Study on Devadasis conducted by Sampark-2015

1. Gender based Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls:
A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice In India
Submitted to
International Labour Organisation
(ILO)
New Delhi
By
Sampark, Bangalore
August, 2015
August, 2014

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Gender based Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls:
A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in India
1. CONTENTS
I. Acknowledgements 7
II. Abbreviations 9
III. Executive Summary 10
PART I – INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES
1. Introduction........................................................................18
1.1. Objectives....................................................................................................................................18
1.2 The Research Methodology........................................................................................................20
1.2.1 Consultative Workshop with Stakeholders.........................................................................20
1.2.2. Profile of 175 Devadasis......................................................................................................21
1.2.3. In Depth Case Studies .........................................................................................................22
1.2.4. Focus Group Discussions.....................................................................................................22
1.2.5 Key informant interviews....................................................................................................22
1.2.5. Sharing and Validation of the Findings of the Results ........................................................23
PART II – BACKGROUND OF DEVADASI PRACTICE
2. The Devadasi System– History.............................................23
2.1. The Colonial Era ..........................................................................................................................25
2.2. Current Context ..........................................................................................................................25
2.3. The Estimated Number of Devadasis.........................................................................................26

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PART III–LIVELIHOODS OFTHE DEVADASIS
3. The Devadasi Practice..........................................................30
3.1. Caste............................................................................................................................................30
3.2. Age of dedication........................................................................................................................31
3.3. Key people involved in the induction .........................................................................................33
3.4. Reasons for Dedication...............................................................................................................34
3.5. Age at which they had their first partner....................................................................................36
3.6. Sourcing of partners....................................................................................................................37
3.7. Caste and social based discrimination........................................................................................37
3.8. Decision making within the family..............................................................................................41
4. Economic Status..................................................................42
4.1. Education ....................................................................................................................................42
4.2. Family and their children ............................................................................................................43
4.3. Skill Development of Children.....................................................................................................44
4.4. Ownership of Assets ...................................................................................................................46
4.5. Housing .......................................................................................................................................47
4.6. Migration.....................................................................................................................................47
4.7. Type of work ...............................................................................................................................49
4.8. Income earned by devadasis.......................................................................................................50
5. Access to Financial Products ................................................56
5.1. Ability to Save .............................................................................................................................56
5.2. Sources of Credit.........................................................................................................................59
5.3. Insurance coverage.....................................................................................................................60
6. Occupational Health and Safety...........................................61
6.1. Health condition in the last one year..........................................................................................61
6.2. Types of Illness............................................................................................................................62
6.3. Protected Sexual intercourse......................................................................................................62
6.4. Access to Healthcare...................................................................................................................66

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7. Official Identity and Access to Social Welfare Schemes ........68
7.1. Awareness and Access to State run Schemes.............................................................................69
7.2. Sources of Information ...............................................................................................................75
8. Collectivization and Access to Legal Services........................76
8.1. Access to Collectives...................................................................................................................76
8.2. Source of information about collectives.....................................................................................77
8.3. Perceived benefits from membership ........................................................................................77
8.4. Access to Legal justice.................................................................................................................78
PART IV- CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS
9. Conclusions.........................................................................80
9.1. The Caste based discrimination..................................................................................................80
9.2. Gender and caste discrimination................................................................................................81
9.3. Cultural practice or forced labour?.............................................................................................83
9.4. Child labour and child marriage..................................................................................................84
9.5. Sex work or slavery? ...................................................................................................................84
9.6. Gender norms as basis for practice ............................................................................................87
9.7. Unacceptable form of work ........................................................................................................87
9.7.1. Lack of Fundamental Rights at Work:.................................................................................88
9.7.2. Risks of Lives, Health and Security:.....................................................................................89
9.7.3. Extreme Poverty..................................................................................................................91
10. Recommendations............................................................92
10.1. Information and Monitoring...................................................................................................92
10.2. Providing more assets and resources .....................................................................................93
10.3. Organisation building..............................................................................................................94
10.4. Changing norms and institutions ............................................................................................95

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List of Tables
Table 1 District wise distribution of research respondents........................................................................21
Table 2: Stakeholder interviews..................................................................................................................23
Table 3: Number of Devadasis in the Three Study States...........................................................................26
Table 4: Age of the research respondents..................................................................................................27
Table 5: District wise caste distribution......................................................................................................30
Table 6: Age when Respondents were dedicated as Devadasis.................................................................31
Table 7: People who are involved in converting the women into Devadasi ..............................................33
Table 8: Reasons due to which women turn into Devadasi........................................................................34
Table 9: Age at which they had their first partner......................................................................................36
Table 10: People/groups who identified partners for them.......................................................................37
Table 11:Devadasis who faced discrimination............................................................................................37
Table 12: Total number of women who practice rituals after becoming Devadasi ...................................40
Table 13: Rituals followed by the Devadasis as part of practice ................................................................40
Table 14: Family related decision making...................................................................................................41
Table 15: District wise breakdown of literacy levels...................................................................................42
Table 16: Total number of family members in each woman’s house.........................................................43
Table 17: Total number of children ............................................................................................................43
Table 18: Status of skill training of the children .........................................................................................45
Table 19: Type of skill trainings accessed by the children..........................................................................45
Table 20: Ownership of assets (Frequency)................................................................................................46
Table 21: Type of House..............................................................................................................................47
Table 22: Migration –time period...............................................................................................................47
Table 23: Onward migration.......................................................................................................................48
Table 24: Type of work at source and destination......................................................................................49
Table 25: Income earned in a year..............................................................................................................51
Table 26: Kind of support from partner......................................................................................................52
Table 27: Cash provided by the partner.....................................................................................................52
Table 28: Women who save money............................................................................................................56
Table 29: Sources of saving.........................................................................................................................57
Table 30: Frequency of saving ....................................................................................................................57
Table 31: Purposes of saving......................................................................................................................58
Table 32: Sources of credit..........................................................................................................................59
Table 33: Women who have insurance.......................................................................................................60
Table 34: Different types of insurance........................................................................................................60
Table 35: Women affected by illness in last one year ................................................................................61
Table 36: Type of illness..............................................................................................................................62
Table 37: Awareness of HIV/AIDS and other STD risks of having sex with multiple partners....................62
Table 38: Source for information regarding AIDS risk ................................................................................63
Table 39: Awareness about use of condom to prevent HIV/AIDS and STDs ..............................................64
Table 40: Places for health check-up..........................................................................................................66

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Table 41: Women facing difficulties in accessing health services ..............................................................66
Table 42: Identity cards district -wise held by the women........................................................................69
Table 43: Overview of schemes for devadasis............................................................................................69
Table 44: Awareness and access to State run schemes..............................................................................71
Table 45: Sources of information for the schemes.....................................................................................75
Table 46: Source of knowledge of the collectives ......................................................................................77
Table 47: Benefits of joining the collectives/groups...................................................................................77
Table 48: Women who are aware of legal protection................................................................................78
Table 49: Source of information regarding acts .........................................................................................78
Lis
Figure 1 The Research Methodology ..........................................................................................................20
Figure 2: Details about Migration...............................................................................................................47
Figure 3: Across all districts: identity cards held by women.......................................................................68
Figure 4: Members of any groups/collectives ............................................................................................76
Figure 5: Framework of UFW......................................................................................................................87
Figure 6: Lack of Fundamental Rights.........................................................................................................88
Figure 7: Risks of Lives ................................................................................................................................89
Figure 8: Components of Poverty ..............................................................................................................91

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Acknowledgments
The International Labour Organization (ILO) commissioned Sampark to conduct the study “Gender based
Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls: A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in India”. The Sampark
research team would like to say a special thank you to Mr. Coen Kompier, Senior Specialist International
Labour Standards, ILO, for entrusting the research work and for providing valuable inputs on the
concept of “Unacceptable Forms of Work”. We would also like to thank Mr. Sameer Taware, who acted
as ILO’s lead consultant for the project and helped the research team in identifying the literature on the
devadasi practice and also by providing the contact details of development practitioners and other
researchers who have worked in this area of study. He also provided on timely inputs on study
methodology and consolidation of our findings.
In Karnataka, the Sampark team extends its gratitude to Mr. N. Jayaram District Collector, Belagavi, Mr.
M. Muni Raju, Deputy Director and Mr. M.K. Kulkarni, Project Officer and other support staff of
Department of Women Development Corporation (WDC) Belagavi for providing insights on the devadasi
practice and its implications on the lives of the devadasi women their families; and for information
about the social protection schemes available for devadasis. We would like to thank Mr. Mr.
Ramachandra Rao K, Director Social Protection, Karnataka Health Promotion Trust, and Ms. Nisha Gulur,
Advocacy Officer, Sangama- the Karnataka Sex Workers Union, for providing insights on the devadasi
practice and its implications on the health issues the devadasi women their families. We would like to
thank the following officials from NGOs: Ms. Shitavva Jodatti, Ms. Shobha Gasti and Ms. Iravathi from
Mahila Abhivrudhi Mattu Samrakshana Samasthe (MASS), Ms. Gangavva Teli and Ms. Lalitha Hosamani
from Shakthi Aids Tadegattuva Mahila Sangha and Mr. B.K. Barlaya, BIRDS, for their support to organise
field visits, conduct the research survey and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi
women and their families.
In Telangana the team would like to thank to Ms. P. Sandhya, Joint Director, Women and Child
Development, Hyderabad, Mr. Jai Prakash, Joint Collector, Mehboobnagar, Mr. Obhilesh, Executive
Director, Scheduled Caste Corporation, Mehboobnagar and Mr. Jaiprakash, Project Director,
Department of Social Welfare, Mehboobnagar for providing insights on official schemes available for the
devadasi women and present statistics of devadasi women in the State. The team would like to
acknowledge Mr. Raghunatha Rao, author of the ‘One Man Commission Report, 2013 Andhra Pradesh’,
for sharing his experiences in the documentation of the one man commission report and for providing
his inputs on relevant legislations for the property right of the children of devadasis. The team would
like to thank the following officials of NGOs: Ms. Grace Nirmala from Ashraya, Ms. Uma Devi from the
Andhra Pradesh Mahila Samatha Society (APMASS), and Ms. Hajamma and Ms. Lakshmi from the Jogni
Vyavastha Vethirekha Horata Sanghatana (JVVPS) for their support to organise field visits, conduct the
research survey and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi women and their
families.

