usband and Wife Differences in Response to UndesirableLife E.docx
Domestic Violence in Japan
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Domestic Violence within wider gender inequality in Japan, in a context of Gender and
Development
Introduction:
Mcllwaine andDatta (2003) call for a refiningof approachestodevelopmentwhichfocusesonthe
engenderingof development.However,isthe prevalence of genderedviolenceanantagonisttothis
approach?Despite there beingmanybarrierstohurdle inachievingequality-baseddevelopmentin
whatis commonlyknowninfeministliteratureasa monolithicpatriarchal-capitalistsociety
(Kandiyoti, 1988.,Mohanty,1988, 2003), global policyandinitiativeshave beenenactedtotackle
the humanrights issue of violence againstwomen,whichaffects35% of womenglobally(WHO,
2016). Examplesof genderviolence policyare suchof the Declarationonthe Eliminationof Violence
againstWomen (UN,1993) whichwasprecededbythe Conventiononthe Eliminationof All Forms
of DiscriminationagainstWomen(CEDAW) (UN,1979).These enactmentsare faultedbytheir
enormityandcan oftenbe signedbygovernments due tonecessarycompulsion,ratherthanthe
intendedoverrulingdiscursive.Furthermore,policyrecommendationsonviolence againstwomen
on sucha large global scale are difficulttomonitorandadhere tostrictly,due tothe unique drivers
of genderdiscriminationbetweencountries.
JapaneseDomestic ViolenceBackground,a cultural problem?
The discriminationof womeninJapanissubsequentlyunique due tothe strongtraditional values
that have actedas patrimonyto the male soldiersof patriarchal-capitalist-state Japan(Robersonand
Suzuki,2005). Thisreport will focusonJapanas a contextand example of domesticviolence.Asof
2014, Japanwere ranked17th
bythe UN DevelopmentProgramme (HumanDevelopmentIndex) of
187 countries.Itcan be unreservedlyreferredtoasa developedcountry,withlarge corporationslike
Mitsubishi andSonybasingtheir operationsinTokyo.Contrastingly,Japanisranked104th
of 142
countriesinregardto GenderEquality(WEFretrievedfromKyodo,2014). For a country withsuch a
highdevelopmentindex,howcanitbe solackinginregards to genderequality?A shorthistoryof
developmentinJapanoutlinesthe post-warexplosionof development,andthe exponential growth
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of managerial roles filledbythe ‘salaryman’(RobersonandSuzuki,2005). Thissalarymanwas
birthedfroma newcapitalistregime inJapan,andinstilledmale ideologiesincludingbeinga
household-headandbreadwinnerfigure. Marshall (1967) outlines,however,the existence of similar
valuesinstilled byJapanese capitalismandbusinessinprewarJapan.The resultof post-war
capitalismwasanarmy of taxpayingJapanese mencontributingtothe economy,characterisedby
hard work,male-comradery,andall formsof the social,exceptthose thatincludedthe family
(Fujimura-FanselowandKameda,1995). However,italsoincludedstrongtraditional valuessuchasa
modernadaptationof the bushidocode (anancientJapanese code which isstricttohonourand
loyalty) (Gilmore,1990);themesthatChant andGutmann (2002) refertoas dangerousmale
ideologies.Thismale ideology,producedbythe now-corporatecapitaliststate,fuelledwhatElsen
(1995) referstoas a male bias. Where menwere contributingtothe growingeconomy,womenwere
hamperedtohave no notionof whattheywantand to fulfil genderendowmentsthatwere least
valuable inthe market,suchas intra-householdwork. Womenwere restrictedtothe home.
