1.
Northumbria University
Department of Arts
Masters Dissertation
How the Creative Economy is affecting creative
practitioners, in particular freelance dancers:
Freedom and constraints in Freelancing
By
Sophie Ammann
Student number: 13034954
27th
August 2015
Word count: 17’235
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
award of:
MA Cultural Management

2.
Declaration of Originality
I, Sophie Ammann, hereby declare that this dissertation is my own original work.
None of the material has been submitted in any form for another degree or diploma
at any university or other institute of tertiary education.
Information derived from the published and unpublished work of others has been
acknowledged in the text and a list of references is given in the bibliography.

3. i
Abstract
Creativity is taking the world by storm in this new Creative Age, from urban
regeneration programmes to structural reorganisations of work models in which self-
employment is on the rise. It appears that imagination and independence are now
highly valued in a professional world that has become increasingly precarious and
struggles to provide stable and life-long employment. Portfolio-work is seen as an
acceptable way to an identity-enhancing career.
The professional environments of artists, in particular of freelance dancers, have had
to adapt to this shift: the precarity of their situation is manifold, ranging from physical,
through emotional, to financial. This dissertation explores the reasons for the
changes in the professional environment of freelance dancers, and how dance artists
themselves perceive their situation and profession, focusing on the situation in
Switzerland, with reference to the situations in France and Britain; through qualitative
and quantitative research, underpinned with appropriate literature, the author seeks
to illustrate how dance artists are coping with this new creative economy. The results
point to the conclusion that freelancing can offer much freedom, if dancers manage
to deal with the constraints.

4. ii
Acknowledgements
First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Jennifer Hinves, for her guidance and
support throughout this dissertation.
I would also like to thank Céline, Sonia and Séverine for their help in sharing my
surveys and providing me with precious information sources. A special thanks to
Sarah, Tamara and Mélanie – your continued support and advice were decisive for
the completion of this dissertation.
Thank you also to Carla and Melina – it was a great pleasure to discover your
thoughts about dance, which are still inspiring me today.
I would also like to thank all the survey participants who took the time to complete my
survey and opened themselves up to me. It was a privilege to read your thoughts,
one which I feel very much the richer for now.
A special mention to Erin and Rosanne – it was our adventure that inspired this work!
Thank you also to Arianne, for her precious wisdom and encouragement in this new
territory, and to Lachlan, Lucy, Anna and Aurélie, for their continued support
throughout my studies.
Finally, I would also like to express my deepest gratitude to Marc and my parents for
their constant support and belief in me during my studies and life projects, and for
encouraging me to be the best I could be.

5. iii
Table of contents
1 Introduction............................................................................................................. 1
2 Literature review: Creative Practitioners in the Creative Economy ........................ 4
2.1 The value of knowledge, information and creativity in today’s economy and
society ............................................................................................................. 4
2.2 A definition of creativity.................................................................................... 6
2.3 Creative Industries in the context of a Creative Society and Economy........... 7
2.4 The status of artists in the Creative Age and its influence on their
professional identity....................................................................................... 13
2.5 Is Art real work?............................................................................................. 14
2.6 The Instrumentalisation of the Arts................................................................ 16
2.7 The paradoxal market of Art .......................................................................... 17
2.8 Artists and their professional identity............................................................. 21
3 Methodology......................................................................................................... 24
4 Dancers and their profession ............................................................................... 31
4.1 Demographics ............................................................................................... 31
4.2 Dancers’ professional identities: how dancers perceive and value their
profession and its environment...................................................................... 35
4.3 Vocation and Values...................................................................................... 37
4.3.1 Freelancing, a path to diverse experiences and sharing......................... 41
4.3.2 The FREE in Freelancing ........................................................................ 42
4.4 The difficulties that have an impact on a dancer’s professional identity........ 47
4.4.1 The multiple aspects of instability............................................................ 47
4.4.2 Uncertainty in freelance dance careers................................................... 50
4.4.3 The other side of the coin........................................................................ 55
4.4.4 The power of the dancer-choreographer relationship on freelance
dancers’ professional identities .......................................................................... 57
4.5 Breaking through stigma – how freelancing can empower dancers instead
of hinder them................................................................................................ 59
5 Conclusion............................................................................................................ 65
6 Bibliography.......................................................................................................... 68
7 Appendices........................................................................................................... 78
7.1 An insight into a dancer’s life......................................................................... 78

6. iv
7.1.1 The difference between classical and contemporary dance.................... 78
7.1.2 Dance education...................................................................................... 80
7.1.3 Freelance dancers’ daily routine.............................................................. 81
7.1.4 The reinforcement of vocation through onstage experiences.................. 83
7.1.5 Injuries and physical precarity ................................................................. 84
7.1.6 Auditions.................................................................................................. 85
7.1.7 Fringe Festival Organisation.................................................................... 86
7.2 Survey questions (English)............................................................................ 88
7.2.1 Professional dancer surveys ................................................................... 88
7.2.2 Student dancer surveys........................................................................... 93
7.3 Thematic organisation of collected qualitative data....................................... 97
7.3.1 Overview of themes................................................................................. 97
7.3.2 Collected Data......................................................................................... 99
7.4 Quantitative research results....................................................................... 119
7.4.1 Professional dancer survey results........................................................ 119
7.4.2 Student dancer survey results............................................................... 130
7.5 Accompanying text ...................................................................................... 135

7. v
Table of figures
Figure 4.1: Age of survey participants ....................................................................... 32
Figure 4.2: Countries of residence of survey participants.......................................... 33
Figure 4.3 Countries in which participants had been or currently were
professionally active ........................................................................................... 33
Figure 4.4 Years of professional activity in survey participants................................. 34
Figure 4.5 Thematic Map of Freelance Dancers' Professional Identities .................. 37
Figure 4.6 Dance: a vocational profession ................................................................ 38
Figure 4.7 Reasons why participants dance.............................................................. 38
Figure 4.8 The importance of ‘calling’ in pursuing a professional dance career........ 40
Figure 4.9 Dancers value the independence of freelancing ...................................... 42
Figure 4.10 Importance of financial remuneration in accepting a dance contract ..... 44
Figure 4.11 Percentage of responses for the question ‘If you don't work on the
creation of personal projects, would you be interested to do so?’...................... 45
Figure 4.12 Freelance dancers struggle with staying in shape.................................. 49
Figure 4.13 Ways in which freelance dancers stay in shape..................................... 49
Figure 4.14 How dancers perceive the competitiveness during auditions................. 51
Figure 4.15 Answers to the question ‘Generally, would you say you enjoy
auditions?’ .......................................................................................................... 52
Figure 4.16 Freelance dancing is a dual career ........................................................ 56
Figure 4.17 Dance students' answer shows openness towards freelance careers... 62
Figure 7.1 The five positions of classical ballet ......................................................... 78
Figure 7.2 Movement material is often the result of a collaboration between
dancers and choreographer ............................................................................... 82

8. vi
List of abbreviations
AI: Disability Insurance (Assurance Invalidité)
AVDC: Association Vaudoise de Danse Contemporaine
CFC: Federal Certificate of Capacity (Certificat Fédéral de Capacité)
DCMS: Department for Culture, Media and Sport (UK)
DS: Danse Suisse
GT: Grounded Theory
HEI: Higher Education Institute
IOTPD: International Organisation for the Transition of Professional Dancers
IPA: Interpretative Phenomenological Approach
RDP: Reconversion des Danseurs Professionnels
RP: Rencontres Professionnelles de danses – Genève
TA: Thematic Analysis
UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation

9. 1
1 Introduction
Creativity in all its forms is currently influencing our society, economy and culture.
Authors such as Leadbeater (2009), Florida (2002a) and Menger (2002) agree that
creativity is now a driving force in the current economy, shaping professional markets
and contributing to important shifts in our understanding of work. From an industrial
age, we have transitioned into an economy that values intangible goods, and in
which the Creative Industries are being celebrated for their power of culture-led
urban regeneration. This creative economy and the development of technologies
have contributed to a structural reorganisation of work models: self-employment is on
the rise, not least because entrepreneurial values are increasingly fostered by a
culture that extols the merits of independence and imagination.
Yet when creativity is mentioned, this usually brings to mind artistic activity. Creativity
is hailed as an economic motor, even though the arts are a notoriously precarious
market. Considering that creativity is now highly valued, generating entire societal
constructs based on concepts such as the Creative Class (Florida, 2002a), it is
perhaps surprising that arts and culture still fall victim to frequent budgetary cuts.
Creative practitioners and artists’ professional environments are defined by precarity:
underemployment and unemployment are among the consequences. New work
models are necessary to cope with the instability of the artistic sector, giving birth to
new professional identities. The creative economy has thus spawned a hyperflexible
work market according to Menger (2002), in which artists must now carve themselves
out a new position.
The author’s own experience as a freelance dancer was a determining factor in the
choice of the dissertation subject: indeed, this hyperflexible professional environment
is strongly felt by current independent dancers, sometimes leading to confusion as to

10. 2
what their professional identity entails. The rise of freelance work has generated a
myriad of new opportunities for dancers: now more than ever before it has become
possible for them to take control over their artistic vision and create their own
choreographic projects. It used to be that dancers’ careers mostly entailed work in a
dance company, in which dancers were employed on relatively stable contracts. The
situation of professional dancers has changed due to the creative economy,
especially for contemporary dancers: stable, full-year contracts are increasingly rare
for professional dancers, and freelancing has experienced an impressive surge since
the 1980’s. The new generation of professional dance artists now faces a job market
constructed on competitiveness and hyperflexibility; technical and artistic dance skills
alone aren’t the only abilities required from them. Freelance dancers now face the
challenge of embracing their entrepreneurial abilities and identities, alongside their
artistic ones.
This dissertation will argue how the rise of self-employment engendered by the
creative economy brings freelance dancers freedom as well as constraints. This
dissertation will examine the reasons for the shift in the workplace of dancers, before
exploring how freelance dancers themselves are currently experiencing the changes
in their profession, focusing on the situation in Switzerland, with reference to the
situations in France and Britain. Seeing as dance is an international profession,
several countries must be taken into account in order to paint a comprehensive
picture of the situation. The literature review in chapter 2 will deliver an overview of
the creative economy and its impact on our perception of work and professional
identities, focusing on the case of creative practitioners, artists and freelance
dancers. Literature on dance as a profession is rare: most of the literature treating
dance is concerned with its artistic and technical aspect, and not how dancers
themselves perceive their current professional environment characterised by

11. 3
precarity. This may be because dance, like many other artistic lines of work,
struggles to be perceived as a real profession, as the International Organisation for
the Transition of Professional Dancers (IOTPD, 1997) and Rolle and Moeschler
(2014) describe. Thus, qualitative and quantitative research, comprising surveys and
two interviews with freelance dancers, had to be undertaken in order to gather the
relevant information. The collected data was then analysed thematically in order to
discover how freelance dancers are experiencing the creative economy. The analysis
framework is detailed in the methodology section in chapter 3. Chapter 4 will present
and discuss the themes that emerged from the research: for example, bohemia is
common for freelance dance artists, who may then struggle with loneliness. The rise
of self-employment and portfolio-work offers them much freedom, which is
paradoxically accompanied by a multitude of constraints. The research also
produced evidence of how polyvalent freelance dancers must be in order to survive
professionally: freelance dancers are a good example of hybrid professional
identities, blending administrative and creative roles together. The conclusion will
then address how dancers can embrace these new skills they are developing in order
to achieve identity-enhancing professional careers.