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In Maharashtra, the Sampark team extends its gratitude to Mr. Desawle,
Deputy Commissioner, Women’s Development, Maharashtra State,
Pune, Mr. Pramod Nikalje, District Project Officer and other officials
from Commissionerate of Women’s & Child Development the officials
from the Commission of Women and Child Development, Pune, for
providing insights on the official schemes available for the devadasi
women and for providing us the statistics about the devadasi women
after the implementation of State devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication)
Act. The team would like to thank the following officials of the NGOs:
Ms. Tejaswi Sevekari from Saheli, HIV/AIDs Karnataka Sangha, Ms.
Renuka Jadhav and Ms. Kashi Bai Jadhav from the Kranthi Mahila
Sangha, and Mr. Yashwant Fadtare from the Andhrudhi Nirmulan Samiti
for their support to organise field visits, conduct the research survey
and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi women
and their families.
Sampark would like to acknowledge the devadasi women from the
sample villages who participated in this study and shared their life
stories and information about their families. The women were not only
generous with their time, but also in sharing their stories. Their
contributions have provided the main content for the study.
Sampark would like to thank Dr. Kiran Rao, President of Sampark for her valuable suggestions to design
the research methodology and tools for the study. The team would like to thank, last but not the least,
the Sampark field staff: Ms. Uma Shirol and Ms Shameem Banu; Sampark’s Associates Ms. Nirmala
Tammineni and Ms. Mandakini for collection of the case stories of the devadasi women; Ms. K.G
Meenakshi and Mr. Kiran for tirelessly entering the data and completing it on time. We would like to
thank the members of the survey and support teams to obtain good quality of data in the limited time
available.
Dr. Smita Premchander Ms. V. Prameela,
Research Team Leader, Sampark Research Manager, Sampark
Survey Team
Ms. P. Eshwaramma
Ms. Eshwaramma
Ms. R. Jyothi
Mr. K. Narayan
MS. T. Nirmala
Ms. R. Bharathi
Ms. Chukkama
Support Team
Ms. Yellamma
Mr. Arjun
Ms. Rekha
Mr. Jetendra
Ms. Mangala
Ms. Renuka
Ms. Sathish
Ms. Parappa
Ms. Shasidhar
Ms. Lakahmi
Mr. Umesh

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Abbreviations
ACI - Area of Critical Interest
AP - Andhra Pradesh
BIRDS - Belgaum Integrated Rural Development Society
FGD - Focus Group Discussion
HIV/AIDS - Human Deficiency Virus /Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
IEC - Information Education and Communication
IGP - Income Generating Programmes
ILO - International Labour Organization
INR - Indian Rupee
ITUC - International Trade Union Confederation
KHPT - Karnataka Health Promotion Trust
KIMS - Krishna Institute of Medical Sciences Ltd
KSAPS - Karnataka State AIDS prevention Society
MASS - Mahila Abhivrudhi Mattu Samrakshana Samsthe
MGNREGA - Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme
MTP - Medical Termination of Pregnancy
NA - Not Applicable
NGOs - Non-Governmental Organizations
NREGA - National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
SC - Schedule Caste
SHGs - Self-Help Groups
ST - Schedule Tribe
STDs - Sexually Transmitted Diseases
TV - Television
UFW - Unacceptable forms of Work
WDC - Women Development Corporation

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Executive Summary
Introduction
An important mandate of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is to focus on some of the most
blatant manifestations of social injustice. To fulfill this mandate, the ILO highlights those who are
subjected to Unacceptable Forms of Work (UFW). Thus UFW forms an Area of Critical Interest (ACI),
within its larger mandate of promoting the Decent Work Agenda.
UFWs are occupations that involve the denial of fundamental principles and rights at work, put at risk
the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers, and keep households in conditions of
extreme poverty.
The Devadasi practice in India involves dedicating young dalit girls to a goddess in temples, and is
culturally sanctioned by religion and the caste system. Known in different states of India by different
names, the practice is widely prevalent in specific pockets of north Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra
Pradesh and Maharashtra. In the Devadasi practice, girls as young as 4 years old are ‘dedicated’ to a
local deity. Upon reaching puberty they are then introduced to sexual intercourse. This happens within
the context of zero consent and no space for agency on the part of the Devadasi – they are not
permitted to refuse participating in intercourse with the interested party. The ILO Committee of Experts
have adjudged that, the absence of consent – sexual and otherwise – involved in this practice, its links to
sexual trafficking that make use of the girls and women for commercial exploitation, qualifies the
Devadasi practice to be deemed as ‘forced labour’ under the Forced Labour Convention No. 29,
There have been several anthropological and sociological research studies on devadasis, most of which
have focused on the reasons for making young girls devadasis and the details of the practice
(Kersenboom, 1987, Chawla, 2002; Sampark, 2002, Orchard, 2007; Nikolova, 2009). After the legal
abolition of the practice, there is a knowledge gap in understanding the current status of devadasis with
respect to their working and living conditions. To fill this gap, Sampark Sampark In collaboration with
the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Delhi, conducted a research study on “Gender based
Violence on Schedule Caste Girls: A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in North Karnataka,
Telangana and Maharashtra”.
Objectives
The research objectives were, to:
1. Estimate the existing number of devadasis, which important, because it is totally unclear how
many girls are currently being dedicated.
2. Understand the devadasi practise in India, by focussing on the conditions of work in this system.
3. Examine what exactly “Unacceptability” is, in the context of devadasis and devise different ways in
which the ILO and other relevant stakeholders can respond to stop the practice.

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4. Understand the livelihoods of the devadasis with particular emphasis on the social, legal and
economic aspects.
Methodology
The study was conducted in Belagavi district, Karnataka, Mehboonagar district, Telangana and Sholapur
district, Maharashtra. The study used a mixed-method design: both quantitative and qualitative
methods. As part of the quantitative methodology, 175 profiles were collected using the location and
age as criteria for purposive sampling. The quantitative survey among devadasis was used to profile the
devadasis, in relation to their age, education, family details, age at which they were dedicated as
devadasis, people involved in the dedication, relationship with partners, partners contribution to
devadasis family, income sources, average monthly income, migration patterns, housing patterns,
sanitation facilities, occupational health issues and their awareness about them, access to financial
services (savings, credit and insurance) and government schemes, awareness about relevant Acts,
membership in collectives and its benefits, aspirations for themselves and their children were collected
to understand the social and economic well-being of the research participants.
The qualitative group comprised of 30 individuals selected from the 175 respondents based on their age,
willingness and consent.
Five Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) were undertaken with 60 devadasi women in Mehboobnagar
and Belagavi. In these FGDs, only those aspects which are non-stigmatizing and neutral were discussed;
72 personal interviews with key stakeholders such as NGO personnel, unions, officials working in the
departments of women and child welfare, social welfare, scheduled caste welfare, and municipal
corporations; as well as legal experts, were conducted in all three districts and state level offices.
A total of 235 (175+60) devadasi women were contacted during the survey, in-depth interviews and
FGDs.
Two stakeholders’ workshops were conducted to plan the research tools and research areas and also to
share and validate the results of the study.
Background of Devadasi Practice
The practice of consigning girls to a temple as devadasis is several centuries old. In those ancient times,
some women, particularly from the socially and economically backward sections (currently classified as
scheduled castes/ scheduled tribes) were selected and dedicated to the service of the Gods; as the
wives of the Gods. They were called ’devadasis’, literally meaning the servants of God. According to
folklore, these women spent their entire lives in and around the temples, serving the Gods, entertaining
the royal families, Brahmins and priests with their music and dance and actively participated in various
religious ceremonies. Over time however, the cultural positioning of temples changed, and the status of
the devadasis declined. The link with temple rites and performing arts dissolved over time, and the
devadasis were in the mercy of the rich and powerful, who were usually their patrons.