It was onlyaftermurdersbyfamilymembers;1996 fatherbeatssonto deathinTokyo (Pulvers,
2012), that the mediaturneditsattentionontothe previouslyunexploreddomainof domestic
violence inJapanesehomes.Rice (2001) describesdomesticviolence inJapanas‘a husband’s
prerogative’.Exposure of the domesticviolence thathadbeenoccurringinJapanese homesfor
decadeshadfinallycome.The case of hiddenabuse inJapanischaracterisedbestbySen’s(1987)
notationon inequality,“Itcan be a seriouserrorto take the absence of protestsand questioningof
inequalityasevidenceof the absence of thatinequality”(p.3).Culturallydefinedidealsand
ideologiesdetermine what behaviouris‘appropriate’formenandwomen(ReevesandBaden,
2000), and domesticviolence hadbeenobservedasnormal bythe Japanese people.
Statistics:
The National Police Agencysurveysnote that1/3 of all Japanese womenhave experienced
domesticabuse byan intimate partner.
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Half of these womenreportedtohave neverspokenaboutthe incidentspreviously.
1/3 of these womenblamedthemselves.
(Pulvers,2012)
1/7 of Japanese womenneededmedical treatmentafterexperiencingphysical domestic
abuse in1999 alone.
Osaka prefecture (Japaniscomprisedof 47 prefectures) reportedthat2/3 of all women
reportedhavingexperienceddomesticabuse.
1/3 of Japanese womenmurderedeachyearwere murderedbytheirpartner.
(Rice,2001)
10% of womenexperienceddomesticabuse onmore thanone occasion.
80% of womenpreviouslyabusedreturntothe same partner.
99% of 60,000 (2007) people refuginginsheltersfordomesticabuse werewomen.
(The GenderEqualityBureauretrievedfromTabin,2012)
Whydoes domesticviolence occur andwhat is the effect on intra-householdgenderinequalities?
In a studyby Nguyenetal (2013) inwhichunder-graduate studentsfromthree differentcountries
(Japan,Chinaandthe UnitedStates) were questionedontheirviewsof violence towardsanintimate
partner,Japanese studentspredominantlyexcusedthe use of domesticviolence.Theirreasoning
was basedonthe hypothetical partner’snon-compliance withtheirgenderroles/expectations.
Yamawaki etal (2009) alsofoundintheirstudyon perceptionsof domesticviolencethatJapanese
people hada greateradherence totraditional valuesthatdegradedandderivedwomen,andthat
domesticabuse wassometimesnecessaryif gendervalues/roleswerenotcondonedto.
Visvanathanetal (2011) urge howthe continuationof domesticviolenceperpetuatesthe balance of
powerbetweengendersandhow achange of genderrolesandrelations withinthe householdare
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keyto changingpowerdynamics. Clearandaccepted reasons formenactingviolentlytowards their
intimate partnerare sparse,butthere are prevailingthemeswithinthe literature.Karakocetal
(2015) note intheirstudyon depressedwomeninTurkeyandthe linktodomesticviolence that
patients’experiencesconsistentlyrelatetothemesof arrangedmarriage,male alcohol abuse and
exposure toviolence asa child.Furthermore,Archer(1994) outlineshow childhoodaggression,
whennotaddressedstrictlycandevelopintomale adultviolence.He alsonoteshow influential
culture is;the historical,cross-cultural male‘warrior’role linkstovaluesof masculinityand
dominance thatare relatedtoactions of violence.Thisrole drawsclose similaritiestothe Japanese
‘bushido’code (Gilmore,1990),referredtoearlier. Manystudiesaddressthe theoryof poorimpulse
control in men,leadingtophysical abuse of theirintimate partner;Rossby(2002) notesinhisstudy
on biological/psychological reasonsforviolence thatmenwithlow serotonin,highalcoholismand
hypoglycaemiaare more likelytohave noimpulse control,makingthemmore likelytoact violently.
However,Schechter(1982) arguesthat psychological andsociological ‘reasons’formenbeating
women,suchas impulse control,reducingegos,deprivedchildhoodsandfailure toexpressfeelings
are escalatedinpost-abusebymeninan attempttoregainthe balance of spousal control.