12. 4
2 Literature review: Creative Practitioners in the Creative
Economy
2.1 The value of knowledge, information and creativity in today’s
economy and society
Knowledge, information, creativity… these words are used to describe our current
society and economy in many places. The shift has been considerable from an
industrial economy that valued manufactured goods, to one that celebrates intangible
assets. It is now generally agreed upon that we live in an ‘information’ or ‘knowledge’
society, as described by numerous authors from around the world (in the UK:
Howkins, 2002, p. 117; in France: Menger, 2003, p. 5; in the USA: Florida, 2002a, p.
4; Arthur and Rousseau, 1996, p. 10; in Switzerland: Rolle and Moeschler, 2014, p.
26).
The rise of technology advanced the speedy ascension of information to the top of
the currency ladder, but also the decline of manufacturing (Hinves, 2012, p. 161),
and thus the transition from tangible commodities to intangible ones, as well as a
crisis of authority in the 1960’s as described by Boltanski and Chiapello (2005, p.
176), have contributed to shape this new economy. This chapter will explore different
theories regarding the information society and whether we are already transitioning
into another era, its impact on the Creative Industries as a whole, and more
importantly its effect on professional identities and environments, with a focus on
artists, particularly dancers. It will outline the current situation of professional dancers
in Switzerland, as well as taking the situations in France and the United Kingdom into
account.
Boltanski and Chiapello (2005, p. 169), as well as Arthur and Rousseau (1996, p.
10), share the opinion that whereas hierarchy and stability used to be the defining
factors in a person’s professional life in the industrial era, today’s information society

13. 5
empowers individuals rather than job titles.
Boltanski and Chiapello describe this new mind-set as a ‘Project-oriented Cité’ (2005,
p. 168), in which activity (as opposed to ‘work’), information-gathering, adaptability,
and trust-generation are more important career factors than strict hierarchies and
steady paychecks, which used to be the symbols of professional success in the
‘Industrial Cité’. Activity is the general standard by which one’s success, or
‘greatness’, is measured nowadays:
What is relevant is to be always pursuing some sort of activity, never
to be without a project, without ideas, to be always looking forward
to, and preparing for, something along with other persons whose
encounter is the result of being always driven by the impulse of
activity.
(Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005, p. 169)
As commendable as activity is, Boltanski and Chiapello point out that activity for the
sake of activity itself is not an attribute of ‘greatness’; rather, activity should always
strive to contribute to the common good – much like art.
Boltanski and Chiapello’s vision of our current society suggests a shift beyond pure
information: there is a personal aspect to their description of today’s values and
conditions for ‘greatness’.
In UNESCO’s declaration on the status of the artist, for example, importance is
placed on the ethical value of information:
Because today’s society is already an information society, it is the
business of artists, looking towards the future, to chart the path of a
new alliance linking ethics, technology and aesthetics.
(UNESCO, 1997, p. 2)
Howkins (2002, p. 117) seeks to differentiate between information and imagination:
‘Ideas and information are symbiotically intertwined. But when I say I have an idea I
am expressing a more personal view, and making a different claim, from when I say I
have some information’.

14. 6
According to Howkins (2002, p. 117), we are moving away from the information
society of the past 30-40 years. Imagination is now replacing technology as the
driving force: Howkins calls for new ideas that are personal, original, meaningful, and
useful. Creativity is the defining feature of today’s society, beyond information or
even knowledge: ‘Creative businesses, as a whole, are the driver of this nomadic
economy’ (Howkins, 2002, p. 121).
But what exactly is creativity?
2.2 A definition of creativity
First of all, creativity is different than innovation: according to Howkins (2002, p. 121),
it doesn’t necessarily follow any kind of logic – it isn’t ‘easy or routine’.
Bain describes the importance awarded to creativity ‘for its ability to challenge,
inspire and transform’ (Bain, 2005, p. 30). She quotes Lavie et al. (1993, cited in
Bain, 2005, p.30), who compare creativity to a state of near-divine inspiration, closely
related to the artistic realm and transcending the ordinary.
This joins UNESCO’s declaration concerning the status of the artist, in which artistic
creativity is especially highlighted: ‘artistic creativity constitutes a decisive factor for
the preservation of the identity of peoples and the promotion of a universal dialogue’
(1997, p. 1). In particular artistic creativity is a vital element of a society’s culture,
values, and moral fabric.
Florida (2002a, p.21) states that our culture has evolved around, and thanks to,
creativity, pervading numerous aspects of day-to-day life – a veritable ‘creative ethos’
has ingrained itself in peoples’ spirits. Florida describes creativity as ‘multifaceted
and multidimensional’ (2002a, p. 22), encompassing, but not limited to, technology
and modern business models. Creativity is a human quality, not a tangible good – but
it has contributed to the creation of tangible goods; in fact, Florida credits creativity as
the very source of ‘all good economic things’ (2002a, p.21). Florida describes

15. 7
creativity as a different way of thinking: in many ways, creativity contributes to the
shaping of our identity, by influencing our way of seeing and understanding the world.
Florida warns of confusing intelligence with creativity (2002a, p.31); rather, creativity
is the ability to make ‘combinations that are new and useful’. Whilst it can certainly
boost the economy according to Florida, it is in and of itself not usually driven by
financial motivations – creative people are fuelled by their passion and belief in a
certain idea (2002a, p. 34).
This suggests we have now entered a ‘Creative Age’ (Florida, 2002a, p.21), which
values creative individuals and their influence on society and the economy.
2.3 Creative Industries in the context of a Creative Society and
Economy
Florida qualifies our current economy as a ‘Creative Economy’ (2002a, p. 44), in
which the Creative Industries are the fastest-growing sector: our economy is now
driven by entrepreneurship and technological advances, which have also contributed
to making self-employment a desirable option; even artistic endeavours ‘have
become industries unto themselves’ (2002a, p. 44). The Creative Industries are the
new it-sector, yet there is still debate concerning their scope and definition.
The UK’s Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) defines them as ‘those
industries which have their origin in individual creativity, skill and talent and which
have a potential for wealth and job creation through the generation and exploitation
of intellectual property’. These include: ‘advertising, architecture, the art and antiques
market, crafts, design, designer fashion, film and video, interactive leisure software,
music, the performing arts, publishing, software and computer services, television
and radio’ (DCMS, 2001, p. 5).

16. 8
Howkins (2005, p. 119) and Menger (2002, p.11) however see this definition as too
elastic and illogical to be readily adopted by the public; it simply accommodates
politicians’ agendas. Comunian, Faggian and Li (2010, p. 392) point out that
economists express scepticism concerning the role of the Creative Industries on the
economy, considering the difficulty of measuring the financial impact of intangible
assets. The definition of the DCMS poses another problem: the commodification of
culture has been denounced by many, including Adorno (1991, p. 100), for losing
sight of culture’s intrinsic values, and concentrating on the economic benefits.
According to Howkins, a better definition of Creative Industry would be ‘an industry
where brain work is preponderant and where the outcome is intellectual property’
(2005, p. 119). As such, dance is a part of the Creative Industries, as it ‘deals with
the generation of intellectual property through original choreography that is then
performed by dancers in live, filmed and broadcast contexts’, according to Burns
(2007, p.8).
Yet the Creative Industries generate much revenue and employment during these
times of economic struggle. The DCMS (2001, p. 10) stated that the Creative
Industries had generated around £112.5 billion in revenue in the UK, employing 1.3
million people, and accounting for over 5% of the UK’s GDP. Even worldwide, their
economic impact is considerable: Florida (2002a, p. 46) cites Howkins, who, in 1999,
estimated that the Creative Industries generated a total of $2,24 trillion dollars –
annually. It seems that the Creative Industries and culture-led regeneration are
regarded as the answer to this precarious economy.
According to Hinves, (2012, p. 163-164), the Creative Industries have thus gained a
new high-profile status ‘for a combination of economic, social and educational

17. 9
reasons. (…) The links between innovation and creativity, information and
knowledge, and business and culture were thus formalised’.
The rise of the Creative Age and the growth of the Creative Industries have also
engendered new work models and professional identities. Whereas governments in
Europe used to strive to provide stable full-time employment, Howkins regards this
conception of work as passé (2005, p. 120). Instead, Howkins refers to the
development of ‘market states’, in which individuals’ control over their work is greater,
definitions of professions are malleable, and careers are increasingly international.
Arthur and Rousseau (1996, p. 3) refer to these emerging careers as ‘boundaryless
careers’, as opposed to ‘bounded, or organisational careers’. They argue that new
understandings of work are essential in this dynamic economy, characterised by
precarity, flexibility and entrepreneurial values; previous expectations of lifelong
employment in linear and straight-forward careers have become obsolete in the
Creative Age. Boundaryless careers are defying the traditional work models of the
Industrial Age, with ideas of ‘networking, learning and enterprise as the illustrative
boundaryless-career phenomena’ (Arthur and Rousseau, 1996, p.4).
Enterprise is of special importance in these careers: it is the individual’s responsibility
to shape his or her career, by actively pursuing his or her fields of interest: ‘Personal
enterprise’ is ‘the path to the expression of deeply held identities and values’
(Freeman and Gilbert, 1988, cited in Arthur and Rousseau, 1996, p. 12).
Baker and Aldrich (1996, p. 136) also acknowledge the importance of professional
identities, and how these have had to change due to the globalisation of markets: it is
not necessarily individuals who have become ‘less stable as employees; instead