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The current study traces the existence of the devadasi system and its practices across South India, and
has specifically identified its spread in the Indian states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and
Maharashtra.
Estimated Number of Devadasis
In Karnataka, two official surveys undertaken: The first one conducted in 1993-94 identified 22,873
devadasis; and the latest one in 2007-08, identified 23,783 devadasis. In Andhra-Pradesh, a survey
conducted in 1987-88 identified 24,273 devadasis; in Maharashtra, the 2010 survey showed that there
were 3907 devadasis. These figures are most likely to be a gross underestimation because according to
the One-man Commission 2013, the official estimate is close to 450,000 devadasis spread over many
states of India. Without proper identification of the scale of the issue, further steps towards eradication
will be problematic and implementation will be poor.
The State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Acts, have been in existence since 32 years in
Karnataka1
. About 52% women have been dedicated after the practice was banned. The fact that 8%
of the women are under 27 years of age shows that even upto 10 to 15 years ago, dedications took
place in Karnataka. The State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Acts, have been in existence since
27 years in Telangana (Andhra Pradesh). In Telangana, very high percentage (63%) of dedications after
the ban. Further, in Maharashtra State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act came into existence
since 80 years, hence all the respondents of the sample survey are dedicated after enforcement of the
Act. The study shows that the respondents across all the districts have been dedicated as devadasi,
subsequent to the prohibition of the devadasi system, thereby questioning the effectiveness of these
Acts.
Livelihoods of Devadasis
This study conducted in the three states suggests that a typical devadasi would be an illiterate woman
aged between 20 to 43 years from the dalit caste, living in a Kutcha house with two or more children.
Though there are several reasons associated with the practice of dedicating women as devadasis, the
persons involved in the process and thereby ensuring that this heinous practice is kept alive are usually
closely related to the victim or are respected citizens of the community. Around 80% of the
respondents were dedicated into the devadasi system by close family members (father, mother or
grandmother). In the Sholapur district, temple priests (locally called as Gurus) were also involved in the
induction. Surprisingly 3% respondents from Belagavi and Mehboobnagar said local leaders were
responsible for dedicating them to the Devadasi system, which clearly shows that political, non dalits
vested interests also play an important role in dedicating girls from families of lower castes in order to
continue the sexual exploitation.
1
Prohibition of Act came into existence in 1982 in Karnataka and in 1988 in Andhra Pradesh (Telangana and Andhra ) and in
1935 in Maharashtra

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The major institutional reasons for such dedications are economic dependence, financial vulnerability,
social influence, beliefs, perceptions, customs and traditions. Other specific reasons are lack of parents’
capacity to arrange the marriage of their daughters, few/no male children to support the household,
daughter’s responsibility to look after parents and properties (in case of single child), to fix girl’s stay at
home in the absence of sons, to continue serving deities, social stigma. Hence, there has been forced as
well as self -enforced dedication into the system amongst women from lower caste/class backgrounds.
On the other hand, social stigmatization and better recognition and respect have however forced sex
workers in the urban cities to consciously convert and identify themselves as devadasis by their own
will. Most of the devadasis (70%) are contacted by their partners between the ages of 12 -17 years. In
Sholapur almost 29% of the women have been dedicated only after attaining 20 years of age. This
clearly shows that most of them are involved in sex work first and were then converted as devadasis in-
order to protect from the social stigma attached to sex work.
The devadasi women are entrapped into the devadasi system due to widely prevalent discrimination of
such socially and economically vulnerable groups. Social exclusion, stigma and attitude of the
community have further prevented the devadasis from engaging in any other alternate profession.
The devadasis have a firm religious belief that they must not get married to any man as they are already
married to God. Due to this belief, they are not able to get the status of a wife in the society and their
children are discriminated in the community. The legitimacy and upbringing of their children is a major
problem for the devadasis; 95% were not able to register their patrons as the father of their children in
the admission records of schools. This indicates that the children of devadasis are denied legitimacy and
have to be content with getting only their mother’s, grandfather’s or grandmother’s name entered in
the school register.
The magnitude of the problems faced by devadasi women is witnessed in cases where the children of
devadasis do not get passports as they are not able to produce their father’s name. (Raghunath Rao,
2013).
The social exclusion and stigmatization can also be linked to their economic conditions. Some devadasis
migrate to cities for economic gain, because unskilled manual work is more rewarding urban areas. They
tend to either work in the construction industry (48%) and/or become sex workers (28%) in these
cities/towns. Among them, 57% of the devadasis earn between Rs. 10,000/- to 20,000/- per annum; 22%
of the devadasis earn between Rs. 20,000/- to Rs. 50,000/-; and 75% of the devadasis in the sample
earn less than Rs. 40, 000/- per annum. It can be concluded that migration to urban cities has been a
sign of hope and betterment for the devadasis and an escape route from the evils of devadasi system.
Although they do face similar problems, such as when their identity as a member of the devadasi
community is revealed, the employers start exploiting them sexually, yet, the movement to urban cities
for alternate jobs have proven to be economically beneficial for the women. When the wages are
meagre and insufficient to sustain themselves and feed their family members, the devadasis take
financial aid from various sources.

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The financial status of the devadasis is a reflection of the nature of the relationship they have with their
partners. The devadasis depend heavily on these partners for financial support in forms of cash (30%)
and kind (26%) and also for health care (18%) and child care (13%) expenses. However, only 5% of the
women depend on their partners for emotional support. Most partners provide cash to devadasis every
week, ranging between Rs. 250 -501. Though there is an informal agreement that the partners must
financially support devadasis, such support is mostly meagre and insufficient to support their
households. Due to this, the entire burden of taking care of their families and meeting the expenses is
with devadasis. Thus, they are forced them to enter sex work, which is the only livelihood option
available given their illiteracy and limited skills.
Another major issue that plagues the members of the devadasi communities is poor access to
healthcare, which is again due to their financial incapacity. The devadasi women are weak not only due
to common illness but are also vulnerable to sexual and physical abuse considering their nature of work.
Girls dedicated as devadasis at the tender ages of 6-12 years are sexually exploited not only by their
patrons but also by the upper and their own caste men of the village. The devadasis suffer from trauma
and psychological disorders, and some even suffer from sexually transmitted diseases. Hence, there is a
dire need for proper medical care wherein the State must take remedial measures and provide free
health care as a universal social welfare programme.
Sex trade and/or engaging multiple partners combined with alcoholism have created a less conducive
environment for Devadasi children. They are called names and ridiculed in society. Their children face a
high risk of entering into devadasi/sex work though their mothers do not want their children enter into
devadasi or sex work as they grow in that environment.
While analysing access to social welfare schemes run by the State, the devadasis’ level of awareness
must be taken into consideration. This study has shown that the respondents were mostly aware of the
pension scheme, the housing loan scheme, land scheme, loan or subsidy for LGP and marriage benefits.
Devadasis of Sholapur suffer from low levels of awareness resulting in little or no access to state run
schemes. The non-operation of NGOs in this district can be identified as one of the causes for low
awareness levels. One main learning from this study is that awareness about a scheme does not
automatically lead to or ensure access to the benefits of the scheme. For instance, although 63% (
devadasis who were part of the study sample) were aware of the land scheme in Belagavi, only 2% has
accessed the benefit. In Sholapur, where the level of awareness and access is lowest, only about 5% of
the devadasis have been able to avail the pension and loan facilities. This clearly depicts the widespread
lack of awareness about the schemes and the difficulties involved in accessing the same. The main
reasons for not access the schemes include: lack of relevant certificates (marriage certificate), lack of
sufficient funds with the government, lack of a separate wing to deal with the devadasis’ issue within
the department, for example: devadasi rehabilitation cell in women’s development corporation,
Karnataka.

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As a means of improving their livelihoods and preventing inter – generational dedication, the children of
the devadasis are given vocational training and skills. There are special skill development schemes
existing for the children of devadasis such as tailoring (40%) and driving (36%) training. High-end skills
such as teacher training and Information Technology (IT) skills are also being provided in Sholapur
district.
With increasing awareness and training, the women have begun to save portions of their earnings. The
main sources of savings are Self Help Groups (SHGs), banks, post offices or cash saved up at the house.
Although SHGs and banks act the primary source of credit, the majority of the respondents rely on
informal sources of credit such as relatives or friends especially in Sholapur. The interest rates for loans
in banks, SHGs and chit funds were in the ranges 12%, 18% to 24% and 36% respectively. NGOs and
peers played an important role in creating awareness about the benefits of collectives such as SHGs,
federations and unions.
A singular classification is not sufficient, as this particular practice lies at the intersection of all these
categories. For this reason, the study analysed devdadasi practice with respect to gender and caste
based discriminations, child labour and child marriage, is it cultural practice or forced labour, is it sex
work or slavery and Unacceptable Forms of Work.
Most devadasis are dalit women and are sexually exploited by priest (local gurus) and highest castes
men. The devadasi practice can be termed as a particularly severe, gendered and caste-based form of
forced labour, targeted at girl children, that endangers their safety and puts them at high risk of
vulnerability to experiencing routine sexual exploitation.
The girls are dedicated at early age and are raped as soon as they attain puberty, due to this they are
denied their fundamental right to education and spend crucial years in conditions of slavery. Adult
devadasis lose freedom of getting married and cannot legitimately name their partner as husband or
father of children.
The devadasis were expected to have sexual partnerships with men who could support them and their
families, camouflaged as a long term socially sanctioned partnership akin to a marriage. With limited
education, skills and livelihood opportunities some devadasis also got pushed into commercial sex work
in semi-urban and urban areas with limited.
Unacceptable Forms of Work comprise conditions that deny fundamental principles and rights at work,
put at risk the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers or keep households in
conditions of poverty. The multiple and interrelated policy areas that address UFW include measures
relating to the promotion of freedom of association and the right to effective collective bargaining; the
abolition of child labour and forced labour; the promotion of non-discrimination and equality; actions to
address occupational safety and health conditions and working-time arrangements that put workers’
health and safety at risk; and well-structured minimum wages and effective wage protection measures
to protect workers and their families from extreme income insecurity. This study has established that
the devadasi dedication system is an unacceptable form of work, based on the broad framework of
UFW. Discrimination at various social places, lacking political recognition, being dedicated at young and