Furthermore,she producesalternativessuchasstress forcingbusinessmentoregainthe ‘control’
that worktakesaway fromthemby actingviolentlytowardstheirpartner. JustasSchechter(1982)
outlinesthe perpetratorsof thistype of violenceasbeingbusinessmeninthe US,the same logiccan
be referredtowhenassessingreasonsfordomesticviolenceinJapan,especiallythroughoutthe 20th
century. Schechter’sbookwaspublishedin1982 duringthe accelerationof women’srights
movementsinthe US,therefore the aggressive andangrystance towardsdomesticviolenceagainst
womenisprevalentthroughout.
Karakoc etal (2015) alsofocus,intheirstudy, on the female economicdependence onmen, the lack
of escape fromabuse due tothis,and the subsequentcontinuationof physical domesticviolence.
Abe (2012) notesthat,inJapan, the relative povertyrate of single-motherhouseholdsis60%. United
Nations(2000) state in theirbookon womeninthe world,“studiesgenerallyshow thatseparated,
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divorcedorwidowedwomenheadsare more likelytobe economicallydisadvantagedthanwoman
whoare still married”(p.43). The lackof positive alternatives(Kandiyoti,1988) forwomenleadsto
the necessityof intra-householdbargainingandacceptance of the unequal order(Sen,1987).Sen
alsodiscussesthe positionof womenwithinthe home,arguinghow theirconsciousperceptionof
howmuch progresstheycan make has the greatestimpactontheirpositiondomestically.Agarwal
(1994) disagreeswiththis,statingthatwomenare merelyimmobilisedbyexternal constraints,and
that givenmore bargainingpower,theywould seize greaterstatuswithinthe home.
Nayaket al (2003) note that physical domesticviolence againstawomancan reduce their
reproductive yearsby5%.FischbachandHerbert(1998) highlightthe effectdomesticviolence can
have on mental health, sexual healthandgeneral wellbeingandhow surroundingcultureoftenhas
the most prolificinfluence onthe effect. Accordingtofiguresby ‘countrymeters’,asof 2016, females
occupy 51% of the Japanese population.Thisismostlydue toelderlywomenessentiallyoutliving
elderlymen(ages+64),however, the statistics doshow how equallydistributedgenderpopulationis
inJapan. Womencurrently(2015) occupy38% of the workforce inJapan.Therefore,the limitingof
womentointra-householdroles,informal sectorsandunpaidworksuchascaring and volunteering
workgreatlylimitsthe rate of economicgrowthJapancan acquire. Momsen(2010) highlightshow
women’srolesinproductivitybecomeprogressivelylesscentral andimportantduringcapitalist
industrialisationindevelopingcountries;therefore the currentconditionscanbe attributedtopost-
war capitalisminJapan.
Violence againstwomencanhave manyfacesandevenmore outcomes,existamongmultiple
geographical-spatial-scalesandare oftencharacterisedbythe conditionsof countries.As Dunkle et
al (2004) note,violence againstwomenhas serioushealtheffects,suchas increased HIV spreadin
SouthAfrica.Thisis an example of acountry’scharacteristicsacting asa platformfor negative
impactson women.ViolenceagainstwomeninJapanhasthe potential tospreadtothe cyber;thisis
due to itsprevalence inthe urbanlandscape of Japan. Marganski and Melander(2015) findintheir
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studythat cyber-aggressionfromanintimate partneristhe onlystatisticallyandrobustlysignificant
formof intimate partnerviolence thanpredictsreal-life intimate partnerviolence,inotherwords,
cyber-violenceactsas a gatewayto otherintimate partnerabuses.Thisisdue tothe ease-of-access
perpetratorshave online,andthe lackof repercussionsagainstthem, therebycyber-connectionsact
as a platformforaggressionandcyber-bullying.AndoandSakamoto(2008) outline the prevalenceof
undergraduatesinTokyoandKyotothat use the internettomake cyber-friends,especiallythose
withlowself-esteem. Thisfurtherattractsthe use of the cyberas a platformforabuse withinnew
generations. Lawsundercyber-aggressionare recommendedtobe stricterandmore pronounced,
withoutbeingtoointrusivetoindividuals;the implementation of helpschemesforindividualswho
believetheyare beingabusedbyanintimate partneronline isadvised.