18. 10
employment has become more flexible’. They argue that increased flexibility in
contemporary employment can present a challenge for the construction of successful
professional identities. Work provides ‘an important context for the expression and
further development of both identity and knowledge’ (Baker and Aldrich, 1996, p.
132). In order to develop an ‘identity-enhancing career’, individuals must seek to
achieve goals that harmonise with their values, as well as their professional
environment; in boundaryless careers, characterised by uncertainty, this must be
done with multiple employers, throughout a succession of full-time or part-time jobs,
in so-called portfolio careers.
Leadbeater and Oakley vouch for the importance of cultural entrepreneurs in the
contemporary Creative Age, these ‘New Independents’ (2005, p. 299) who
successfully create boundaryless professional identities and are responsible for the
recent rise in self-employment, freelancing and micro-businesses. The creative
economy is complicating the categorisation of professions, which Leadbeater and
Oakley see as a great step forward in the acquisition and distribution of knowledge.
Self-employment gives these New Independents the possibility to express their
creativity in an autonomous way, and re-imagine their professional identity according
to their sense of self. The New Independents are somewhat different to the
boundaryless entrepreneurs Baker and Aldrich describe, in that they consciously
choose the path of independence. They are driven by anti-establishment and
individualistic values, and don’t view technology as a threat, but rather as a tool to
navigate the increasing economic precarity. They swap job security for portfolio
careers based on networking, learning, and short-term projects.
In his recent publication We-Think, Leadbeater (2009, p. xxi), further describes how

19. 11
Internet and technology are contributing to transform professional environments,
creating a new organisational model based on the sharing of ideas, in which small
businesses, ‘pebbles’, are leading the way instead of large organisations, or
‘boulders’.
Our freedom to be creative has ‘exploded’ thanks to accessible technology according
to Leadbeater (2009, p. 1), enabling people to express themselves and connect with
each other far more easily. The focus here is on relationships, not only information:
Relationships are vital to our well-being. The difference between a
life that feels rich and full, and one that feels empty and hollow, often
lies in the quality of our relationships: whether we feel significantly
connected to others. Relationships and networks are the basic
building blocks of society. (…) The twentieth century was dominated
by big organisations that did things for us and to us as workers and
as consumers. Could the twenty-first century be about organisations
that work with us and allow us to do things by ourselves?
(Leadbeater, 2009, p. 242)
Florida agrees that our contemporary society seeks to actively and creatively
participate with its surroundings. He argues that the Creative Age is led by the
Creative Class; anyone whose work is determined by their use of creativity is a
member (Florida, 2002a, p. xxvii). This class is driven by a shared creative ethos, in
which creativity in all its forms is the common core binding different sectors together.
Florida cites Inglehart, explaining that our current society has shifted its values
framework from ‘survival’ to ‘self-expression’ (2002a, p.81): the Creative Class
pursues an experiential lifestyle, through which it reaffirms its creativity and thus its
identity.
The Creative Class is in many ways similar to the New Independents which
Leadbeater and Oakley (2005) described, trading ‘job security for autonomy’ (Florida,
2002a, p. 13). Similarly to Arthur and Rousseau (1996), Florida (2002a, pp. 6-13)
explains how long-term employment may be coming to an end, because the bonds
between employers and employees are diminishing.

20. 12
According to Florida (2002a, p. 17), technology alone isn’t responsible for these
changes: ‘rather they are a result of incremental shifts in human behaviour and social
organisation’. Society as a whole is becoming far more accepting of portfolio careers
and flexible, freelance work.
This has also led to an upsurge of bohemians, or ‘Supercreative Core’, comprised of
‘professional artists, writers and performers’ (Florida, 2002a, p. 46), whose numbers
have grown by more than 375% between 1950 and 1999.
Comunian, Faggian and Li (2010, p. 390) explore the Supercreative Core further,
which has been variously labelled as ‘bohemian’ or ‘neo-bohemian’. The reputation of
bohemians used to be one of ‘libertine lifestyle’, and rejection of ‘bourgeois middle-
class’ values, but now the understanding of bohemian lifestyle has somewhat
changed: according to Florida (2002b, p. 59), bohemian refers to creative individuals
whose profession is largely artistic. Comunian, Faggian and Li (2010, p. 395) argue
that many ‘bohemian graduates’ (highly educated individuals with degrees in artistic
subjects) are struggling to build careers in their chosen cultural field. Whilst creativity
is being celebrated for ‘fostering local development’, bohemian graduates earn on
average £4000 less per year than non-bohemian graduates, and this even in creative
occupations. There is now an ‘oversupply of artists’, with an increasing number of
young people willing to take the risk of adopting an artistic lifestyle, and accepting
low- or unpaid work in order to gain experience.
Considering the popularity of the Creative Industries as a whole, the conclusion that
most bohemians are not reaping the economic benefits engendered by their sector is
perhaps surprising.
Lloyd (2002, p. 526) argues that although the direct economic returns of the arts are
rather scarce, this doesn’t render them any less important: ‘rather, this importance is
complex and mediated’. Additionally, Lloyd (2002, p. 526) states that ‘there’s a big

21. 13
difference in being poor by choice’. According to him, bohemians voluntarily embrace
financial precarity as a necessary pre-condition to artistic freedom. Lloyd describes
how low income in artistic professions requires the majority of artists to supplement
their income with other work: polyactivity appears to be the new norm, with many
artists accepting common dead-end jobs because their ‘real identity comes from
activity outside this job’ (Zukin, cited in Lloyd, 2002, p. 526).
2.4 The status of artists in the Creative Age and its influence on
their professional identity
Lloyd (2002), Florida (2002a), and the UNESCO (1997) all suggest that artistic
professions are important to our society and economy. Yet precarity often goes hand
in hand with artistic professions: self-employment is on the rise, and despite this
being a way for artists to embrace their autonomy, low salaries make it increasingly
hard for artists to pursue their chosen career.
Public subsidies to the arts have been under pressure since the late 1980’s. In the
UK, Hutchison (2015) reports that the DCMS budget was cut by 30% in 2010,
followed by another 5% in 2013; it is now facing yet another cut of up to 40% from
2015-2020.
In Switzerland, an article (RTS info, 2015) reports that the budget destined for culture
was threatened with cuts of 65,1 million CHF in March 2015, and 145,1 million CHF
in June 2015 for 2016-2020. Both budget cut proposals were rejected by the National
Council, but this sort of menace reveals a negative attitude towards arts and culture
in today’s economy, despite the importance of creativity.
Sami Kanaan (2014), Mayor of Geneva, deplores the disregard for culture, and
highlights the fundamental part the arts play in shaping our collective identity, social

22. 14
cohesion, and quality of life. Not only this, but in 2008 the cultural sector represented
4400 jobs in Geneva, 1,5% of the entire job market, with a job growth of 29,5% from
1995 to 2008 compared to the average 21,1% of the global job growth in Geneva.
Of the many art forms in the cultural sector, the dance sector in particular is fragile: a
report by the Rencontres Professionnelles de danses – Genève (RP) describes
dance as the poor relative in the performing arts family (RP, 2014, p. 7), the most
precarious art form in an already precarious market, and denounces insufficient
public funding for the creation and further transmission of dance. Budgets for arts
and culture continually have a Damocles sword hanging over their heads.
Bain in particular opposes the ‘glorification of the artist as Bohemian’ (2005, p. 29);
she concedes that whilst this status might confer autonomy, ‘it underplays the
socioeconomic loss that artists accrued’.
Despite the importance of professional artists in the socio-economic landscape
governed by creativity, they are in a precarious position: the UNESCO (1997, p.5)
denounced the increasingly difficult position artists find themselves in, battling with
unemployment and underemployment. Artists in the performing arts especially are
confronted with uncertainty, considering their careers are generally shorter than
average, particularly in dance. Added to this is the increasing internationalisation of
artistic careers, which renders dealings with social security and tax ever more
complicated.
The following section will explore several reasons for the precarity artists find
themselves in, and the repercussions this has on their professional identity.
2.5 Is Art real work?
‘ “Get a job!” ‘ – Amanda Palmer, a punk cabaret performer, used to hear this call
frequently at the beginning of her career as a street performer; she met this insult

23. 15
with confusion and resentment:
Of all the insults hurled in my direction, GET A JOB hurt the most. It
was an affront. I took it personally.
I had a job. I was doing my job. I mean, sure. It was a weird job.
And a job I’d created out of thin air with no permission from a higher
authority. But I was working, and people were paying me. Didn’t
that make it a job?
(Palmer, 2014, p. 55)
Whilst the New Independents are being celebrated the world over for their ability to
‘blur the demarcation line between work and non-work’ (Leadbeater and Oakley,
2005, p. 306), Bain (2005, p. 25) addresses the issue that ‘artistic labour is seldom
recognised as “real” work’.
Menger (2003, pp. 5-9) attempts to determine whether artistic labour can be seen as
work, or whether its conditions are too ‘exotic’. His conclusion is that artists, with their
adaptability, deep-rooted commitment, inherent creative drive and vocation
correspond to the new ideal of contemporary workers in the Creative Age.
Yet artistic labour still struggles to be accepted as a real job. Bain (2005, p. 37) asks
‘Do you have to hate your job to make money at it?’. She argues that the common
perception of work is one in which certain activities are undertaken in exchange for
monetary compensation, and this during regulated hours, away from home: work is
usually seen as unpleasant and ‘arduous’.
Artistic labour is often unregimented; this, coupled with misunderstanding of the skills
required for artistic work, can lead to people linking artistic labour with ‘the domain of
the personal, irrational, the irresponsible, the undisciplined, the chaotic’ (Anderson,
cited in Bain, 2005, p. 38).
In addition to this, arts and culture often rely on government funding: artists are seen
to exploit government support and ‘artwork [is] sometimes regarded as the
extravagant pastime of the elite borne aloft on the taxes of the ordinary’ (Bain, 2005,