16. 16
tender age, being forced into the system without consent and absence of scope for organization, are all
signs of lack of fundamental rights at work. The risk to life, health and safety is evident from the extreme
hardships that the devadasis have to face such as human trafficking, physical and mental abuse, denial
of marriage rights and property, harassment of self and the children. All these factors eventually result
in extremely poor living conditions, forcing the women into a vicious cycle of poverty and lack of
livelihood opportunities. Absence of strong legal provisions, poor and weak implementation of social
protection and low literacy levels has ensured their perpetual ties to the system of bonded labour.
Recommendations
The first recommendation relates to the correct estimation of the number of devadasis, as this is critical
to designing schemes for their rehabilitation as well as for strategizing prevention. The second is to
provide more assets and resources to this excluded group of devadasis by designing effective
rehabilitation programmes. For this, the government must provide compulsory free education and free
skill development for the children of the devadasis in order to create alternate livelihoods, thereby
safeguarding the next generations of the devadasis from being caught up in this age old evil system.
Besides these, the government must also ensure that the girl children of devadasis get priority when it
comes to education, admission, hostels, scholarships and government jobs. The State must provide
fertile land with irrigation facility, handholding service and capital for Income Generation Activities (IGA)
so that the devadasis can break out of low-skill and low wages model of employment such as sex work,
domestic work or construction work. Along with economic development, the government must provide
other social protection schemes such as financial assistance for marriage; financial services (savings,
credit and insurances) and old age as well as widow pension for the devadasis. Given the major health
risks of their occupation, it is important to extend health and life insurance coverage through existing
schemes such as the Rasthriya Swasth Bima Yojana2
, Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY3
)
and the Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana4
.
The third recommendation is that the devadasi women must be organised into collectives such as Self
Help Groups (SHGs), federations, and unions, cooperatives for better representation through which they
can claim their rights, resources, and mutual support for their needs and concerns.
The fourth recommendation is to change norms and create institutions with a comprehensive policy to
eradicate the devadasi system. These policies should have: i) A law which provides property rights to
long term partners, such as devadasis, which will stop the exploitative partnerships that the landed and
rich villagers have with the devadasis, The provisions of “Live-in relationships” may be used to get the
2
Cashless Health insurance of Rs.30,000/- per annum per household of 5 members for BPL families and other
vulnerable sections such as Domestic workers.
3
Accident insurance plan with a Rs 12 per annum, risk Coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh.
4
Life insurance plan with premium of Rs. 330 per annum, risk Coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh on death of the Insured
member for any reason is payable to the Nominee.

17. 17
devadasis and their children their due maintenance and property rights from the partners. ii). Create
ccritical awareness among the male members of the devadasi and Dalit communities and prepare them
as barefoot lawyers or social advocates to end this practice and protect their women at the family and
community levels. iii). Utilise children at schools as change agents in sensitizing parents against the
devadasi practice and ensure discrimination-free education at schools and respectful socialisation in the
families. iv). Prevention strategies include: Conscientisation and raising awareness of the ill effects of the
devadasi system among the parents, priests, implementing government officers, NGO staff and police,
who need to know the laws and the procedures by which they can prevent the practice; Creating
awareness, not only about the devadasi laws but also other legislations such as the relevant sections
under the Criminal Penal Code and the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the child marriage prohibition Act,
atrotcies against SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocity) Act, 1989 and other relevant Acts. For effective
enforcement the laws must have teeth, and for this, the rules for acts need to be framed and adopted,
responsibilities and timeframe for this also need to be fixed.
In conclusion, the devadasis epitomise a highly exploited group of women, who are ill-treated and
abused on grounds of caste, gender and poverty. Despite laws to the contrary the practice has
continued to exist, and even though new entrants to the traditional system have reduced significantly,
the market for commercial sex has led to the mutation of the practice whereby many sex workers adopt
the label of devadasis. The traditional practice too has given little economic security to devadasi women,
leading many to move into sex work. These trends can only be reversed by effective prevention of
dedications, combined with significant livelihoods support to bring devadasi households out of poverty
and vulnerabilities. The eradication of the practice will require a concentrated effort by government
and civil society organisations, and this entails close monitoring till this social evil is fully eradicated from
India.

18. 18
PART I – INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES
1. Introduction
An important mandate of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is to focus on some of the most
blatant manifestations of social injustice. To fulfill this mandate, the ILO highlights those who are
subjected to Unacceptable Forms of Work (UFW). Thus UFW forms an Area of Critical Interest (ACI),
within its larger mandate of promoting the Decent Work Agenda.
UFWs are occupations that involve the denial of fundamental principles and rights at work, put at risk
the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers, and keep households in conditions of
extreme poverty.
The Devadasi practice in India involves dedicating young dalit girls to a goddess in temples, and is
culturally sanctioned by religion and the caste system. Known in different states of India by different
names, the practice is widely prevalent in specific pockets of north Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra
Pradesh and Maharashtra.In the Devadasi practice, girls as young as 4 years old are ‘dedicated’ to a local
deity. Upon reaching puberty they are then introduced to sexual intercourse. This happens within the
context of zero consent and no space for agency on the part of the Devadasi – they are not permitted to
refuse participating in intercourse with the interested party. The ILO Committee of Experts have
adjudged that, the absence of consent – sexual and otherwise – involved in this practise, its links to
sexual trafficking that make use of the girls and women for commercial exploitation, qualifies the
Devadasi practise to be deemed as ‘forced labour’ under the Forced Labour Convention No. 29.
Further, the Committee has also taken cognizance of the illegality of the devadasi practice as per Indian
laws that state the persons responsible for ‘dedication’ of girls to temples as liable to be punished by
way of penalties in the form of fine, imprisonment or both. Although officially prohibited since
independence, a large number of girls are still dedicated to deities as devadasis. This is testified by
official figures for key districts in Andhra Pradesh (17,000), Karnataka (23,000). Despite initiations of
‘dedications’ being on the decline, these figures are telling as to the large amount of damage
perpetrated by this practice.
The literature regarding the practice has focussed on caste and cultural factors, rather than on the work
related aspects, or understanding the working and living conditions of devadasis, which is the
knowledge gap that this study seeks to fill.
1.1. Objectives
The ILO recognizes that UFW is more likely to manifest in informal work spaces. This is further
exaggerated in the realm of sex work, where the sector is criminalized, unregulated and could be illegal
as well. Where sex work is criminalized, women sex workers are more vulnerable and susceptible to
harm. Given the vulnerability of women in these sectors, ILO has initiated rapid assessments in selected

19. 19
countries with the objective of identifying and tracking UFWs. The objectives are to understand the
nature of the UFW, so as to develop a better understanding of the nature of UFWs in various country
contexts. The exploration of different forms of UFW will also yield an understanding of why such work
exists, what measures are taken and could be taken to address and eliminate it.
The need for studying the devadasi practice as an UFW arises because of the knowledge gap that exists
about the practice. The existing studies are not comprehensive in nature. There are no clear statistics
as to the actual number of girls who are currently ‘dedicated’. Beyond an awareness of the devadasis
being predominantly Dalit girls, there is not much information as to their socio-economic background.
Similarly there is no information on the number of girls who join or are forced to join brothels once they
are no longer in a position to continue living as a devadasi. Pertinent details of trafficking patterns and
routes, varied forms and degrees of coercion on the girls and deception practices followed are all
unknown.
Other unknown factors include various work related elements of the practice, such as compensations,
and working conditions. Little is known about the economic, educational and social status of the girls
dedicated as devadasis. Their livelihoods are not documented: their incomes, sources of earning, etc.
The practice is illegal, and the efficacy of laws prohibiting the practice has not been studied. The
vulnerability of devadasis to sexually transmitted diseases and infections, their health, and life
expectancy are a few relevant details that are currently unavailable. The government benefits available,
and the devadasi women’s access to rehabilitation support are additional information gaps. The study
aims to address these knowledge gaps.
The primary research objectives of the study are to:
a. Estimate the existing number of Devadasis: This is important, because it is totally unclear how
many girls are currently being dedicated. Without data on number of devadasis, it is difficult to
design and provide social protection schemes.
b. Understand Devadasi practice with main focus on the conditions of work in this system. Most of
the previous research studies have focused on socio-cultural aspects of the Devadasi practice, and
not on their work and working conditions. In addition, there is hardly any data available on the main
livelihoods of the Devadasi women, particularly after enforcement of the Devadasi Prohibition Act.