Chant andGutmann (2002) call for a rearranging of male ideologiesthatare currently drivenby
themesof honour,income anddominance.There ismonumentalsupportinfeministliterature for
the diminishingof genderrolesandallocatingof powerandresourcestowomen,therebyincreasing
empowermentof womenandexpandingthe possibilitiesof employment,socialspace andgeneral
wellbeing.However,the diminishingof genderrolesmayhave adverse impactsonmen.Chantand
Gutmann(2002) note that in some SouthAmericanandCaribbeancountries,the increasedsupport
for women,only,tosucceedhasresultedinthe marginalisationof youngermen.Theyalsonote a
detachmentof menfromthe householddue tothe decliningviewof themas‘breadwinners’.
Foreman(1999) notesthe importance of womenachievingtheirfull strengthwithoutrelegatingmen
to insignificance. Welsh(2007) notesthe impactof changinggenderapproaches inNicaragua,
leavingmenwithout theirpreviousresponsibilities;the reactionof these menwasnottoembrace
the empowermentof women,buttoneglectchange andstruggle tocomprehendtheirloss,all due
to ideasof traditional masculinity.These are the faultsof top-downpolicychange whichwill be
analysedlater. Policyrecommendationswouldbe tofocuson social policythatchangesmen’sviews
on womenandwomen’sviewsonmen,toacknowledge genderdifference butnottooperate under
traditional guidelinesof genderexpectationsandvalues. These unwritten guidelines that
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encourage/donotprohibitgenderviolence dominatethirdworldcountries,andalso,withJapanas
reference,the mostdevelopedcountriesinthe world.
Policyenacted by the Japanese state to tackle Gender Inequality andthe impacts on employment
and development:
The Ministryof ForeignAffairsof Japan(2005) outline the keypoliciesenactedbythe Japanese
governmentinthe lasttwodecades thatworktowardsgenderequity.The ‘BasicLaw for a Gender-
Equal Society’wasenactedin1999, whichwas followedbythe ‘InitiativeonGenderand
Development’;mainprioritiesof these initiativesconsistedof the participationof womenin
education,health,the economyandthe social. Furthermore,the Ministryof ForeignAffairsalso
stated(2005) that Japan’sOfficial DevelopmentAssistance policy(ODA)wouldseektopromote
themesof gendermainstreaminginthe followingyears,explicitlyincludingthe preventionof all
violence againstwomen.GendermainstreamingisdefinedbyReevesandBaden(2000) as “an
organisational strategytobringagenderperspectivetoall aspectsof an institutionspolicyand
activities,throughbuildinggendercapacityandaccountability”(p.2). Furthermore,avital policy
initiatedbythe Japanese governmentwasthe Equal EmploymentOpportunitiesLaw orEEOL (1986,
amendedin1997 and 2013), of whichtheyhave statedhasmade excellentprogressinattaining
equal rightsinthe workplace.Afterwhatwasdescribedasa‘policywindow’,Diet-basedwomen’s
groups,bureaucratsand NGOs,the Beijingconference onwomen’srightsandthe Japanese
DomesticViolence andResearchGroup pressuredthe implementationof domesticviolence policyin
Japan;the ‘Lawfor Preventionof Spousal Violence andthe Protectionof Victims’wasenactedin
2001.