24. 16
p. 38).
Despite this prejudice, artistic labour requires many skills, some of which were
highlighted by Leadbeater and Oakley (2005) when describing the New
Independents: artistic production ‘demands the ability to initiate projects, to make
crucial decisions, and to assume the necessary responsibility to carry them through
to completion without supervision’ (Bain, 2005, p. 39).
The IOTPD argues that dancers in particular are seen as ‘romantic figures by some
and as people who play rather than work by many others’ (Greben, cited in IOTPD,
1997, p. 18). It was only in 2009 that dance was officially recognised as a profession
in Switzerland: the Projet Danse, a study published in 2006 by the Swiss Arts Council
ProHelvetia detailing the current situation of professional dance in Switzerland, was
the beginning of a reorganisation of the Swiss dance scene; it culminated in the
official recognition of dance as a profession, through an educational decree that
introduced a new state-recognised syllabus in dance. This recent Federal recognition
of the career of dancers represents an important step forward for dance in
Switzerland, but it also points to a system that has delayed awarding dancers a
professional status until very recently.
2.6 The Instrumentalisation of the Arts
The current discourse surrounding the arts is one of instrumentalisation according to
Agnew (2012, p. 197) and Lacassagne (2012, p. 185): governments are focusing on
culture-led urban regeneration and the potential of the arts to attract creative
businesses and create jobs, instead of celebrating the ‘power of arts on human life,
on society and on individuals’ (Agnew, 2012, p. 197).
Agnew (2012, p. 204) describes how the instrumentalisation of the arts can have
negative effects on artists themselves: by forcing artists to rely on increasingly

25. 17
volatile markets, artists are pushed into entrepreneurship and precarity. Polyactivity
is frequent among artists, and sometimes even threatens to take over their artistic
identity. On top of this, artistic professions are increasingly freelance, thus requiring
artists to create art to high standards whilst effectively marketing themselves and
their work, and running their own business: their art. Agnew blames the over-
instrumentalisation of the arts for ‘ignoring the very real need for artists to make a
living from their work’ (2012, p. 203).
For dancers, the situation is no different: the IOTPD draws attention to the irony
dancers face:
…the image of the devoted artist prevents dancers from achieving
the status of acknowledged professionals: if the dancer is concerned
with material security, he or she is considered a lesser artist; yet
without any economic standing, the dancer is worth nothing
according to society’s standards of measure.
(IOTPD, 1997, p.37)
Agnew (2012, p. 207) calls for a balance between meaningful community
development and professional artistic experimentation.
2.7 The paradoxal market of Art
Prestige and precarity – two sides of the same coin when it comes to artists. Bain
cites Bourdieu when saying that artists ‘possess all the properties of the dominant
class minus one: money’ (Bourdieu, cited in Bain, 2005, p. 33).
Menger (2002, pp. 23-25) describes the singularity and paradoxes of the artistic
market, celebrating the conversion of creative work, driven by intrinsic rewards, into
financial value. Entrepreneurship is now almost an imperative for artists in a
capitalistic economy; yet they are largely driven by vocation and a sense of passion.
Conde (2009, p. 8) explains how artists represent ‘an ambivalent condition between

26. 18
centrality and fragility – a source of structural inconsistency in their status’: they are
often independent workers thanks to their high self-employment rate, yet generally
rely on decreasing public subsidies to support them and their labour. They possess
high qualifications and specialised skills, which are rarely reflected in their income.
Menger (2002, p. 62) explains how hyperflexible contracts are necessary in a
professional field where freelancing and rapid turn-overs are the norm. At any given
time, there must be an oversupply of artists for transitions to go as smoothly as
possible for producers. Producers can’t or won’t invest huge amounts of money into
their productions, which reinforces this need for contractual hyperflexibility: freelance
work is competitive perfection.
This paradoxal hyperflexible market has direct consequences on unemployment and
underemployment among many other issues: it imposes on individuals alternating
periods of work, compensated unemployment, uncompensated unemployment, job
searching, and polyactivity inside or outside the artistic sphere according to Menger
(2002, p. 63).
This is particularly evident in the professional environment of dancers. In Switzerland,
there are seven major institutional dance companies, which are publicly as well as
privately funded: the Basler Ballett, Konzert Theater Bern, Grand Théâtre de
Genève, Luzerner Theater, Theater St. Gallen, Opernhaus Zürich and the Béjart
Ballet Lausanne. These companies produce work that is generally more classical or
neo-classical, although some are extending towards a more contemporary dance
style (see Appendix 7.1.1).
They employ dancers on relatively stable full year contracts, which can be renewed
at the end of each performance season: for the 2014-2015 season, they employed a
total of 186 dancers.

27. 19
In comparison, according to Grasset (2008, p.11), there were approximately 163
independent dance companies in Switzerland in 2008. Independent professional
dance started in 1981 in Geneva, when three small-scale companies were awarded
public funding for projects. From then on, independent dance companies started
flourishing in Switzerland: in Geneva alone, the number went from 32 independent
companies in 2012 to 48 in 2014 according to the RP (2014a, p. 3, and 2014b). This
suggests an important increase in freelance dancers as these independent
companies employ dancers on short-term contracts for projects; although it is difficult
to give exact figures for the number of dancers in Switzerland as they are primarily
freelance and rarely members of unions (Baumgartner and Hostettler, 2014, p. 3),
Grasset (2008, p. 11) cites the association of professional dancers Danse Suisse
(DS), estimating that there are approximately 600 professional dancers active in
Switzerland, of which more than 73% are freelancers.
The growth of freelance dancers can be explained by a general transformation of the
Swiss work market: a report published in 2007 by the Federal Office of Culture
concerning the social security of cultural workers in Switzerland states that during the
past twenty years, Switzerland’s professional market has slowly evolved from full-
time and stable employment to an increasingly flexible work market as described by
Menger (2002) and Arthur and Rousseau (1996) previously. The cultural sector
especially has become hyperflexible, requiring its members to adapt to part-time jobs
and portfolio careers.
In the UK, the situation of professional dancers is similar: according to Burns (2007,
p. 11), there are approximately 700 dancers employed by 52 small to medium-sized
companies, whereas Equity counts 2500 of its members as dancers: considering that
not all dancers are a member of Equity, this number may be even higher, which
means that a significant proportion of professional dancers are self-employed.

28. 20
In France the rise of freelance dancers has grown dramatically: from approximately
1400 independent dancers in 1987, their numbers grew to more than 4300 in 2000
according to Rannou and Roharik (2006, p. 25), compared to 500 permanently
employed dancers in companies. This is largely due to the fact that funding for dance
in France was multiplied by eight between 1981 and 1997. Yet Sorignet (2010, p. 18)
argues that whilst increased funding for dance permitted more work opportunities, the
lengths of the contracts themselves decreased drastically, obliging dancers to
accumulate more contracts in order to receive the same amount of salary: whereas in
1987, the average length of contracts was approximately 28 days, in 2000 this
number dropped to less than 7 days. The IOTPD (1997, p. 35) and Grasset (2008,
p.13) also agree that full year contracts have become rare in independent dance
companies, Switzerland included, generally only available in major, state-subsidised
dance companies. In Switzerland, dancers’ salaries are usually the generally
accepted Swiss minimum of 4500 CHF per month, yet in reality, dancers don’t
receive this sum on a monthly basis according to the RP (2014a, p. 23). These fees
are punctual, often insufficient in bridging the inevitable hollow periods between
contracts.
This development of the professional dance market was also caused by the
establishment of particular unemployment benefit schemes in France (‘statut
d’intermittent’) and Switzerland, allowing flexible work contracts to become more of a
reality. The RP (2014, p. 26) explain how unemployment benefits received by
independent dancers sometimes even help to compensate for insufficient funding for
project creations, thus enabling longer rehearsal periods that aren’t officially
accounted for.
This shift towards a hyperflexible work market can also be beneficial for the dancers:
the large turn-over rate of companies is a contributing factor to the rise of freelance

29. 21
dancers. Shorter contracts help dancers to distance themselves from the instability of
their employers according to Rannou and Roharik (2006, p. 78).
Additionally, dancers’ low and intermittent income makes it difficult for them to pay
into social security systems such as Disability Insurance (AI): in Switzerland, the
amount perceived for the AI is proportional to the amount a person has contributed,
which makes this a very meagre sum for a profession that is so inherently physical
and in which injuries can wreak havoc.
All in all, dancers’ situations are precarious ones, in which financial returns are low,
and instability appears to be the new norm.
2.8 Artists and their professional identity
Before being hailed as the ‘Supercreative core’ (Florida, 2002a), artists and their
creative abilities were in turns idealised as belonging to a sacred profession, the
‘intellectual elite’, then romanticised as temperamental Bohemians. Bain (2005, p.
30) warns of the dangers of overly romanticising creative practice: this depreciates
the value of artists and ‘the similarities they might share with other occupational
groups, particularly in a post-Fordist era characterised by the “flexibilisation” of job
markets’.
Indeed, it has been suggested by numerous authors that today’s artists have much in
common with entrepreneurs: the term cultural entrepreneur is a new development of
the Creative Age and its culture-led regeneration (Hinves, 2012, p. 168). Encouraged
by their role at the forefront of the economy, an increasing number of artists have
embraced a new identity of ‘artist-cum-cultural-entrepreneur’ (Hinves, 2012, p. 174).
Artists and entrepreneurs do have certain skills and qualities in common: both are
risk-takers, think creatively, and blur the boundaries between work and non-work.