20. 20
Consultative workshop with stakeholders
including devadasis
Quantitative: Profiles of 175 Devadasis
Qualitative
– In-depth interviews with devadasi women
– FGDs with devadasi women
– Key informant interviews with officials from
government department and NGOs,
Unions/Collectives.
Validation of research findings
– Presentation of findings at UNWOMEN
workshop on Unpaid work of women
– Presentation of findings at a workshop on
India Exclusion Report, 2015
– One day workshop with devadasis and other
stakeholders for validation of findings
Figure 1 The Research Methodology
c. Examine what exactly “Unacceptability” is in the context of Devadasis: This shall follow a two-part
approach to examine whether the Devadasi practice comes under UFW. If yes, then to examine the
main causes of Unacceptable Forms of
Work (UFW) and devise different ways
in which the ILO and other relevant
stakeholders can respond to this, so as
to design interventions to stop the
practice.Understand livelihoods of the
Devadasis with a focus on social, legal
and economic aspects: Understanding
economic conditions of the livelihoods
of Devadasi women helps to determine
if poverty is the main reason or other
factors also play a role in the
continuance of the practice.
Understanding the legal aspects shall
also help to bring about suitable policy
related changes which can create an
environment for the practice to stop.
1.2The Research
Methodology
A study of multiple dimensions of a
complex issue such as the devadasi
practice required a multi-pronged approach
involving a review of secondary literature, wide-ranging consultations, profiling a large number of
devadasis, and a few in-depth case studies. The study was conducted in three States of India: Karnataka,
Telangana and Maharashtra, where there is a concentration of devadasis and such practices. The study
used a mixed-method design and includes both quantitative and qualitative methods.
The steps in the methodology are given below:
1.2.1 Consultative Workshop with Stakeholders
Sampark conducted a one day introduction and planning workshop with stakeholders. The workshop
was attended by 60 participants from Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The
participants represented devadasis and sex workers and their organisations, NGOs, government
departments, research institutions and individual researchers working for the devadasis and sex
workers.
The objectives of the study were presented to the participants, who identified the three districts with a
large presence of devadasis, and suggested the three districts to focus on, in the current study. These
districts include Belagavi district in Karnataka, Mehboobnagar in Telangana and Sholapur in

21. 21
Maharashtra. In each District Taluk/blocks were selected where there is a high concentration of
devadasis.
As per the ILO framework for Decent Work based on dignity of labour and social justice, the four pillars-
fundamental principles and rights at work, decent employment and income, social protection for all and
social dialogue, have been used to frame the research questions and sub questions so that the data
analysis may use this framework. The research questions are given in Annexure 1.
1.2.2. Profile of 175 Devadasis.
Quantitative data was collected from 175 devadasis in the three districts, using a structured
questionnaire. These profiles were collected using location and age as criteria for purposive sampling.
The quantitative survey among devadasis was used to profile the devadasis, in relation to their age,
education, family details, age at which they were dedicated as devadasis, people involved in the
dedication, relationship with partners, partners contribution to devadasis family, income sources,
average monthly income, migration patterns, housing patterns, sanitation facilities, occupational health
issues and their awareness about them, access to financial services (savings, credit and insurance) and
government schemes, awareness about relevant Acts, membership in collectives and its benefits,
aspirations for themselves and their children were collected to understand the social and economic
well-being of the research participants.
The names of the taluks and number of profiles collected from each district are given in Table 1.
Table 1 District wise distribution of research respondents
District Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Total
Gokak,
Rayabaga
and
Athini
Utkur,
Naryanpet,
Makthal and
Dhanwada
Sholapur,
Pandrapur,
Barshi
10
Taluks
No. of Devadasi women surveyed 60 60 55 175
No of In-depth case studies (from those
surveyed)
12 11 7 30
No of devadasi women covered through FGDs 28 32 0 60
Total devadasi women covered 88 92 55 235
The profile survey covered 175 devadasi women, of which 60 were from each of Belagavi and
Mehboobnagar district. It was difficult to find devadasis in the State of Maharashtra due to the paucity
of NGOs working with Devadasis, limiting the coverage to 55 devadasis from Sholapur.

22. 22
1.2.3. In Depth Case Studies
Qualitative methods are more useful and provide deeper insights than quantitative methods in such
cases. Moreover, perceptions about and experiences of UFWs cannot be expressed in numbers and
require qualitative methods. A smaller sub-set of the devadasi women profiled were then identified for
an in-depth individual interview, which covered aspects of women’s families, dedication, work, wages,
family lives and livelihoods. Data was collected through personal interviews using semi structured
interview schedules.
Of the 175 covered in the survey, 30 were selected for in-depth interviews. The criteria used for
selecting 30 devadasi women for indepth interviews includes age and their willingness to spend 2-3
hours, share their life stories and consent. Eight adolescent/young adult children of Devadasis were
interviewed. One-on-one interviews were conducted to gather the narratives of the Devadasi women
regarding their work, lives and livelihoods. Since the topics are sensitive, trust and intimacy needed to
be built between the respondents and researcher. Full confidentiality was promised to the women, and,
in keeping with ILO’s principles, care was taken to ensure that women were not forced to share any
information, and were not emotionally disturbed by the discussions.
1.2.4. Focus Group Discussions
Profiles and individual interviews were supplemented by conducting Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with
devadasis, which helped to triangulate the findings and insights gained from the profiles and individual
interviews. The Focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with devadasis s) to elicit beliefs,
perceptions, feelings about social norms and stereotypes. Participants discussed issues and situations
that are not about them personally, so opinions and beliefs could be expressed in a more spontaneous
manner. Participants could ask questions of each other, respond, comment and clarify views. The FGDs
were conducted to achieve active participation to understand the major common and different points of
view.
Five Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) were undertaken with 60 Devadasi women in Mehboobnagar
and Belagavi (refer Table 1). Details of which are given in Annexure 1. The study team was not able to
conduct FGDs in Sholapur due to the difficulties mentioned earlier. In these FGDs aspects which are non-
stigmatizing and neutral were discussed.
A total of 235 (175+60) devadasi women were contacted during the survey, in-depth interviews and
FGDs.
1.2.5 Key informant interviews
Interviews were conducted with other stakeholders and key informants (government departments,
trade unions and civil society partners) for detailed investigation of facts, experiences and opinions of
respondents.
The details about number of stakeholder interviews are given in Table 2.

23. 23
Table 2: Stakeholder interviews
States Karnataka Telangana Maharashtra Total
Judicial Commissioned by government 1 1
Government Dept. (Women Development
Corporation (WDC), SC/ST Corporation)
7 12 4 23
NGOs 14 13 6 33
Unions/Collectives 5 10 15
Total 26 36 10 72
A total of 72 personal interviews were conducted with key stakeholders such as NGO personnel, unions,
officials within the women and child welfare, social welfare, scheduled caste welfare departments,
municipal corporations, legal experts in all three districts (Belagavi, Mehboobnagar and Sholapur) and
State level offices.
1.2.5. Sharing and Validation of the Findings of the Results
The preliminary findings of the study were shared in two national level workshops. The UNWOMEN
conducted a study on unpaid work by women; the findings of the devadasi study were presented, as
devadasi work forms unpaid work, accompanied by gender based violence of a most severe nature. The
case study will feature in a UNWOMEN publication.
Another presentation was made at workshops of the Centre for Equity Studies (CES), where in the
conceptual framework and implications of the findings were discussed in detail. The key findings of the
paper as regards extreme exclusion and exploitation of devadasi women will be included as a paper in
the flagship annual publication of CES, the India Exclusion Report, 2015.
A day long workshop was held with stakeholders to. The workshop was attended by 36 participants from
Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The participants represented various
categories such as the ILO, NGOs, Government departments, Research Institutions and individual
researchers, legal experts working for the devadasis and sex workers. The main objective of the
workshop was to share and discuss the draft findings of the study with the participants to take their
suggestions and feedback. Based on the suggestions and feedback of the participants the research
findings were finalised.
The study has been participatory, involving a large range of stakeholders in the design, and in finalising
the findings. The details of which are given in Annexure 2.
PART II – BACKGROUND OF DEVADASI PRACTICE
2. The Devadasi System– History
The term devadasi is of Sanskrit origin. The practice of consigning girls to a temple to create devadasis is
several centuries old; the tale traditionally told is that some women, particularly from the socially and

24. 24
economically backward (Scheduled Castes/ Scheduled Tribes) sections were selected as the wives of
God and named as Devadasis, literally meaning the servants of God. The women dedicated to temples
and men’s entertainment were called Devadasis in Karnataka, Joginis or Mathammas in Andhra Pradesh,
Mathangi/Murali in Maharashtra, Devaradiar or Dasis in Tamil Nadu and Kudikkars in the Travancore
region (Kerala).
The majority of devadasis are dedicated to Goddess Yellamma whose other names are Renuka,
Jogamma and Holiyamma (Torri, 2009). The Yellamma cult is popular in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and
Maharashtra. A famous Yellamma temple was built in 1514 in Saundati hills of North Karnataka which
illustrates the significance of the cult and by extension, Devadasis, at this time(Orchard, 2007).
The temple continues to be the major site of dedication even today, with devadasis being dedicated
there every year5
. The devotees of Yellamma who dedicate young girls as devadasis to the goddess are
mostly Dalits and Bahujans, from the Madiga and Valmiki castes (being economically disadvantaged),
and sometimes other Dalits as well. Once married to the god, devadasis are not allowed to marry any
mortal man in their whole life (Shankar, 1994).
Historically, the devadasi practice has been a prominent part of Hindu culture and is said to have been
prevalent from the Vedic era. Early accounts date back to AD 985 during the reign of the King Raja Chola
– the practice was at its height during the Pallava, Chola and Pandya dynasties from the 7th
to the
13th
century in South India, especially in Tamil Nadu. According to folklore these women spent their
entire lives in and around the temple, serving the Gods, entertaining the royal families, Brahmins and
priests with their music and dance and actively participating in various religious ceremonies. As a
talented community, the devadasis helped in developing the current systems of music and tradition in
various parts of India; dance forms like Bharatnatyam from Tamil Nadu, Kuchipudi from Andhra Pradesh,
and Odissi from Odisha all trace their lineage to this community (Torri, 2009).
The culture from which devadasis emerged was at one point situated in the context of the liberal
traditions of ancient Hindu society. The devadasi was able to hone her skills and talents rather than bind
herself to wedlock and the confinements of the four walls of her house. She could exhibit her talents,
develop contemporary dancing styles, command respect as an individual and interact with the elite and
the non dalit. At the same time she was allowed to lead a close to traditional life with respect to her
sexual activities and the bearing of children as most of the relations she had were steady and long term
in nature (Shankar, 1994).
In the pre-colonial era such “dedicated women” or devadasis started entertaining Kings and other
important persons in the court and were richly rewarded with gold and land. The temple economy and
the dependent Devadasi system were well supported by the patrons and the kings of the land.
Consequently, in that period, Devadasis were economically well off. Said to be educated in as many as
64 arts and having a wide exposure to education and knowledge. They were empowered, independent,
5
The numbers cannot be estimated, however, as dedications are illegal, and most of the dedications are done secretly. Devadasis report that
the villagers find out about devadasis sometimes one or two years after the dedications.