Japanhas fewrelief groups(all of which existedbefore the law ondomesticviolenceprevention was
implemented);examplesof theseare the JapanWomen’sShelterNetwork(JWSN),IkunoGakuen
and HyogoPrefectural WomenandFamilyConsultingCentre.The Japanesegovernmenthasnot
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sustainedthese schemeswithfinancialsupport,andthe majorityof sheltersreportedtobe
strugglingtomaintainwithoutfinancial support(Gelb, 2003).Thisprovidesanangle withwhichto
assessthe government’stenacityinpreventingdomesticviolence,orlackof.Domesticviolence
issuesstemfromculturallyacceptedidealsand values,thereforethese shelters are short-termfixes
and notsolutionstogenderinequality.
The AmpoJapan-AsiaQuarterlyReview(2015) notesthat 38% of the workforce inJapanisaccounted
for bywomen.Furthermore,includingpart-time work,women’ssalariesmake up49% of whatmen
earnfor the same job. Ono and Zavodny (2005) outline intheirresearchongenderdifferencesinICT
skillsinthe US andJapan that Japanese womenhave substantiallylessICTskillsthanmen,
subsequentlyleadingthemtobe lessemployable inthe massivelygrowingITsectorof Japan. This
may notintentionallydislocate womenfromhigh-payingjobsbutitdoessononetheless. Itisthe
kindof degradationof womenwhichsustainsvaluesthatencourage domesticviolence withinthe
home;lowercontributionstothe householdeconomyreduce the statuswomencanachieve
domestically,alsoreducingtheirextentof entitlementto intra-householdresources(Visvanathanet
al,2011., Elsen,1995).
Where the Ampo-JapanAsiaQuarterlyReviewcriticisesthe lackof progressmade towardsgender-
equal conditions‘onthe ground’,assuch,Gelb(2003) highlightshow internationalsystemsand
regulationscanbe usedto implementlocal changesbyindividuals.She noteshow international
treatiesandconferencesdolistentoindividualsandcanbe made aware of conditionsthatdonot
meetcriteria.Forexample,‘WorkingWomeninthe ShoshaTradingCompanies’have filedmany
reportscomplainingaboutthe government’sopinionthatthe EEOL has improved workingspacesfor
women,andthese are usedas evidenceatannual meetingsonthe Commissiononthe Statusof
Women(CSW),organisedbythe UN (Gelb,2003). There are many examplesof gender-basedgroups
filingcounter-reportstothe Japanese government’sGenderequalityCEDAWreports,andthese are
takenintoaccount bythe UN; theyhave statedthat theyare concernedaboutthe extentof gender
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equalityinJapan. The domesticviolencepreventionlaw canbe critiquedasspecifyingonlyillegal
physical abuse againstaspouse of whomthe individual mustbe marriedor livingwith,andpermits
protectionof the victimforsix months,notincludingpsychological oremotional abuse. Itdoesnot
take a stance on violenceagainstwomen inJapan.
Policyrecommendations:
Cornwall etal (2007) argue thattop-downapproachestogendermainstreamingadhere to political
and bureaucraticcommitments,butstruggletoignite ormaintaingenderempowermentvelocities.
Theyargue thatempowermentisnowseenasthe throwingof moneyand/orinformation atgender-
focusedinitiatives. Thisignoresthe “complex processof self-realisation,self-actualisationand
mobilisationtodemandchange”(p.7) thatempowermentrequires. Theyadvise changesto social
policyinan approachto stimulate new gendervalues,of whichdonotencourage domesticviolence.
Elsen(1995) providesfurtherdiscussion,notingthatimprovingrightsandpolicyforwomendoesnot
necessarilyimprove theircapabilityof usingthe rightsforpersonal interest/development. Moser
(1993) emphasisesthe integrationof gender-benefitsintonew institutionsprojects;includingthe
creationof jobs,skills,improvedmarketsandresourcesthatbenefitwomenandothervulnerable
groups. The empowermentof womeninJapaniskeytoimprovingtheiremployability,reducing
economicdependence ontheirpartnerandallowingforalternative options if theybecome victims
of abuse.