30. 22
Rolle and Moeschler (2014, p. 184) describe the new trend of cultural entrepreneurs
as potentially beneficial for artists. Their publication explores the professional
situation of actors in Switzerland; in this creative economy, actors are encouraged to
adopt an entrepreneurial stance regarding their career: embracing polyactivity can
lead to more artistic freedom and financial stability. Artists, Rolle and Moeschler
(2014, p. 61) say, should take advantage of this new creative ethos, which sees
artists and creative workers as the new ideal, by undertaking their own creative
projects. This also displays a pro-active stance that encourages prospective
employers to work with artists, and joins in with the collaborative creative
practitioners described by Leadbeater (2009), who actively explore their creativity
through collaborative relationships with others.
Artists are stepping into a ‘flexible, hybrid identity’ according to Hinves (2012, p. 175),
in which networking, enthusiasm, trust and entrepreneurialism can be the solution to
precarity and doubt. Whilst there is pressure on artists to ‘become more business-
like, rather than artistic’ (Agnew, 2012, p. 203), this entrepreneurial identity has
meaningful positive outcomes if enough time can be awarded to artistic labour.
Bennett (2009, p. 28) describes contemporary dance artists as hybrid, and current
dance careers as ‘protean’, explaining how the dance market is a ‘sector made up
almost entirely of dance artists for whom independent project-based work is the
norm, and the inclusion of non-performance roles is almost inevitable.’ Vocation,
social capital and an entrepreneurial attitude are imperative for a sustainable career
in dance. Bennett argues that administrative and production skills are now
fundamental to independent dance artists’ careers, which they must acquire ‘on the
run as they create new opportunities and craft both the present and the future in
response’ (2009, p. 28) alongside their creative occupation. According to Bennett’s

31. 23
findings, many dance artists value production skills as an interesting addition to their
artistic careers. This can also be artistically liberating, leading to new collaborations
and entrepreneurial endeavours. Lacassage (2012, p. 193) describes these hybrid
artists as follows: ‘Their rationale and modes of thinking are profoundly shaped by an
entrepreneurial spirit’.
Entrepreneurship has now become an indelible part of artistic identities. If undertaken
in a sensitive way, this new layer to artistic professions may well be an effective and
empowering solution to artists’ current professional situations defined by precarity.

32. 24
3 Methodology
Literature on dance as a profession has developed recently; most dance literature
focuses on the technical aspects of the art, not on the professional aspect itself.
Thus, this dissertation required primary data collection. In order to explore dancers’
professional environment in depth, the author opted for method triangulation as
suggested by White (2000, p. 67): qualitative and quantitative research methods
were used for the collection of data.
As dance is an artistic profession, and thus by nature subjective and heavily reliant
on individuals’ personal experience in their professional environment, qualitative
research methods were prioritised. This seemed like the most appropriate choice, as
the focus of this dissertation is dancers’ perception of their professional environment,
not the confirmation of any hypotheses. Willig (2013, p.22) argues that ‘the objective
of qualitative research is to describe, to understand, and sometimes also to explain,
but never to predict’.
The ontological framework of this dissertation is based on a critical realist approach,
between realism and relativism: it acknowledges a ‘real and knowable world, which
sits “behind” the subjective and socially-located knowledge a researcher can access’
(Braune and Clarke, 2006, p. 27); it is influenced by a person’s feelings and past
experiences as well as by its context. Seeing as this dissertation explores freelance
dancers’ professional identities and how they perceive these in a changing creative
economy affected by very real precarity, this seemed like the most suitable approach.
The epistemological framework of this research is contextual, bearing in mind that
the aim of the dissertation is to explore the evolution of freelance dance careers and
how dancers perceive the development of their professional environment.

33. 25
The qualitative aspect of the research was undertaken firstly through interviews:
White (2000, p. 29) and Saldaña (2011, p.32) suggest interviews as an excellent
qualitative research method that provides much detail. Saldaña (2011, p.32)
recommends interviews for their ability to present factual information about people’s
experiences as well as chronicle individuals’ personal perceptions and beliefs
regarding their experiences and environment; this method thus complied with the
theoretical framework of the dissertation.
As surveys including qualitative research would also be conducted, the number of
interviews decided on was two, as suggested by the dissertation supervisor. Both of
the interviewees chosen received their dance education and exercised their
profession in Switzerland, which was a critical factor during the selection of
participants. Both interviewees are female and had been freelancing for a couple of
years prior to the interview. Their names were altered in order to keep the
participants’ anonymity: Melina, a 26 year old freelance dancer, and Carla, a 23 year
old freelance dancer. The fact that both interviewees were similar (female and both in
their mid-twenties) poses a limitation to this dissertation, although the surveys
comprised a large number of male and female respondents of different age groups.
The author was previously acquainted with both of the interviewees, as such both of
them were contacted directly in order to set up face-to-face interviews at the
participants’ convenience. This poses another limitation to the research: perhaps
some of the answers were biased by the previous acquaintance with the author.
Despite this, it is also possible that the interviewees felt more at ease answering
certain questions, eliciting more personal responses.
Prior to conducting the interview, RE4 and RE5 forms were given to the participants
and signed by both parties. In order to gather a comprehensive and diverse set of
data, the interviews were conducted in a semi-structured way. White (2000, p.32)

34. 26
suggests this type of interview is best suited when the aim of the dissertation is to
‘understand the perspective of the interviewee and the personal meanings they
attach to different situations’. In order to gain as much insight into the topic as
possible, questions and topic prompts were devised after reading literature
concerning the profession of dancers. Additionally, the researcher’s own knowledge
and experience in dance influenced these. Both interviews incorporated similar
questions and prompts, but the discussion was allowed to follow the interviewee’s
train of thought. The topic prompts included questions about the dancer’s
professional journey, how they perceived their profession and its environment and
how much importance they gave to the vocational aspect of their career. The
interviews were recorded with a tape recorder, with permission of the interviewees,
and subsequently transcribed. The parts relevant to the dissertation topic were
translated from French into English by the author herself, fluent in both languages.
After analysis of the transcription, grammar and punctuation were corrected so as to
increase clarity for the reader.
The second research method was a survey, and incorporated qualitative and
quantitative questions. In order to get a better understanding of the population the
dissertation was exploring, the research process included two different surveys: one
for professional freelance dancers, and one for dance students close to entering the
professional dance world. Seeing as the research would target a great number of
French-speaking dancers because of the author’s location, both surveys were
translated into French and English; this ensured a higher response rate from
participants, who might have felt hindered by the language barrier. The surveys thus
had to be compiled so as to follow the same question order, and simplify subsequent
data analysis.

35. 27
The first section of the professional dancers’ survey included demographic questions
concerning their age, gender, and geographical location. The second section aimed
to find out more about their personal experience of freelance dancing. The third
section focused on the importance of vocation in dance as a profession, whilst the
fourth and last section concentrated on how dancers experience the audition
process.
Most of the 37 questions were closed to simplify the coding process, considering the
surveys were bilingual. Four questions weren’t compulsory because they wouldn’t
apply to all participants. Five questions were open-ended and thus optional, in order
to get as many answers as possible: given the busy schedule of dancers, it was
better to collect as much data as possible, instead of participants breaking off the
survey because it took too much time to complete. An optional section comprised of
Likert scales was also included to gauge degrees of agreement with 12 statements
concerning freelance dance careers.
The student survey was shorter and included 26 closed questions. The first section of
the student survey concentrated on demographic questions. The second section
focused on students’ career prospects and how they perceived their future
professional environment, whilst the third and last section focused on auditions. All of
the questions were compulsory, except the questions concerning auditions, seeing
as some students potentially wouldn’t have had any audition experience yet.
The surveys were created online using Google Docs in order to provide a clear and
functional platform for the participants.
Before being distributed to participants, the surveys underwent a test pilot with a
freelance dancer who had agreed to give feedback on the survey.

36. 28
The surveys were distributed online with an accompanying text presenting the
researcher and the focus of the research, as well as how the answers would be used.
The survey participants remained completely anonymous and were assured of the
confidentiality of their answers in the accompanying text as well.
In order to reach as many dancers as possible, the professional dancer surveys were
sent to several Swiss dance associations: The Association Vaudoise de Danse
Contemporaine (AVDC), the RP, the Reconversion des Danseurs Professionnels
(RDP), and GVA Dance Training, as well as a couple of independent Swiss dance
companies: Cie Ioannis Mandafounis and Cie Greffe.
The student surveys were sent to the junior companies the Marchepied and the
Ballet Junior de Genève, as well as the CFC Danse contemporaine, a state-
recognised syllabus in contemporary dance.
The AVDC replied after the survey deadline had passed, and the Marchepied and the
CFC Danse Contemporaine never replied. Thanks to the cooperation of the others,
the surveys were shared in newsletters or on social media. The author’s social
network itself comprised a great number of freelance dancers, thus the surveys were
shared on social media in order to attract a greater number of participants.
The online surveys were completed by 96 professional freelance dancers and 20
student dancers: this represents a satisfactory response rate for the professional
freelance dancers survey, considering that the entire population of professional
dancers in Switzerland, company dancers included, is approximately 600. As for the
student surveys, the author decided that the information collected from the student
surveys didn’t add enough different or relevant information concerning the
dissertation topic; on top of this, only 20 students participated, representing a
significantly lower number than the professional dancers. The results of the student
survey are as such only featured in the Appendices, except for one pie-chart (Figure

37. 29
4.17) presented in chapter 4.5. Thus, when an online survey is mentioned in chapter
4, this refers to the professional dancers’ survey.
The answers to the open-ended survey questions were translated from French into
English by the author herself. For some answers, grammar and spelling were
corrected in order to increase clarity.
Thematic analysis (TA) was chosen as the method for qualitative data analysis. As
the author had never before undertaken qualitative research of this scale, TA
seemed like the most appropriate method for the analysis of the collected data. This
method is suggested by White (2000, p.109) as a general but suitable way of
analysing most qualitative data, even though some researchers see it as an in-
between approach, less reliable and noteworthy than for example the Interpretative
Phenomenological Approach (IPA) or Grounded Theory (GT). However, Braun and
Clarke (2006 p. 174) argue that TA is more than merely a data analysis method: it
has ‘recently been recognized as a distinctive method with a clearly outlined set of
procedures for the social sciences’. They argue that TA is practiced by numerous
authors, mistakenly referred to as GT or Discourse Analysis. It is now a ‘recognized,
accepted and more widely discussed method’ (Braun and Clarke, 2006, p. 174). TA
is essentially ‘a method for identifying themes and patterns of meaning across a
dataset in relation to a research question’ (Braun and Clarke, 2006, p. 174). TA’s
weakness lies in the fact that it has limited interpretative power if not embedded
within a defined theoretical framework. The author thus established the framework
before starting with the TA. Experiential TA ‘focuses on the participants’ standpoint –
how they experience and make sense of the world’ according to Braun and Clarke
(2006, p. 174). Seeing as the dissertation is embedded in a contextualist
epistemological framework, experiential TA was the primary method of data analysis.

