant programmer, from the recognition that the child’s campaign
of denigration requires frequent “booster shots” if it is to survive. In addition,
the parent may have future plans for the therapist, namely, his or her utiliza-
tion in a lawsuit. It is sad that there are so many therapists who are taken
in by PAS indoctrinators. Such therapists sanctimoniously proclaim that they
really respect children, really listen to them, and really respect their wishes.
(This is in contrast to people like myself who “just don’t care.”) Many such
naı̈ve therapists will go along with the programming parent in the exclusion
of the target parent, and so deprive themselves of any input from the alien-
ated parent, input that might dispol their delusion that he (she) is noxious,
dangerous, or loathsome.
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Relationship between PAS and FMS 91
6. COMMITMENT TO QUESTIONABLE THERAPEUTIC TECHNIQUES ALLEGED
TO FACILITATE RECALL OF REPRESSED SEXUAL MEMORIES
False accusers are deeply committed to highly questionable therapeutic tech-
niques that allegedly facilitate the recall of repressed memories. Some of
the more popular techniques are hypnotherapy, sodium amytal interviews,
guided imagery therapy, meditation, regression therapy, and massage ther-
apy. Overzealous therapists often use hypnotherapy with the assumption that
memories recovered under its influence are more likely to be accurate than
those recalled in the waking state. There is no good scientific evidence for
this. In fact, the best scientific evidence supports the conclusion that mem-
ories recovered under hypnotherapy are less likely to be valid than those
recovered in the waking state. Moreover, people in a hypnotic trance are
more suggestible than in the waking state. Accordingly, an overzealous ther-
apist can influence the nature of the memories being recovered when the
patient is in a hypnotic trance. Accordingly, hypnotherapy and the other
aforementioned facilitating treatments are often little more than a program-
ming process for the highly suggestible and gullible.
In contrast, women who have been genuinely abused rarely need such
questionable facilitators to help them recall their abuses. Discussion and deep
thought may help them clarify some of the events, but they do not need these
alleged facilitators.
PAS indoctrinators may “shop” for a therapist who they believe will be
naı̈ve enough to serve as the indoctrinator’s assistant programmer. Accord-
ingly, they are committed to therapists who will join in with them in ex-
cluding the target parent and not think there is any need for input from that
parent.
There are many “repressed memory therapists” for children who are
allegedly abused, although they may not formally designate themselves as
such. Accordingly, they are sought after by alienating parents who are pro-
gramming a false sex-abuse accusation as a spin-off of the PAS. These thera-
pists relentlessly pound away at the child, demanding that they disclose their
repressed and forgotten memories of sexual abuse. I have described their
techniques elsewhere (Gardner, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1995b, 1996).
7. IDEALIZATION OF THE THERAPIST
Patients who uncover repressed memories of sexual abuse typically ideal-
ize their therapists, often to the point of considering their therapist infallible.
Often, the therapist has little, if any, formal training in the field of psychother-
apy; however, this lack of training in no way discourages the patient from
believing in the therapist’s expertise. A common rationalization: “She wasn’t
encumbered by the traditional biases of formal training programs which do
not give proper attention to the ubiquity of childhood sexual abuse.” Con-
frontation by friends and relatives regarding the obvious incompetence of
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92 R. A. Gardner
the therapist usually proves futile—so strong is the patient’s need to delude
herself into the belief that the therapist is unique and infallible.
In the FMS it is the adult woman herself who idealizes the therapist.
In the PAS, it is the indoctrinating parent who professes idealization of the
therapist. The FMS patient is swept up in a delusion that the therapist is
omniscient. In contrast, the PAS child, like most children, is not likely to
idealize the therapist. However, the programming parent is likely to profess
the therapist’s omniscience, especially when the therapist’s pronouncements
support the program of indoctrination.
8. COMMITMENT TO THE CONCEPT OF THE MEMORY-FREE HIATUS
Women who falsely accuse often exhibit a deep commitment to the concept
of the memory-free hiatus. They believe that there can be a long time gap
between the cessation of the abuses and their recovery of its memories during
which time frame there may be absolutely no memory of the abuses, nor even
a hint of it. Such women will claim that if they were asked during the time
frame of amnesia whether they were ever sexually abused in childhood, they
would have responded that they were not.
In contrast, individuals who have suffered bona fide abuses will of-
ten experience recurrent and intrusive distressing recollections of the event,
sometimes even years after the experience. These are sometimes referred to
as “flashbacks,” especially when they appear without known external stim-
ulus. Typically, there will be a gradual diminution in the frequency of such
thoughts over time. Furthermore, when the abuse is genuine, there is gener-
ally no prolonged period during which there are no such thoughts.