Kandiyoti (1988) outlinesthe role of patriarchal bargainsinthe home,describingthe necessityfor
womentobe able tomanoeuvre withinthe social blueprintsof genderallocationandexpectations,
allowingforsome personal movement withinthe home. Pearce andJackson(1998) examine
householdsassitesof reproductionforgenderidentitiesandinequalities;theycommentonthe
powerof NGO assistance programmes,andtheirpotential fortrainingwomentoarticulate an
alternative agendawhichallowsthem tobargainforgreaterentitlementto resourceswithinthe
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household.Assistance schemesthatPearce andJackson(1998) notedwouldprovide greater
progress to preventingdomesticviolence,throughthe empowermentof women,improvingof
employabilityandthusallowingforpersonal progressandalternative optionstoviolentpartners.
The National Police Agencyprovide statisticsshowingthe increasednumberof domesticviolence-
relatedcases/arrests(fig1);providingevidence of positive impactsfrom the domesticviolence
preventionlaw.
Figure 2: No. of charged cases of partner induced injury and assault.
Figure 1: No. of charged cases of partner induced injury and assault.
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JapanwithinGlobal Genderand Development:
McIlwaine andDatta (2003) outline the hemisphericdivide betweenattitudestowardsgenderand
development.Mohanty(1988) critiqueswesternfeminismanditsattitude towardsgender
inequalitiesinthirdworldcountries, claimingtheydepict womenasahomogenous groupanduse
only neo-classical feministdiscoursetoadvise policychange.She argueshow approachesto
feminisminlessdevelopedcountriesshouldoperate differentlytoapproachesinwestern countries,
preferringorganisationssuchasDevelopmentAlternativeswithWomenforaNew Era (DAWN),who
use bottom-upschemestonurture empowermentof poverty-strickenwomen. Empowermentinthis
structure focusesonequalityinagency(Kabeer,2005), increasingpolitical seatsforwomenand
schemesthatprioritise increasingwomen’sskillsandrange. Japanmayalsohave been
misinterpreted,likethirdworldwomenwere by previous feministdiscourse; Japan’sdeveloped
economycreatesperceptionsof the absence of pronouncedhumanitarianissues,reducing
international concernwithinpolicy. Butthere are still prevalentthemesof genderinequality,
outlinedbythe persistence of domesticviolence againstwomeninJapan(Pulvers,2012., Rice,
2001., Tabin,2012., Gelb,2003), attitudestowardswomen’spositionswithinthe home inJapan
(Yamawaki etal,2009) andthe ineffective progressbyJapanesepolicy(Ampo-JapanAsiaQuarterly
Review,2015). Gendermainstreamingisanimportantsectorof internationalpolicyandof ethical
prioritytothe UN (1979), therefore tomeetthe needsof currentdevelopment definitions women
mustbe of equal importance in a country’sdevelopment. Japanarguablystruggletofitwithinthis
definition.
In conclusion,whenconsultingHeise’s(1998) ecological model onviolenceagainstwomen,Japan
fitswithinthe fourlevelsof social ecologythatresultinviolence againstwomen.The macrosystem
isdefinedbyrigidgenderroles,acceptance of interpersonalviolence andmale dominance as
discussedthroughoutthisreport existsinJapan.Japan’sexosystemnurturesthe isolationof women
to the home and supportsthe unemploymentof women.Itsmicrosystemisrichwithfactors
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includingmale familial dominance andcontrol overthe householdeconomy,due tolackof
employability forwomen.Finally,the personal-historysocial level canbe presumedtobe flooded
withfactorslike previouslyexperiencedviolence withinthe home andabsence of fatherhoodfigures
for men;as discussed,domesticviolence hasbeenconsideredthe normforfamiliesinrecent
decadesinJapan,and male headsoftenspentmuchtime awayfromthe familyassoldiersof
capitalismthroughoutthe 20th
Century.
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