38. 30
It is thus very close to IPA, as described by Braun and Clarke (2006, p. 180), whose
‘overriding concern is with exploring people’s lived experiences and the meanings
people attach to those experiences’. Saldaña (2011, p. 8) likewise suggests that a
phenomenological approach to qualitative research is well suited when the
researcher wishes to explore how people experience certain situations.
The author followed Braun and Clarke’s approach to TA, which first required reading
and familiarisation with the entire set of collected data. Themes and topics emerged
through repeated reading, and were afterwards coded in order to clarify emerging
themes that would form the basis of the dissertation’s discussion, and produce a
thematic map. The answers to the survey questions remained completely
anonymous during the analysis: as such, no numbers were attributed to the survey
participants when quoting them.
Seeing as TA requires the researcher to uncover the themes featured in the
qualitative research data, it is a relatively personal analysis method. This poses a
limitation to the dissertation: any themes discovered through the TA thus carry with
them the probability of the author’s personal bias despite the efforts made to
eliminate it.
The themes that emerged from the TA of the research data were then compared with
previous literature and secondary data collected on the subject, forming the
discussion in chapter 4.
Using the software Excel, the quantitative data extracted from the surveys was
summarised in the form of graphs or pie-charts, depending on which method offered
the most clarity. These figures are presented in chapter 4, and are the author’s own.

39. 31
4 Dancers and their profession
The following chapter will explore how freelance dancers are experiencing this new
creative economy. As performing artists, they navigate their way across an inherently
paradoxal and hyperflexible market. The chapter will analyse the results gathered by
the quantitative and qualitative research. The themes that emerged from the thematic
analysis of the research provide the basis for examining freelance dancers’
professional environment and its impact on their professional identities: their vocation
and values, the difficulties they must overcome, and how the relationship between
choreographer and dancer can influence this. The chapter will then explore how
freelance dancers can overcome these difficulties created by their new professional
environment.
4.1 Demographics
The following section will first give an overview of dancers as a population, by taking
into account the quantitative research results collected thanks to the professional
dancers’ online survey, which was completed by 96 freelance dancers.
The results obtained thanks to the online survey paint a picture of a very young
population: 43,8% of respondents were between 20-25 years old, closely followed by
26-30 year olds with 39,6%.

40. 32
Figure 4.1: Age of survey participants
Rannou and Roharik (2006, p. 18) likewise describe dancers as a very young
population; this can be explained by the almost imposed brevity of their careers, a
result of the required physicality inherent to their jobs.
Additionally, the participants who responded to the survey were predominantly
female: 70% were women. Sorignet (2010, p. 79) confirms that dance is a highly
feminised profession, citing statistics revealing 74% women seeking dance jobs in
France in 1997, compared to 26% of men.
In terms of geographical location and nationality, the results obtained from the survey
illustrate how dance is an international profession. Most respondents were of French
nationality (35,4%), followed by Swiss nationals (15,6%). The countries of residence
varied greatly, as illustrated by the figure below:
0.0%$
5.0%$
10.0%$
15.0%$
20.0%$
25.0%$
30.0%$
35.0%$
40.0%$
45.0%$
Under$20$years$
old$
20425$years$
old$
26430$years$
old$
31435$years$
old$
36440$years$
old$
41445$years$
old$
More$than$45$
years$old$

41. 33
Figure 4.2: Countries of residence of survey participants
A majority of participants had exercised or was currently exercising their profession in
Switzerland (61,5%), closely followed by France with 52,1%.
Figure 4.3 Countries in which participants had been or currently were professionally
active
Dancers are thus bohemian in the artistic sense described in chapter 2.3, as well as
in the sense of living a wandering lifestyle. Sorignet (2010, p. 44) also describes
0.0%$
5.0%$
10.0%$
15.0%$
20.0%$
25.0%$
30.0%$
Australia$Belgium
$Bulgaria$Denm
ark$
France$Germ
any$
Greece$
Italy$
Luxem
bourg$
Netherlands$Norw
ay$Portugal$
Spain$
Sw
itzerland$
United$Kingdom
$
United$States$
0.0%$
10.0%$
20.0%$
30.0%$
40.0%$
50.0%$
60.0%$
70.0%$
Switzerland$ France$ United$Kingdom$ Germany$ Italy$ Other$

42. 34
dance as an international profession, requiring dancers to move frequently for work.
In terms of years of experience as a professional dancer, response rates were
relatively equal across the different time spans up to 9 years – yet there was a
sudden drop after 9 years of experience: only 14,6% indicated they had been
dancing professionally for 10 years or more. This, along with the fact that the
population is a young one, points to brief careers, and could also be interpreted as
freelancing being a relatively new norm for dancers, which has emerged from the
new creative economy.
Figure 4.4 Years of professional activity in survey participants
The majority of respondents (93,8%) described themselves as contemporary
dancers, although the question allowed for multiple answers, seeing as dancers can
be proficient in several dance styles. Independent dance companies are mostly
contemporary, which can explain a majority of contemporary freelance dancers,
whereas classical dancers tend to be employed by major dance companies offering
more stable employment.
0.0%$
5.0%$
10.0%$
15.0%$
20.0%$
25.0%$
30.0%$
35.0%$
1)2$years$ 3)5$years$ 6)9$years$ 10$years$or$more$

43. 35
Concerning contract length, the majority of dancers (69,8%) indicated that the
average contract lasted 3 months or less; it is thus unsurprising that freelance
dancers have evolved into portfolio workers, and rely on polyactivity and
unemployment benefits to bridge the inevitable gaps between contracts.
The results listed above already paint a picture of freelance dancers, which closely
resembles the New Independents and Bohemians described earlier by Leadbeater
and Oakley (2005) and Florida (2002a and 2002b): a young and highly mobile
population, predominantly female, coping with increasingly precarious work
conditions.
4.2 Dancers’ professional identities: how dancers perceive and
value their profession and its environment
As discussed in chapter 2, dance artists are now faced with the task of creating a
new professional identity for themselves, one that is characterized by portfolio-work
and polyactivity. The following section will explore how dancers perceive the
difficulties of their profession, what they value about it despite the hardships, and
how this affects their professional identity.
Slay and Smith (2010, p. 87) define professional identity as the ‘constellation of
attributes, beliefs, and values people use to define themselves in specialized, skill-
and education-based occupations or vocations’. They also argue that professional
identity is tightly meshed with personal identity; this appears to be even more the
case in a highly vocational profession such as dance, in which the trade is
experienced on an extremely physical level. Dancers’ bodies are their instrument, but
they must also display artistry onstage, thus effectively blending physicality, emotion

44. 36
and mind into one profession: dancers’ professional identities are almost inseparable
from their personal ones, which provokes a seismic existential change when their
careers inevitably come to an end. A report by IOTPD published in 1997 states:
“I didn’t know who I was anymore, because I was no longer a
dancer.” This feeling is familiar to most former dancers, but the quote
is attributed to Monica Mason, former principal dancer and Assistant
Artistic Director of the Royal Ballet, London.
(IOTPD, 1997, p. 54)
Keeping this in mind, this section will attempt to portray how freelance dancers
perceive their profession and their environment, by including personal themes that
have emerged through the thematic analysis of the gathered data.
The TA of the research data produced a thematic map surrounding dancers’
professional identities. The following figure represents a summary of the TA,
illustrating how the themes are interconnected. The themes in green refer to positive
features of freelance dance careers, whereas the themes in orange depict the
difficulties freelance dancers must overcome. Thus it is possible to see how a
positive aspect of a freelance career, for example Travel, is also connected to a
negative aspect, namely Bohemia and Loneliness.
The three themes in blues refer to aspects solely concerning the relationship
between choreographer and dancer.
All of these themes are explored in detail in this chapter, painting a picture of
freelance dancers’ professional environment and identities, and how they influence
each other.