25. 25
had good social standing and allowed to mix freely with men. After the ‘dedication’, it was socially
accepted that they would have a male partner and bear children. They followed the matriarchal pattern
of lineage. They often played a very important role in the partner’s family, almost as important as a wife.
However, in public, a Devadasi woman could never acknowledge her partner as husband or father of her
children. The clandestine nature of these ‘dedications’ did not let the devadasi women earn money
through traditional methods such as dancing in festivals and at ceremonies like marriages, although in
some cases peoples’ belief in their auspiciousness caused them to be invited to be present at wedding
ceremonies (Reddy, 2012).
2.1. The Colonial Era
Despite the inconsistencies in the devadasis’ situation described above, their status was considerably
better than what it became during British Colonial rule. The temples and kings lost their wealth and the
temple economy suffered, the Devadasis also lost much of their earlier social and economic status as a
result. They were reduced to the state of “nautch girls”or dancing girls and were forced to perform on
the streets to earn their livelihood, they began to face poverty (Harp, 1997).
In the 20th
century, girls from scheduled castes and scheduled tribes were dedicated and exploited by
men from their own and non scheduled castes. In order to address the vulnerability of Devadasi women,
social activists put pressure on the Government to ban the Devadasi practice (Shankar, 1994,
Prasannakumar, and Srinivasa, 2012).
It was in the 19th
Century, with the advance of British imperialism in India, native traditions, customs and
practices like sati, child marriage and devadasis were questioned for the first time. During the British
period, temples lost their royal patronage, wealth diminished and Devadasis turned to prostitution for
their livelihood. By the late 1800’s, reformists had begun to criticize the devadasi practice and they
insisted on legally banning the practice (Harp, 1997).
2.2. Current Context
The first legal banning of the practice was through the enactment of the Bombay Devadasi Protection
Act, 1934.The chronological enactments of laws passed to ban the devadasi practice include:
The Madras Devadasis (Prevention of Dedication) Act (also called the Tamil Nadu Devadasis
(Prevention of Dedication) Act or the Madras Devadasi Act) in1947 just after India became
independent from British rule.
The Andhra Pradesh Devadasi (Prevention of Dedication) Act, first promulgated in 1947 was
amended in 1988.
The Karnataka State (Prevention of Dedication) Act was enacted in 1982, and amended in 2010.
However, instead of protecting the Devadasis these legislations criminalized their actions. Due to the
internalization of cultural beliefs in the community, girls were dedicated in secrecy, despite the
prevailing laws banning the practice.. In some cases the girls were also subjected to sexual trafficking for
commercial exploitation.

26. 26
The relatively high status accorded to devadasis in the past is no longer relevant in the present day
context of her criminalization by way of the legislations, leading to exploitation being rife. Reports have
conclusively shown that it is the dalit caste girls (mostly from the dalit castes) who are being exploited
and abused as devadasis. Dedicated’ girls are expected, upon reaching puberty, to serve the goddess by
way of having sexual relations with men in return for money in their community. The girls are also
extremely vulnerable to being sold or trafficked into urban brothels the illegality of the custom has not
put a stop on its continuance.
The caste oppression is perpetuated by invoking the religious element of “glorification” of women. The
caste indoctrination is achieved by using women as the gateway of the caste system. In contrast to dalit
women, women from dominating castes are kept out of public view by ‘purdah’, meaning they stay at
home to the maximum extent or appear veiled in public. These patriarchal tactics also prevent a degree
of solidarity between women from different castes.
In this context the first question that arises about devadasis is the number and geographical spread of
the devadasis.
2.3. The Estimated Number of Devadasis
The devadasi system is prevalent mainly across South India and spread across the States of Karnataka,
Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The actual number of devadasis is however a matter of
much debate and controversy. The most ironical fact about the most vulnerable groups is that official
agencies don’t even acknowledge that they exist. Many officials, especially in the State of Maharashtra,
claimed that as the practice is outlawed, devadasis do not exist, almost by definition.
Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) contest the numbers from the government surveys in the States of
Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh (including Telangana) and Maharashtra. CSOs claim that even though
dedications are on a decline, there are thousands of devadasis spread over the three research States of
Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Some estimates of the number of Devadasis are available
to us from various sources, for the three States in India where the practice is highly prevalent.
The number of devadasi dedications and the total number of devadasi girls is difficult to obtain: most of
the traditional devadasi work is now home-based in rural villages, the girl continues to serve where she
resides;. Furthermore, the legal implications of admitting the status and the stigma of discrimination
when disclosing this to outsiders make it difficult to obtain accurate data.
In Karnataka there were two official surveys undertaken; one in 1993-94 identified 22,873 devadasis
and the latest in 2007-08, identified 23,783 devadasis. In Andhra-Pradesh, there has been a survey from
1987-88 with 24,273 devadasis, whereas the Justice Raghunath Rao one man commission report showed
that there are 80,000 Joginis in Andhra Pradesh. In Maharashtra the survey conducted in 2010 showed
that there are 3907 devadasis. The latest available figures based on these official sources are indicated
in Table 3.
Table 3: Number of Devadasis in the Three Study States

27. 27
State No of Devadasis/Year of 1st
Survey No Devadasis/Year of 2nd
Survey Realistic Estimate
Karnataka 22,873 (1993-94)6
23,783 (2007-08) 1,00,000
Andhra
Pradesh
24, 273 (1987-88)7
80,000
Maharashtra 3907 (2010)8
30,000
Field team observed that even in the previous six months during jathres, , that there have been reports
of dedications even in the previous six months, during jathres, wherein NGOs have reportedly stopped
dedications. This subject was reviewed in the United Nations Organisation in 2008, where the National
Human Rights Commission has reported the number of devadasis in India as 450,000. The One Man
Commission appointed by Andhra Pradesh government endorses the same estimate. District wise break
of these surveys in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh is given in Annexure 3. Data on district wise break up
of survey conducted in Maharashtra is not available.
However, the actual number of devadasis is contested. The above figures are most likely an
underestimation. According to the one-man Commission, the official estimate is about 450,000
Devadasis spread over many States of India.
The governments of the relevant States exhibits a reluctance to undertake comprehensive new surveys,
due to the fear that non-devadasis may identify themselves as devadasis to access schemes targeted for
the benefit of devadasis. In Karnataka, a separate cell has been established in the Ministry of Social
Welfare which works for the welfare of devadasis identified in surveys conducted in 1993-94 and 2007-
2008. They are active in rehabilitation of these identified devadasis. Whereas in Telangana, neither the
social welfare department nor the women and child department has taken responsibility in
rehabilitation of devadasis. Without proper identification of the scale of the issue, further steps towards
eradication are difficult and implementation of existing laws and schemes remains poor.
The age breakup of the research respondents is provided in Table 4. Age was taken as one of the criteria
during sample-selection so that sample will have devadasis who are dedicated before and after
enforcement of the Prohibition of Devadasi Acts. Here, the age has been grouped in 11 categories
starting with less than 18 years old to above 57 years old.
Table 4: Age of the research respondents
6
Received data from department of women development corporation at Belagavi
7
Received data from Andhra Pradesh scheduled castes corporation, finance corporation Limited, Hyderabad,
8
Received data from department of Comessionarate of women and child development, Pune

28. 28
District Of all 3 Districts
Age group Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Less than 18 0% 3% 0% 1%
18-22 0% 7% 4% 3%
23-27 8% 10% 5% 8%
28-32 10% 25% 15% 17%
33-37 17% 18% 15% 17%
38-42 17% 17% 15% 16%
43-47 13% 3% 11% 9%
48-52 20% 8% 15% 14%
53-57 5% 2% 9% 5%
Above 57 8% 7% 13% 9%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
A detailed classification of age was done to analyse whether the devadasi practice has stopped or not.
The Prohibition of Act came into existence in 1982 in Karnataka and in 1988 in Andhra Pradesh
(Telangana and Andhra ) and in 1935 in Maharashtra. As there is no recent amendment of the Act in
Maharashtra, the age check could not be performed. In Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, it was
performed as follows:
As the Act was promulgated in 1982 in Karnataka, 32 years ago. Given that Devadasi dedications
take place between 5 and 12 years of age, if no dedications have taken place after 1982, we should
find no devadasi younger than 44 years old, if dedicated at 12. If dedicated earlier, we should not
find a devadasi older than 37 years old. The data shows that 35% of the women surveyed were
under the age of 37. Even if 44 is taken as the cut-off age, 52 to 54% women were found to be in
that age bracket. This shows that at least 52% women have been dedicated after the practice was
banned. The fact that 8% of the women are under 27 years of age shows that even upto 10 to 15
years ago, dedications took place in Karnataka.