PAS children do not have a period of amnesia between the time of
cessation of their abuses and their recall in treatment. PAS children, however,
do exhibit what appears to be amnesia. Specifically, they may deny any
pleasurable experiences with the alienated parent in their whole lives and
claim that any ostensible pleasure with the target parent, such as pictures
of joyful times at Disney World, were only cover-ups for the misery and
grief they were suffering during that trip. The “rewriting of history” typically
seen in PAS children, is analogous to the memory-free hiatus seen in FMS
patients.
9. ENLISTMENT OF A COTERIE OF SUPPORTERS
Typically, false accusers will surround themselves with a coterie of supporters
who accept as valid the sex-abuse accusation. Therapists who specialize in
the recovery of repressed memories often conduct adjunctive group therapy
with sex-abuse “survivors.” It may very well be that some of the members
of this group were indeed sexually abused. However, it is commonly the
case that nonabused women are coerced and shamed into believing they
were abused by overzealous members of the group. This is especially the
case if the group members work on the principle that any memory of abuse,
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Relationship between PAS and FMS 93
even memories induced by others, must indicate bona fide sexual abuse.
Commonly, the supporters are not confined to group members; rather, they
can be enlisted from a wide network of friends and relatives who support
the false belief and thereby entrench the delusion.
In FMS, the coterie of supporters is collected by the accusing patient. In
PAS the coterie of supporters is collected by the programmer. In both cases,
the campaign of denigration is very shaky and is basically “a house of cards.”
In order to gain credibility, especially when faced with family and friends
who are dubious about the validity of the campaign, the accuser attracts a
group of naı̈ve and gullible supporters. For PAS indoctrinators this usually
involves the indoctrinator’s parents, brothers, and sisters, On occasion, an
older child may not only become a supporter, but an assistant programmer
who indoctrinates the younger children. Mention has already been made
of the role of a selected therapist who joins the parade of supporters and
enablers for the indoctrinating parent.
10. BELIEF THAT THE CHILDHOOD SEXUAL ABUSE WAS THE CAUSE OF MOST
OF THE WOMAN’S PROBLEMS IN LIFE
Commonly, when the accusation is false, the recall is considered a turning
point in the patient’s life, and now all unanswered questions about her psy-
chological health are answered. Everything now has “fallen into place.” All
the years of emotional turmoil, psychiatric treatment (including hospitaliza-
tions), wrecked marriages, and other forms of psychological dysfunction are
now suddenly understood. The sex abuse that occurred during childhood is
considered the cause of all these years of grief.
PAS indoctrinators often promulgate the notion that the alienated parent
was the cause for all the children’s problems in life. And this is similar to
the notion promulgated by the FMS patient that the abusing parent is the
cause of all her grief and distress. We see here the scapegoatism element.
The scapegoat, basically, is useful because it is viewed as the cause of all
the person’s grief. Remove (and even kill) the scapegoat and all will be well
with the world, and all problems solved. A very attractive notion, to say the
least.
11. BELIEF THAT RECOLLECTIONS OF A HAPPY CHILDHOOD MUST BE FALSE
MEMORIES
In a typical case the patient becomes convinced, especially with the aid of a
therapist, that recollections of a happy childhood must be false—a cover-up
for the traumas that were repeatedly occurring. The confrontations of par-
ents and other family members of evidence of a happy childhood, including
photographs and videotapes, are somehow rationalized as being specious or
isolated events. Such rewriting of history is typical of the false accuser.
If a PAS child is shown photographs or videotapes of happy events in
earlier years with the target parent and asked how smiles and laughter are
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94 R. A. Gardner
explained, the child will often respond, “I was only pretending” or “He said
that if I didn’t smile he would beat me.” In severe cases of PAS, the child’s
rewriting of history often reaches delusional proportions, as a result of deeply
engrained programming.
12. ABSENCE OF GUILT
Typically, falsely accusing patients show little if any guilt over the grief they
have visited upon their fathers, often their mothers, and frequently other
members of their extended families. The lives of most of these men have been
destroyed, almost overnight. Many were, by every criterion, “solid citizens.”
Suddenly, their whole world has fallen away from them. The very foundations
of their lives have been removed. Their life savings and/or pensions may be
at stake. Selling their homes in order to defend themselves in a lawsuit is not
uncommon. They are subjected to public humiliation, sometimes only in the
neighborhood, but often in the media as well. Many suddenly find themselves
pariahs, and for some, even their wives abandon them. Many have been fired
from their jobs. Heart attacks and strokes are not uncommon.