45. 37
Figure 4.5 Thematic Map of Freelance Dancers' Professional Identities
4.3 Vocation and Values
Considering the precarious situation freelance dancers find themselves in, one might
Dancers’ professional
identities
Vocation & Values
Difficulties to
overcome
The ecstasy of
the stage
Self-knowledge
The FREE in
freelancing
Freedom
of choice
Independence
Self-expression/
Creativity
Entrepreneurial
Spirit
Struggle is
beneficial
A life rich in different
experiences
Knowledge
Encounters
Travel
A path to share knowledge,
experiences, emotions
Auditions
Instability
Bohemia,
Loneliness
Uncertainty
The Dream of a long-term
contract lives on
The END is near!
Professional Urgency
Unemployment/
Underemployment
Difficulty of staying
in shape
Self-motivation
Irregularity
Exhaustion (mental,
emotional, phsyical)
Polyactivity
The fiery pits of
administration
Creativity vs.
Administration
Stress
Stigma
Are freelance
dancers 2nd
rate dancers?
Are freelance
dancers lazy
profiteers?
Rejection
Perseverance
Need to network
Auditions
aren’t fair!
The power of the choreographer/
dancer relationship
Artist vs.
Subordinate
Self-expression is
essential to artistic
identity
Dehumanisation
of dancers
Belief in choreographer
is paramount
Precarity (Financial,
Emotional, Physical)

46. 38
wonder what exactly motivates them to endure such a profession.
The most universal answer from the 96 survey participants seems to be: Vocation.
72% of participants described dancing as their calling:
Figure 4.6 Dance: a vocational profession
The participants were also asked to indicate which statements they agreed with in
answer to the question ‘Why do you dance?’: a large majority of respondents agreed
with the statement ‘Dancing gives me joy’; intangible rewards triumph over stability
and financial remuneration.
Figure 4.7 Reasons why participants dance
72%$
7%$
21%$
Would&you&describe&dancing&as&your&
“calling”?&
Yes$ No$ Undecided$
0.0%
$
5.0%
$10.0%
$15.0%
$20.0%
$25.0%
$30.0%
$35.0%
$40.0%
$45.0%
$50.0%
$55.0%
$60.0%
$65.0%
$70.0%
$75.0%
$80.0%
$
It$gives$meaning$to$my$life$
I$couldn't$imagine$myself$doing$anything$else$
I$just$fell$into$dancing$
I$dance$primarily$to$earn$money$
Dancing$is$my$passion$
Dance$is$the$easiest$way$for$me$to$express$myself$
Dancing$gives$me$joy$
I$enjoy$the$social$aspect$of$this$profession$
Dancing$is$just$my$job$

47. 39
Indeed, in response to the question ‘What made you decide to pursue a freelance
dance career?’, one response to the online survey was simply ‘Because of the
passion!!!’. During the interview with Melina*, the word passion arose as well:
It’s the chance of a lifetime! The simple fact of having a passion is
amazing. Because there’s so many people out there who don’t know
what they want to do with their life. And we know, we know what we
love, we have a reason to live. (…) Maybe I’m not earning my living
through dancing, but earning money is a necessity, and I have a job
for that, but dance is my passion. So even if I’m not earning a lot of
money with it for now, so be it, maybe that’ll come later.
(Interview Melina)
The opportunity to dance is viewed as a ‘chance’, compared to other people who
don’t have a passion: dancers are in some way ‘chosen ones’, whose job is set apart
from money-earning careers by the transcendental experience of their vocation.
Freelance dancers are driven by their passion to dance, which makes them
disregard, at least temporarily, any financial shortcomings or uncertainty regarding
the future. Perrault (1988, p. 182) agrees: ‘Artists are passionate beings willing to
sacrifice everything to live their passion’.
In fact, vocation is essential to dancers’ maintenance in a professional environment
fraught with precarity:
I always say that I’m struggling, that I can’t do it anymore, and people
ask why I keep on going… Because I want to, that’s all. Because it
makes me happy. And that’s why people who don’t really want it,
who think “Yeah I’d like to dance”, but who then see the chaos that it
is, they don’t continue, they can’t. You can’t be confronted with all
this, all these introspections, and struggles, and financial problems,
and rejections, all these horrible things, if you don’t really want it. If
you don’t really want to be onstage, and work with people, share
something with them, if you don’t have that desire, that vocation,
then you can’t.
(Interview Carla)
The survey participants were asked to quantify how important they thought ‘calling’
was in pursuing a professional dance career on a scale from 1 (not important at all)

48. 40
to 5 (very important): 38,5% estimated calling at 4 (important), whilst 32,3% valued it
at 5.
Figure 4.8 The importance of ‘calling’ in pursuing a professional dance career
‘Calling’ is seen as a determining factor in dancers’ careers; the loss of a dancer’s
vocation signifies the imminent ending of his or her career.
Sorignet (2010, p. 19) agrees that dance as a profession must be understood in the
context of vocation, considering it a driving force in the development of a professional
identity.
Moments on stage are important reinforcements to this vocation: the intensity of the
emotions felt can be enough to project dancers into states of ecstasy, in which reality
and the extraordinary blend together (for more information, see Appendix 7.1.4).
Dance is an intense career, impacting dancers’ bodies as well as their psyche; yet
these emotions can occur in a career as a company dancer as well as in a freelance
dance career. Dancers are in some ways pushed into freelance dance careers by
their professional environment considering the scarcity of long-term employment; the
0.0%$
5.0%$
10.0%$
15.0%$
20.0%$
25.0%$
30.0%$
35.0%$
40.0%$
45.0%$
Not$important:$1$ 2$ 3$ 4$ Very$important:$5$

49. 41
following section will explore if there are any elements of freelance careers that
dancers may prefer over a more or less stable company career.
4.3.1 Freelancing, a path to diverse experiences and sharing
The answer seems to partly lie in the variety such a lifestyle offers, and the
opportunity to share knowledge and experiences through a multitude of encounters.
When asked to describe two of the most enjoyable aspects of being a freelance
dancer, 30 out of the 47 participants who responded to this optional question listed
some form of variety: ‘The variety of encounters this profession allows, the great
artistic encounters that flow from it – The numerous travels on tour, which are one of
the best parts of this profession in my opinion’. This response highlights the
importance of encounters in this career: sharing experiences and knowledge in order
to develop one’s own artistry is paramount to freelance dancers. The bohemian
lifestyle is also seen as an asset, which alongside openness to new experiences,
shows curiosity to explore, essential to today’s creative society, and further illustrates
how the creative economy is influencing dancers.
Another participant responded: ‘1. You are able to work with a range of
choreographers on different projects. 2. You become more versatile as a
dancer/artist.’ Intrinsic rewards are at the forefront: freelance dancers value the
opportunity to further develop their craft, through meeting other artists. Their quality
of life is heightened thanks to their experiences – much like Florida’s Creative Class.
This is also evident in the following quote by Carla:
What it’s really about, is sharing something human with someone
else. (…) And, maybe it sounds silly, but to be real with people.
When I work with people, to not just be a subordinate, but to really
work, and give something, and to feel that what you’ve given has an
impact on the person in front of you. (…) It’s an exchange, it’s about
sharing.
(Interview Carla)

50. 42
This quote adds another dimension to sharing: the dancers also have something to
give, and the strong desire to do so. They are independent in their quest for
knowledge and experiences, as well as in their mission of sharing what they’ve
learnt, feel and think. This reasoning closely resembles Leadbeater’s We-Think
(2009) philosophy and his emphasis on relationships: the sharing of knowledge and
experiences is what ultimately makes this creative economy such an exciting
environment to be a part of – this creative currency is what makes a freelance
dancer’s life rich.
4.3.2 The FREE in Freelancing
Another significant advantage in freelancing is the freedom it offers dancers: the
survey participants were asked how much they agreed with the statement ‘I freelance
because I enjoy the independence it gives me’, resulting in 53,1% agreeing with the
statement, and 20,8% strongly agreeing:
Figure 4.9 Dancers value the independence of freelancing
0.0%$
10.0%$
20.0%$
30.0%$
40.0%$
50.0%$
60.0%$
Strongly$Disagree$ Disagree$ Neither$agree$nor$
disagree$
Agree$ Strongly$Agree$
I"freelance"because"I"enjoy"the"independence"
it"gives"me"

51. 43
33 out of the 47 participants who answered the optional question ‘Please briefly state
two of the most enjoyable aspects of being a freelance dancer’ mentioned freedom.
Freelancing gives dancers the possibility to be independent, and thus arrange their
schedule according to their own priorities. One of the participants responded:
The freedom of having times where you can do other things and
organise your life like you want to, train however you wish. It’s a very
pleasant balancing act, between the need to work, the desire to
work, and the desire of doing other things.
(Survey Participant)
Freelancing is described as a ‘pleasant balancing act’ – although it is a struggle, it is
an enjoyable one. Dancers relish the opportunity to commit themselves to their own
vision of dance, whilst also being able to focus on other activities – a precious rarity,
considering the intense training and commitment required of them throughout their
education and career, as reported by the IOTPD (1997, p. 9).
Freelancing also gives them the opportunity to make their own artistic choices: ‘The
freedom of making your own choices about where you want to go and who you want
to work with’ was a response to the optional survey question regarding the positive
aspects of freelancing. This freedom to choose is extremely important in
understanding why dancers freelance: indeed, choreographers play a significant part
in how a dancer experiences work; this will be explained in detail in chapter 4.4.4.
You can choose as a freelancer, you’re allowed to choose as a
freelancer. You don’t have the right to choose when you’re in a
company. You don’t choose who will come and work on the next
creation. But you can choose which audition you do: if you want to
work with the person, you go audition for them. (…) On one side
you’re sometimes out of work, sometimes it’s hard to find work, but
you’re free. (…) If you don’t want to work on something you can say
no, I don’t like this.
(Interview Carla)
It appears that freelancers are thus in a precarious, yet at the same time privileged
position of being able to choose work they find artistically stimulating, in comparison
to company dancers who may not always have the choice in who they work with

52. 44
next. When asked about the importance of financial remuneration in accepting a
contract for a dance project, the survey participants were presented with different
situations and allowed to pick several answers:
Figure 4.10 Importance of financial remuneration in accepting a dance contract
These results reveal a paradox: a majority of dancers would choose to refuse a
dance contract if they didn’t find it interesting, sacrificing financial rewards for artistic
integrity as described by Lloyd (2002) in chapter 2.3, yet many of them indicated that
they would accept the contract, either for financial reasons or to boost their CV. Carla
expressed similar views in her interview, stating lack of experience as the reason for
not allowing herself to refuse a contract with choreographers whose work she didn’t
enjoy:
I think I don’t have enough experience to say no yet. These are
famous names, they have contacts everywhere, to refuse for
nothing… I don’t know. It could still be interesting. (…) And at the
same time I want to dance so much that I don’t think I could refuse a
dance job, even if I didn’t like it… unless it wasn’t to a professional
standard, if it felt like a school fair or something. That would be bad
for my career…
(Interview Carla)
0.0%
$
5.0%
$
10.0%
$
15.0%
$
20.0%
$
25.0%
$
30.0%
$
35.0%
$
40.0%
$
45.0%
$
50.0%
$
Dancing$is$my$job,$not$only$a$passion.$If$I$get$offered$a$dance$contract$
for$a$project$I$don't$enjoy,$I$will$take$it$because$dancing$is$how$I$earn$
money$
I'm$willing$to$earn$liEle$money$in$order$to$dance$professionally$because$
dancing$is$my$passion$
Financial$remuneraGon$is$important,$but$I'd$rather$earn$money$doing$
other$jobs$than$working$on$a$dance$project$I$don't$enjoy$
If$I$get$offered$a$contract$for$a$dance$project$I$don't$enjoy,$I$will$accept$
it$for$the$valuable$experience$I$can$gain$from$it$and$to$boost$my$CV,$but$
not$because$of$the$financial$remuneraGon$