29. 29
In Andhra Pradesh, the Act was promulgated in 1988. By the same logic as above, if the ban is
effective, we should not find devadasi women in the age group less than 32 to 39 years old.
Instead, as many as 45% of the devadasis surveyed in Mehboobnagar are less than 32 year old, and
the percentage of women less than 39 years old is 63%. These data show very high percentage of
dedications after the ban.
Given that over the three districts, nearly half the women surveyed were under 37 years of age, it is lear
that dedications have continued much after the prohibition of the Devadasi system. Further, in
Maharashtra State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act came into existence since 80 years, hence
all the respondents of the sample survey are dedicated after enforcement of the Act. As a result of the
various bans passed, the practice now unfolds in secrecy. Dedications in the State of Karnataka, parts of
Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra are no longer a public celebration but happen in private for fear of
fines and/or imprisonment.
‘People in the village are still
making their daughters joginis.
Though sporadic it is still
happening here and there. Even if
I tell someone that this system is
bad they will ridicule me. Some
women have told me that it is easy
to make money after converting
into jogini. So I stopped interfering
in others affairs. I take care of
myself and my family. Let them go
around. Tomorrow when they get
diseases they will know’.
Narasamma,
Mehboobnagar district
Ineffective implementation of law
Seetha, Devadasi, Gokak, Belagavi shared that
“When I was 12 years old my mother along with a
Joginiand other neighbours visited Saundati
Yellamma temple. I was given a set of new clothes
and the women who had come with me were
performing rituals around me. The police arrived at
the temple. The people around me quickly covered
all the things used in the rituals. They all sat in a
group and started singing songs and bhajans loudly.
The police approached the group and enquired
about the occasion. Everyone pretended as if it was
a routine pooja. The police went around the temple
and stayed put at the temple, observing the group
closely for an hour. After the police left the ladies
called me back. I had run away from the scene
when the police arrived. The women caught hold of
me and force fully sat me down on the kabala
(blanket). The pujari of the temple came and tied
the Pearl necklace (Mutthinahara) around my neck.
I knew I was dedicated to be a devadasi”.

30. 30
Field observations and interviews with stakeholders showed several NGOs and government
departments (especially the department of women and child development in Karnataka) have
undertaken mass awareness campaigns among people in all the districts of Karnataka about the ills of
Devadasi practice. This has resulted in a reduction in the intensity of the Devadasi system, but has failed
to eradicate the system in entirety.
PART III–LIVELIHOODS OFTHE DEVADASIS
3. The Devadasi Practice
A study of the context of the socio-economic conditions of the women and their families helps to
understand the perpetuation of the Devadasi system. This analysis will ensure a greater insight in to the
failure of the legal prohibition of the Devadasi system and ultimately form the basis of a holistic
approach towards the eradication of this inhumane system.
3.1. Caste
The details about the caste of the respondents are given in Table 5. Caste is an important dimension
within the Devadasi system. Social inequities and caste structures help perpetuate the system within
vulnerable communities.
Table 5: District wise caste distribution
District Scheduled Caste OBC Scheduled Tribe General9
Grand Total
Belgavi 100% - - - 100%
Mehboobnagar 83% 12% - 5% 100%
Sholapur 71% 4% 15% 11% 100%
Within the sample of devadasis studied, a predominant 85% of the respondents belong to the Dalit
caste. In Belagavi all the respondents were Dalits, followed by 83% in Mehboobnagar and 71% in
Sholapur. In Mehboobnagar 5% of respondents are girls from the general caste girls who were
dedicated as devadasis, main reason for dedication being the lack of a male child. In Sholapur 10% of
the respondents are from general caste and reasons for dedications include superstitious e.g. dedicating
a daughter may be followed by the birth of a son, or some illness in the family may be cured, etc.
9
The general castes mentioned are Brahmin, Lingayath, Kapu

31. 31
The practice of offering of girls as devadasis is followed by scheduled castes and other backward
communities (Chawla, 2002;
Nikolova, 2009, Raghunath Rao,
2013, Kompier 2014). Caste has
always played a central and
decisive role in employment
relations, class formation, and
determination of social and
economic status in our society.
The caste indoctrination is
achieved by using women as the
gateway of caste system.
A majority of the households with
devadasi members, at present, do
not have a history of dedication in
the family indicating the fact that
they were the first generation of
Devadasis (Marglin, 1985;
Nikolova, 2009).
3.2. Age of dedication
The details about the age at which the respondents were made devadasis are given in Table 6.
Table 6: Age when Respondents were dedicated as Devadasis
Age the women made into Devadasi District Of all 3
DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Less than 5 years 25% 12% 4% 14%
6-10 years 20% 35% 15% 23%
11 – 15 years 23% 42% 33% 33%
16-20 years 7% 3% 20% 10%
Above 20 years 3% 0% 29% 10%
Do not know 22% 8% 0% 10%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Nearly 70% of the respondents were dedicated into the Devadasi system before they could attain the
age of 15 years. 37% of them were dedicated before the age of 11 years. It is clear that most of the
respondents have been forced into this system at an age when they could not have fathomed the
implications of being dedicated into the Devadasi system. In Sholapur, almost 30% of the women have
Rathnakka, Devadasi from Belagavi, stated: “I belong to SC
committee. I am the third child for my parents after two elder
brothers. I used to fall ill often and my parents would take me
to all the nearby temples finally my parents felt that offering
me to the Goddess that is how I am dedicated to the Yellamma.
I was made devadasi at the age of 8 and I remember that
celebration. I was taken to the Yellamma temple in Saundati
during the temple fair. All our relatives were invited to the
function at the temple. After the pooja the pujari tied the pearl
thread to my neck, that night we stayed in the temple. The next
day we returned to our village. Once we are at the home my
mother told me not to remove the pearl mala at all. I have to
beg on Tuesday, Friday and new moon day in the street which
is the custom I need to follow as devadasi”.

32. 32
been dedicated after attaining 20
years of age, which is because a
majority of them are first involved
in sex work and then converted as
Devadasis inorder to protect
themselves from the stigma
associated with sex work (FGD
findings, Prasannakumar and
Srinivasa, 2012).
These stories illustrate that devadasis are dedicated as children, when they do not understand the
implications of the practice. Their parents are invariably from the scheduled castes and have extremely
low levels of assets and incomes.
Saraswathi, a devadasi from Belagavi says “When I
was 8 years of age my mother and her relatives took
me to Saundati Yellamma temple and made me
wear a new sari, green bangles, lots of flowers in
my hair. They sat me down on a blanket and the
women sat around me and sang bhajans and then
offered pooja to the Goddess. The poojari of the
temple tied a pearl necklace around my neck. I
enjoyed all the attention given to me on that day. I
was happy as I got to wear new clothes and
bangles” on the day”. The true import of the
dedication on Saraswathi only when she attained
puberty and her mother forced her to take a
partner. She has taken another partner since her
dedication and continues to live with him. She
rues the day she was dedicated as a devadasi, she
has borne the brunt of stigmatization of this cruel
system and thus has ensured both her daughters
are married.
Seshamma, a devadasi from Mehboobnagar says ‘25
years ago, when I was 7 years old I was made a
Jogini by my parents! I was too young to remember
the process, the rituals and other nuances. However
I can vaguely recollect the colourful tent put up in
front of my mother’s house. A lot of our relatives
came and gave me flowers, sweets, and bangles. I
barely knew what the fun and fervour was all
about’! ‘I was made a Jogini because my parents
had no male child. I am the second of the two
daughters of my parents. My parents are very poor
and survived on physical labour. They worked as
agriculture labourers and construction labourers
depending on what was available. The one acre of
land we owned was rain-fed. We did not have money
to dig a bore well. We belong to Madiga community
and are poor and not influential. Poverty forced me
and my sister to work since childhood. We never
went to school. Only through the efforts of SHG, I
manage to write my name now. Other than writing
my name, I cannot read or write’.
Premalatha, Sex worker turned Devadasi, Sholapur: This house
‘Malkin’ (Madam) and I both are from the neighboring village. I
told her my story of how I ran away from my abusive husband and
was forced in to sex work. She said “I will take you to Soundathi and
tie ‘Muthu’ (Pearl). She made me a devadasi. It is like marriage
with Goddess Yellamma. She said: “ If you save money you can sit
and eat in your old age, otherwise you can beg for your livelihood
and you can sleep in any of the temples as a Devadasi”.