Yet, uncannily, these patients typically show little, if any, guilt over how
they have destroyed their fathers’ lives. Those previously viewed as sym-
pathetic, empathic people seem to have been transformed overnight. Such
patients are a true testament to human suggestibility and gullibility and the
power that some therapists have over their patients. Just as the fathers have
been changed overnight from solid citizens into “perverts,” these women
have been turned, almost overnight, from “solid citizens” into “raging psy-
chopaths.”
This manifestation of FMS is directly analogous to PAS children’s absence
of guilt over cruelty to and exploitation of the alienated parent. PAS children
model themselves after the programmer who similarly exhibits guiltless dis-
regard for the feelings of the target parent.
13. PATHOLOGIZING THE NORMAL
Not only is past pathology given a new interpretation via the aforementioned
mechanism of retrospective reinterpretation, but even past normal behavior
or mild abnormalities (which practically everybody experiences) are con-
sidered manifestations of the childhood sexual abuse. Some examples are
feelings of insecurity, headaches, menstrual cramps, sleep difficulties, mood
swings, envy, jealousy, marital squabbles, low boiling point, irritability, “blah”
days, work fluctuations, academic weaknesses, and interpersonal problems.
In short, just about every known behavioral manifestation will be listed as
a sexual-abuse manifestation. Gullible readers of books that list these al-
leged symptoms of sexual abuse will inevitably identify themselves as “vic-
tims.” These patients and their therapists may even utilize the pathologizing-
the-normal mechanism when referring to present thoughts, feelings, and
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Relationship between PAS and FMS 95
behaviors that most would consider to be part of the human condition. This
phenomenon is described in Gardner (2001).
Pathologizing the normal is not generally seen in the typical PAS case.
However, when a sex-abuse spin-off emerges, this phenomenon is quickly
mobilized by the programming parent. A wide variety of normal childhood
behavioral manifestations are quickly pathologized and viewed as evidence
of sexual abuse (e.g., mood swings, temper tantrums, bed wetting, antisocial
behavior, transient regressive symptomatology, sibling rivalry, and just about
any other normal behavioral manifestation seen in children). The program-
ming parent will usually gain verification for the belief that these childhood
behaviors are really manifestations of sex abuse from therapists and selected
books on child sex abuse.
14. HYSTERIA
Many falsely accusing parents exhibit the primary manifestations of hysteria:
overreaction, seeing danger when it does not exist, attention-getting behav-
ior, emotional lability, and impairment of judgment (Gardner, 1993a, 1993b,
1996). Furthermore, hysteria, unlike other psychiatric disorders, has the ca-
pacity to spread—with the result that we often see group hysteria and even
mass hysteria. A false sex-abuse accuation may very well be fueled by hys-
teria.
PAS indoctrinators are often hysterical and exhibit many of the primary
manifestations of hysteria including overreaction, seeing danger when it does
not exist, attention-getting behavior, emotional liability, and impairment of
judgment. And, unfortunately, they instill the same hysterical manifestations
in their PAS children. In fact, PAS children can often be reasonably diagnosed
as being hysterical in situations in which they have contact with the target
parent. This is especially seen at transition points when the children scream,
run away, and fight vigorously being forced into the car of the parent who is
trying to pick them up for visitation. The children may fear that if the father
attends a school recital he will abuse them—even in public. They fear that
he may embarrass them with outbursts of rage or even produce pandemo-
nium. PAS children in the severe category will often flee in terror. Hysteria
spreads from the parent to the child, to all the children, and even to the
enablers.
15. PARANOIA
Some patients who promulgate a false sex-abuse accusation are clearly para-
noid and the belief that they were sexually abused is part of their paranoid
delusional system. Typical manifestations of paranoia are seen: projection,
oversimplification, and resistance to alteration by logic and/or confrontation
with reality. Paranoids are particularly attracted to the legal system, which
they view as an excellent mechanism for protecting themselves from those
who would persecute them as well as enable them to seek vengeance on
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96 R. A. Gardner
their tormentors. Paranoia, like hysteria, has a tendency to spread and, under
such circumstances, pre-paranoid individuals may hecome paranoid. Hyste-
ria and paranoia are on a continuum and hysteria can, when severe, develop
into paranoia. These phenomena are described in detail elsewhere (Gardner,
2001b, 2002).
There are paranoid elements in the PAS campaign of denigration, in
which the child is programmed to develop a delusion that the alienated par-
ent is an abuser, a persecutor. By the time a PAS progresses to the severe
level, paranoid features are usually operative. In some cases the PAS pro-
grammer was indeed paranoid prior to the onset of the litigation, and the
paranoia was intensified in the course of the litigation. When paranoia is
present in PAS children it may not be possible to transfer them directly to
the home of the alienated parent and a transitional site may be necessary
(Gardner, 1998).