53. 45
The vocational drive to keep dancing, coupled with the financial precarity most
freelance dancers endure, make this freedom of choice difficult to seize – it is thus a
fragile a freedom, but one dancers value nonetheless. A less precarious and
competitive market would possibly reinforce this freedom, giving dancers more space
to manoeuvre their career according to their artistic vision.
The third facet of freedom that this independent lifestyle offers dancers is the
possibility to create their own work. As illustrated in chapter 2, the creative economy
and advances in technology have given people the power to be creative: it seems
that freelance dancers are now seizing this power, partially in response to job
scarcity that would otherwise have them depart from dance – something these artists
driven by vocation simply refuse; a survey participant chose to freelance because
quitting was unimaginable: ‘Otherwise I would have to quit, which I don’t consider to
be an option’.
61% of the survey participants indicated that they worked on their own dance
projects, whilst 43% of those who didn’t said they were interested in doing so:
Figure 4.11 Percentage of responses for the question ‘If you don't work on the
creation of personal projects, would you be interested to do so?’
43%$
18%$
39%$
Yes$ No$ Not$Sure$

54. 46
It appears that a new mindset is beginning to emerge amidst freelance dancers,
which is mirrored in the growth of independent dance companies.
In his article ‘The struggle for the soul of British Dance’, Jennings (2015) describes
the new wave of contemporary dancers emerging from the creative economy as
follows:
Today, many conservatoire graduates would rather do their own
thing than work for a big-name choreographer. As one puts it: “If I
was a fine artist I wouldn’t want to do someone else’s painting, so
why as a dancer would I want to do someone else’s dancing?”
(Jennings, 2015)
Creating their own work is a fulfilling way for dancers to realise their creative
potential, without relying on a contract in an over-saturated work market. The
collaborative aspect of creating a piece with fellow dancers is also highly
appreciated; again, Leadbeater’s We-Think (2009) ethos is present in freelance
dancers’ attitudes:
I love the feeling of making something together, of meshing our ideas
without an authority figure watching over our shoulders. It's scary to
have to make decisions but the work in the studio is exciting and
satisfying, and I wouldn't trade it for anything.
(Survey Participant)
Creating one’s own projects, or collaborating with other artists, is thus seen as
immensely fulfilling – a welcome alternative to quitting dance or even a steady
contract with a company. This type of creative work is also the pathway to something
deeper and more personal: a journey of self-discovery and empowerment. Just as
Howkins (2005, p. 117) values the personal aspect of ideas and imagination, so too
do freelance dancers, in the quest for a successful artistic and personal identity:
(…) It’s really liberating and empowering to know you can do what is
really meaningful to you. It gives you the right to be honest with
yourself and your thoughts.
(Survey Participant)
Sorignet (2010, p. 142) describes how essential it is for dancers to find answers to

55. 47
existential questions by translating profoundly interiorised desires and instincts into
movement. This type of physical introspection is all the more personal in their own
work.
Difficulties and struggle, inherent to their career, also provide a test of character;
once overcome, the triumph shapes their professional identity :
I’m so happy to be where I am today, and sometimes I cry because
it’s so difficult, it’s exhausting, but at the same time I’m so thankful to
have gone through this, because thanks to this I know myself, I know
my worth.
(Interview Carla)
All in all, a majority of survey participants indicated being satisfied with their choice of
career: 49% agreed with the statement ‘I am happy with my choice to become a
freelance dancer’, whilst 16,7% strongly agreed. However, 26% expressed a neutral
opinion, and 8,3% were dissatisfied with their choice: for a career so heavily
constructed on vocation, this answer may seem surprising – the following section will
explore in greater detail the difficulties of this lifestyle, which can lead to the reticence
expressed above.
4.4 The difficulties that have an impact on a dancer’s
professional identity
As discussed in chapter 2.5, artistic professions struggle to gain recognition as ‘real
jobs’. The themes that emerged from the TA of the research illustrate a reality that is
a far cry from an amusing hobby; although dance is a vocational career, giving
dancers joy, a freelance dancer’s life is rife with struggle. The following section will
describe the obstacles that freelance dancers face in the current creative economy,
and how they perceive them.
4.4.1 The multiple aspects of instability
The TA of the research results revealed that instability is one of the most prominent

56. 48
causes of dancers’ dissatisfaction with their chosen path. This instability manifests
itself in various ways.
First and foremost, it takes on the guise of precarity, and this on several levels:
financial, emotional and physical. As discussed in chapter 2, freelance dancers’
financial situations are precarious: they often have to rely on unemployment benefits
to bridge the unavoidable gaps between dance contracts, or supplement their income
through polyactivity; 24 of the 49 survey participants who answered the optional
question ‘Please describe two of the most difficult aspects of being a freelance
dancer’ specifically voiced concern over the financial instability inherent to this
profession: ‘No financial security whatsoever be this in the present or in the future.
The salary of certain projects is very slim, and doesn’t enable us to have a satisfying
retirement income’. Even when leaving the beaten track and creating their own
choreographic projects, financial precarity is persistent. When asked to describe the
process of creating their own dance project, 17 of the 27 responses highlighted the
financial difficulties of creation: ‘Getting funds and support is the hardest part’ and
‘Mainly the financial aspect is difficult!’ were a few of these answers. Additionally,
freelance dancers’ precarity is amplified by their reliance on their physical instrument,
and the self-doubt accompanying this career.
Rannou and Roharik (2006, pp. 236-237) argue that the physical precarity isn’t solely
due to the risk of injuries (for more information, see Appendix 7.1.5): the physical
requirements in professional dance are such that dancers must train regularly, daily,
to maintain their physical condition - yet access to good quality dance classes is
sometimes rare, or expensive, or both. When employed, a dancer’s day usually
begins with a warm-up class, before leading into rehearsals for the choreography
they are working on; the dancers are thus given the possibility to stay in shape.
When freelance dancers are between contracts, an unavoidable situation in today’s

57. 49
artistic market, they must still maintain their physical technique; in order to do so,
most dancers pay to take classes in dance schools or workshops – a costly
enterprise. Many freelance dancers struggle to stay in shape to obtain the next
contract and maintain themselves in their chosen professional field. 70,8% of the
survey participants expressed how difficult it was for them to stay in shape: many
resorted to other ways of training besides dancing, including yoga or going to the
gym.
Figure 4.12 Freelance dancers struggle with staying in shape
Figure 4.13 Ways in which freelance dancers stay in shape
71%$
16%$
13%$
Dancers$finding$it$difficult$to$stay$in$shape$ Dancers$who$don't$find$it$difficult$to$stay$in$shape$
Undecided$
0.0%$
10.0%$
20.0%$
30.0%$
40.0%$
50.0%$
60.0%$
70.0%$
80.0%$
90.0%$
100.0%$
Dance$classes/
workshops$
Going$to$the$gym$ Working$out$at$
home$
Pilates$or$Yoga$ Other$

58. 50
One of the survey participants expressed the difficulty of staying in shape as follows:
We alternate days and sometimes weeks without regular training,
even though our body needs it. Sometimes, even the projects we’re
working on don’t offer any classes in the morning. We have to warm
up alone. And this is difficult sometimes, because by training alone,
we only do what we like to do or know, and so we don’t improve
anymore.
(Survey Participant)
This difficulty of staying in shape is also keenly felt by Melina, who teaches dance
classes and works in a non-artistic job in order to supplement her income:
So, in terms of taking dance classes, since um… since the month of
February, no, March, since I’ve started teaching, well I can’t do those
anymore. I really can’t. Sometimes I try to get in early before I teach
and to warm up, and work for myself. (…) But it’s hard, it’s really
hard.
(Interview Melina)
Melina is not alone in this situation: 50% of the survey participants revealed they had
to complement their income from dance with other work, whereas 32% declared that
this depended on the number of contracts they’d had in the past months; only 18%
earned enough from their artistic labour to not have to resort to polyactivity.
Polyactivity is proving to become a new norm for freelance dancers; whilst it can help
these artists maintain themselves in the industry by supplementing their artistic
income, it can also pose a threat to their professional identity. Rolle and Moeschler
(2014, p. 157) report how difficult it is for young Swiss actors to associate polyactivity
with their artistic craft. Rannou and Roharik (2006, pp. 246-247) as well as Sorignet
(2010, p. 111) argue that this is even more complicated for dancers, considering the
time and energy they must devote to their physical training.
4.4.2 Uncertainty in freelance dance careers
4.4.2.1 The burden of auditions
Emotionally, the freelance lifestyle can take its toll on dancers’ professional identities:
freelance dance contracts are short, obliging most dancers to audition frequently for

59. 51
new projects. Sorignet (2010, p. 68) describes the particularity of auditions: dancers
are in direct competition with one another, in the same room, at the same time,
comparing themselves to colleagues and often their own friends in the process. Most
of the time, hundreds of dancers apply for just one available contract. Competition is
fierce, and perceived as such by the dancers themselves: when asked how fierce
they felt auditions to be, 38,5% of the survey participants answered ‘Very fierce’.
Figure 4.14 How dancers perceive the competitiveness during auditions
Women in particular are affected more deeply by this competitiveness than their male
colleagues according to Sorignet (2010, p. 79): the predominance of women in this
profession places them in a more precarious position; they must face more
competitors than their male colleagues, and are as such generally held against a
higher technical standard.
The success rate of auditions is perceived as incredibly low: 69% of survey
participants were of the opinion that auditioning rarely results in obtaining a dance
contract, with only 5% affirming that auditions were an effective way of getting hired.
0.0%$
5.0%$
10.0%$
15.0%$
20.0%$
25.0%$
30.0%$
35.0%$
40.0%$
45.0%$
Not$at$all$fierce:$1$ 2$ 3$ 4$ Very$fierce:$5$