33. 33
3.3. Key people involved in the induction
The respondents were asked who the person in the family was or community primarily involved in the
dedication them, and the answers, in percentages, are given in Table 7. There are 247 responses from
sample of 175, with 62 respondents providing more than 1 option mentioned in the survey form.
Table 7: People who are involved in converting the women into Devadasi
Persons who make Devadasi
District % of all 3
Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Father 32% 37% 20% 32%
Mother 21% 30% 15% 24%
Grandmother 40% 24% 3% 23%
Temple priest (locally called gurus) - - 31% 7%
Others 5% 2% 15% 6%
Aunty - - 15% 4%
Local leaders 3% 5% - 3%
Relatives - 2% - 1%
Number of women responded 100% 100% 100% 100%
The majority of respondents, 79%, were dedicated as devadasi through close family members (father,
mother or grandmother), in Belagavi 93% and in Mehboobnagar 91%. In Sholapur district, 31% of the
respondents said that temple priests and self-styled gurus (locally known as Gurus,) were also involved
in the induction. In addition 9% of the respondents from Belagavi and Mehboobnagar said local leaders
dedicated them to the Devadasi system, which clearly shows that political, non scheduled caste vested
interests play an important role in dedicating girls from families of scheduled caste, a form of caste
based sexual exploitation.
Even Families are Exploitative
“All relations depend on money. Till the time I was giving money to my family, they were supportive to
me but after my daughter’s birth when I stopped giving them money, they stopped all relations with me.
My mother and sister always demanded money and other things from me but now, when I stopped
helping them they don’t take care of me and my daughter. If my own family does this to me, then how
can I trust my partner? I know that he will also look after me only till I give him money. Here I am
happy with my peer group in brothel house as they help me, so now this is my family
Swarnalatha, from Sholapur who is involved in sex work says

34. 34
3.4. Reasons for Dedication
The reasons mentioned by the respondents for dedication of girls as devadasis are given in Table 8.
Table 8: Reasons due to which women turn into Devadasi
Reasons that turned women into Devadasi
District Grand
TotalBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Girl child from dalit households to take care of parents 25% 31% 1% 57%
No other children or illness of children 9% 3% 29% 42%
Dalits don’t want to discontinue the practice 0.57% - 0.57% 1%
Pressure from higher castes to continue the practice - - - 0%
When a dalit girl reaches puberty, it is considered safe
to marry them rather than keep them at home.
- - 0.57% 0.57%
Total 35% 34% 31% 100%
Fifty seven percentages of the respondents were dedicated to the Devadasi due to girl child form dalit
families has to take care of parents. 42% mentioned that they were dedicated as devadasis either
family do not have children or children falling ill frequently. In such cases girls are dedicated in to this
system, and forced to support their parents/family.
Sickness is Reason for Making Devadasi
“my father died when I was 4 years old. I used to fall sick frequently in my childhood. My
grandmother observed this and before death she instructed my mother to perform a ceremony to the
Kokuntnur goddess. My mother asked the priest (local guru) to do some ceremony. In that ceremony,
the priest and jogtis gave me Pardi. I couldn’t fully understand what the ceremony was”.
Jayamala, a devadasi, Sholapur

35. 35
Superstition – blind faith is the reason to make
Prbahavathi a Devadasi: Prabhavati, a devadasi from
Sholapur. She had two sisters and one brother. Her
father was a scrap dealer and her mother worked in
cotton fields. When she was 7 years old her father left
them and went away to Pandharpur. He gambled a lot
and lost everything they had. They were left without a
shelter (house) and started living near bus station.
Every year her family visited Saundati temple in
Karnataka during Jathre. Once during Jathre time, her
mother noticed that Prabhavati’s hair was completely
entangled and had formed a ‘jat’ which was assumed to
be God’s will and calling. ‘Her mother took her to the
temple town, worshipped their deity and when
Prabhavati was given a bath, a garland fell around her
neck by chance. It came from the water that was poured
on her. This was again taken as a sign she was needed
for the God. Also, a lady who was possessed by a
Goddess (Devi) came to their house and said “I want
this girl to be initiated into a Devadasi. Initially her
mother refused, but a lot of obstacles and problems that
happened at home made her mother tell ‘yes’ and was
immediately taken to a guru called ‘ Majukh’ who
performed various poojas , tied a moti mal around
Prabhavati ’s neck and took her under his care. Lot of
ceremonies were conducted, gifts were given to guests
and the ritual of going to the jathre every year began.
She was also taught music, singing and dancing and
was made to perform at the jathre each time in the
festive season.
Begam nirmala is from Morab village of
Raibagh taluk of Belagavi district. Her
mother is a devadasi by tradition. Since
Begam nirmala was the only daughter of
her mother, she was made a devadasi.
She is not able to recall the rituals of
devadasi except that she acquired a pearl
necklace. Noticing the pearl necklace,
her friends at the hostel started teasing
her about it, when Begam nirmala asked
her mother if she could remove it. Her
mother refused to allow her to remove it.
Begam nirmala recalls; “I came home
for summer vacation and one of my
relatives of similar age was getting
married. I attended that marriage with
my mother. When we returned home I
asked my mother if I would also get
married soon. This upset my mother
greatly who told me that you are my only
daughter and if you get married who will
look after me. Only then did my mother
reveal the true nature of the devadasi
system. My mother decided to cut short
my education, due to the fear that I may
develop and pursue other ideas. It
dawned on me that my life was
purposeless and I was helpless since my
mother was emotionally and materially
dependent on me.”
The major institutional reasons for dedications are economic dependence and vulnerability, social
influence, beliefs and perceptions, customs and traditions. Other specific reasons are lack of capacity of

36. 36
parents to arrange daughter’s marriage, less number of male children to support household, daughter’s
responsibility to look after parents and properties (in case of single child), to fix girl’s stay at home in
absence of sons, to continue serving deities, social stigma of being from Madar community and inability
to arrange marriage, illness-stricken girls chosen as devadasis, being offered girls as a gift to goddess to
save lives of others etc (Sampark, 2002, Marglin, 1985).
3.5. Age at which they had their first partner
Age at which the respondents had their first partner is given in Table 9.
Table 9: Age at which they had their first partner
Age during first partner Districts % of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Less than 12 years - 12% 4% 5%
12 – 17 years 78% 72% 40% 70%
18 – 21 years 22% 17% 33% 18%
22 – 26 years - - 4% 1%
Above 31 years - - 11% 3%
Not mentioned - - 9% 3%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
In Belagavi and Mehboobnagar, as there exists the custom of dedicating young girls to the Devadasi
system, more than 70% of the respondents had their first partner before/at the age of 17 years.
The story shows that young girls are often forced in to marriage-like conditions of sexual intercourse and
sexually exploited by the men within and outside families in the Devadasi practice.
“I was Raped by Brother –in-law and Neighbour”: Seshamma, a devadasi from Mehboobnagar
painfully recounts the horrific experience of being raped by her Brother-in-law and her neighbour. “‘I
ran out of the house in fear, saw my sister sleeping outside and hid under her cot. But my brother-in-
law came out, searched for me, dragged me from under the cot and forced into me again. It pained like
hell. The next morning I woke up with very painful and swollen privates”. ‘I was raped by my
neighbour. He is from the same community as I am and lives just behind our house. I returned home
crying and complained to my mother. My mother fought with my neighbour but he defended his act by
stating that I am a Jogini and hence should be accessible to all’!

37. 37
3.6. Sourcing of partners
Details about the people who identified the partners for devadasi women are given in Table 10.
Table 10: People/groups who identified partners for them
People/groups who identified
partners for these women
Districts % of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Self 31% 43% 28% 34%
Father 3% 23% 31% 19%
Others 13% 5% 21% 13%
Mother 13% 18% 5% 12%
Pimps 18% 2% 3% 8%
Grand mother 15% 2% 3% 7%
Local leaders 5% 7% - 4%
Aunty 2% - 5% 2%
Not Mentioned - - 3% 1%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 10 shows that around 34% of the respondents chose their partners themselves after being
dedicated to the devadasi system. Close family members such as the father or mother accounted for
31% (19+13%) of the people who identify partners for devadasis. The other categories include
neighbours and other devadasis (13%). In Belagavi pimps being involved in 18% show a linkage to sex
work.
3.7. Caste and social based discrimination
Details about the devadasis who faced either case or social based discriminations are given in Table 11.
The respondents were asked whether they face any discrimination in getting invitation for the functions
or festivals, or their children face any eve teasing within schools or colleges.
Table 11:Devadasis who faced discrimination
Districts
Devadasis who
faced
discrimination
Places of discrimination % of all
3
Districts
Functions Others Festivals
like
‘Jathres’
Temples Schools
Belagavi 7% 19% - - - - 7%
Mehboobnagar 67% 69% 25% 100% 80% 100% 67%
Sholapur 26% 13% 75% 20% 26%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%

38. 38
Social discrimination was a reality for 43 of the respondents. Discrimination happens at social events
and village festivals (Jattras). In Mehboobnagar, most of them mentioned that their children face eve
teasing from their classmates.
Other forms of discrimination include being asked for husbands/fathers name, slander within the
community.
The legitimacy and upbringing of children is a major problem. As many as of the devadasis, 95% were
not able to register their patrons as parents in the admission records of schools for their children. This
indicates that the children of devadasis are denied legitimate status and have to be content with getting
their mother’s or grandfather’s or grandmother’s name entered in the register (Sampark, 2002).
Though quantitative data shows that there is little or no
discrimination in schools, most of the in-depth case studies and
FGDs showed that their children face lot of discrimination at the
time of admission in the schools, getting jobs in government
departments – mainly because devadasis cannot disclose the
father’s name in the application form.
Yes, in the local areas they
recognize us and they know we
are prostitutes and we don’t get
any respect.
Galavva, Sholapur
Shivakka’ second son, Madhu is very upset because his mother is a devdadasi. He shared an incident from
his life. He wanted to join the army and attended a psychical fitness selection process and interview in
Raichur district. Before a person took the test for physical fitness, his certificates were first checked by an
officer. When Madhu’s turn came, the officer who was checking the certificates asked him why he had not
filled in his father’s name. Madhu told us that he could not face that situation as he did not want to say
that his mother was a devadasi and therefore came out of the ground without completing the physical
fitness process. He took back his certificates from the officer and returned to his village. He said that he
was angry with his mother for making him face such situations and thereby making him not able to get a
job in the army. Madhu said that often he has to face such situations because he was born to a devadasi,
and was not able to tell the world that he does have a father, whose name he cannot disclose.