16. VARIATIONS
Most meaningful memories are visual memories. Because there may be no
actual visual memories of their sexual experiences, falsely accusing women
often vary their story from rendition to rendition. And this is especially the
case when they are confronted with new information that makes a previous
rendition extremely improbable if not impossible.
In contrast, women who have been genuinely abused, having a fairly
good visual image of their experiences, are likely to be reasonably consistent
from rendition to rendition.
PAS children will exhibit variations in their campaign of denigration.
After all, there is no actual reality basis for their accusations and so they are
likely to change with time. The house of cards, which is what a PAS campaign
of denigration really is, is not likely to be remembered accurately, even by
older children. Children usually rationalize their variations when confronted
with them (e.g., “I made a mistake,” “I must have been sleepy when I spoke
to you,” and “I never said that.”).
17. RESIDUA IN ADULT SEXUAL LIFE
Women who have genuinely been abused will often incorporate (consciously
or unconsciously) residua of their early sexual experiences into their adult
sexual activities. Sometimes these are unwanted elements, but they persist
nevertheless. For example, a woman who stared at a design on the wallpaper
to distract herself from her childhood sexual encounters may find that she
needs such stimuli in order to become sexually aroused. Some will ask their
husbands and/or benevolent lovers to reenact the seductive and/or coercive
scenarios utilized by their abusers. Although intellectually undesired, such
residua may be necessary for sexual arousal. Elsewhere, I have elaborated
on this phenomenon (Gardner, 1995b).
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Relationship between PAS and FMS 97
In contrast, women who falsey accuse do not generally describe these
residua, especially over the course of their sexual lives.
Because PAS is a relatively new phenomenon, there has been no oppor-
tunity for enough follow-ups of PAS child victims who profess sex abuse to
find out whether they exhibit sexual residua in adult life. I suspect, however,
that those children who exhibit the sex-abuse spin-off will have sex-abuse
residua, especially when they harbor delusions regarding having been sexu-
ally abused.
18. MULTIPLE PERSONALITY DISORDER
Until recent years, multiple personality disorder (MPD) was considered ex-
tremely rare. False accusers are often labeled MPD, especially with the belief
that this disorder is caused by the sexual abuse that has been “dissociated”
into the unconscious compartment of the mind. This diagnosis gives the pa-
tient medical credibility, not only because MPD is presumed to be the result
of sex abuse, but also because there is no “sex abuse syndrome” in DSM IV.
A not inconsequential fringe benefit of this diagnosis is that it can justify ob-
taining payments from insurance companies and rape victim compensation
funds. This phenomenon is described in Gardner (1994a, 1994b).
In contrast, patients who have been genuinely abused are not likely to
be provided with this diagnostic label.
I have not seen MPD invoked by PAS indoctrinators or, therefore, their
children.
19. POSTTRAUMATIC STRESS DISORDER
False accusers often claim a wide variety of symptoms consistent with the
diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Frequently, this diagnosis is
given by overzealous evaluators and therapists. Most important, overzealous
evaluators ignore the DSM-IV requirement that there be a known trauma. In
cases of false belated accusations, the assumption is made that the trauma
took place even though there is absolutely no evidence for it. Furthermore,
such examiners do not strictly adhere to the DSM-IV requirements that there
be a minimum number of symptoms present in each of a series of designated
categories.
In contrast, women who have been genuinely abused will sometimes,
but not always, suffer with symptoms of a posttraumatic stress disorder that
may last for years. Under such circumstances, the initial foundational trauma
is often a credible one, as are the residual symptoms derived from the trauma.
In such cases, symptoms in each of the DSM-IV PTSD categories will often
be seen. It is important to emphasize that not all patients who are sexu-
ally abused suffer with PTSD symptoms. Accordingly, there are some (if not
many) who are (or have been) genuinely abused who may not satisfy this
criterion (Gardner, 1995c).
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98 R. A. Gardner
PTSD diagnosis has not been invoked by PAS indoctrinators in most
cases. However, when there is a sex-abuse spin-off, it is common for the
therapists who are “treating” these children for sex abuse to utilize the PTSD
diagnosis. It provides medical credibility, and entrenches, thereby, the delu-
sion that the child has been abused.
CONCLUSION
Although the parental alienation syndrome is primarily a disorder of child-
hood, and although the false memory syndrome is primarily a disorder of
adults (especially women), they have much in common. The primary differ-
ence is that the FMS is often programmed by a therapist, whereas the PAS
is programmed by the child’s parent. Most often the PAS does not include
a sex-abuse component. However, it certainly does emerge in many cases.
When a sex-abuse accusation does emerge, there are even greater similarities
between the FMS and PAS.
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