1. To What Extent Should the United States Deliver Humanitarian Aid to
UNRWA to Support Palestinian Refugees?
Written By: Robert Youch
Professor Kochis & Professor Walsh
BIS 403—Washington DC Seminar on Human Rights
Autumn, 2014

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Introduction
The recent escalation of the conflict in the Gaza Strip between the Palestinian and Israeli
militaries has garnered media attention worldwide, especially in the United States. Air Strikes
conducted by both Hamas—a militaristic Palestinian political group often accused of terrorism
and fervent anti-Semitism—and the Israeli military have converted Gaza to rubble. The war has
internally displaced 540,000 Gazans, and left thousands wounded, maimed, or killed (IRUSA).
Civilians that are not internally displaced or subsisting in refugee camps have fled Gaza seeking
asylum or refugee status in neighboring countries. Most do not have sufficient access to shelter,
food, clean water, healthcare, or education. Floods devastating and “…exacerbating the already
poor humanitarian situation for refugees and non-refugees in Gaza” have prompted the UN to
declare a state of emergency (UN Declares Emergency). Those that enter refugee camps seeking
respite and support from the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in
the Near East (UNRWA) desperately need better medical aid, nourishment, and a reliable
support system given their dire circumstances. They also require additional resources if they are
to re-establish their livelihoods where they choose. Refugees are too often forgotten, alienated,
or exiled completely from countries not willing to accept their religious or national differences
and the financial burdens that accompany them. The ongoing violence in Israel and Palestine
impacts people worldwide and will increasingly impact those affected indirectly as Western
foreign policies become further interlinked and entrenched as escalating crises flare throughout
the Middle East. However, regardless of national or religious allegiance, those with no hand in
violence who are forced to flee to safer lands deserve asylum and aid, which is why specific
measures to protect refugees must be taken by the United States and its allies.

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The State Department is limited regarding how much humanitarian aid and financial
resources it can allocate to the crisis in Gaza because they have committed resources to Iraq and
Syria, which are both consumed by war and political turmoil. The Syrian Civil War and the
spread of ISIL’s terror have created mayhem in the Middle East, forcing millions of civilians to
flee Syria and Iraq as refugees. Lending aid to Syrian and Iraqi internally displaced persons and
refugees has become a major priority for NGOs, the EU, the UNHCR, and the United States.
Regrettably, the World Food Program (WFP) and UNHCR have “run out of money,” and no
longer possess the financial means to support the millions suffering in Syria, Iraq, and
neighboring countries. This leaves UNRWA isolated in its plight to deliver aid to Palestinian
refugees thrust between a volatile conflict of their own and the wars in Syria and Iraq (UN Runs
Out). Although Gaza may have recently taken a back seat to the aforementioned ISIL crisis in
U.S. news media, Secretary of State Kerry and the Obama Administration have not forgotten the
plight of Palestinians.
In Secretary Kerry’s October 12th remarks at the Gaza Donors Conference in Cairo, he
discussed the United States’ dedication to helping civilians and refugees affected by the conflict.
He proclaimed, “The people of Gaza do need our help desperately – not tomorrow, not next
week, but they need it now…” (John Kerry). Kerry backed up the urgency of his words through
his pledge to provide additional aid. “We [the United States] provided $118 million in
immediate humanitarian assistance…” at the height of the crisis, plus an additional, “$84
million…to UNRWA for operations. Today, I’m pleased to announce an additional immediate
$212 million in assistance to the Palestinian people.” This massive sum “…will mean immediate
relief and reconstruction…and help meet the Palestinian Authority’s budget needs.” If the PA
and UNRWA use this money effectively, it has the potential to catalyze community-rebuilding

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efforts and address the food, medical, and security needs of Palestinians throughout the Gaza
Strip and Syria.
There is no doubt that Gaza has countless short-term needs that must be addressed so
refugees can live with dignity and overcome unfavorable odds. However, if Palestinians in Gaza,
the West Bank, or neighboring countries such as Jordan, Lebanon, or Syria, have ambitions to
develop long-term socio-economic institutions, major political reforms must take place at a
grass-roots level. A two-state solution is the ultimate goal for Palestinians, Israelis, and the rest
of the world. This objective cannot be achieved without mutual tolerance. The bulk of this
essay will not directly address peace talks between the Palestinian Authority (PA) and Israel or a
two-state solution because those objectives can only be achieved once pressing matters on the
ground have been dealt with. Neither will succeed until social and economic stability exists for
Palestinians. Instead, this essay will answer how the United States can pressure political
institutions throughout the Near East that possess major influence over the current and future
livelihood of Palestinian internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees, namely UNRWA, so
that the interests of voiceless Palestinians are represented in the future.
In order for the U.S. to bolster effective reform, the State Department will need to work
collaboratively with UNRWA, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the PA and other
regional governments and political organizations, and non-state actors that specialize in
humanitarian endeavors. A multilateral effort to increase and reallocate funding for programs
aimed to protect and aid refugees fleeing violence and destitution in Gaza, Israel, the West Bank,
or Syria is paramount to U.S. geopolitical interests in the Middle East. Reducing violence and
civilian persecution amid the Palestinian-Israeli conflict will not only create an environment
conducive to development and tolerance, but will establish conditions that will make peace

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attainable. Moreover, if Palestinians and Israelis do not live in fear, the right to security of
person established in Article III of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) may
not remain a foreign dream. Ultimately, creating conditions where both Palestinians and Israelis
respect the human dignity of the other is ideal, but that will not be possible if the rights of
refugees and IDPs are insufficiently upheld or either nation is marginalized or portrayed as
terrorists or thieves.
Before further addressing the issues and questions raised above and providing policy
recommendations for the United States and UNRWA it is necessary to provide historical
background about how the Palestinian refugee problem began; define and discuss U.S. interests
in the region and assess how these interests align with other parties; acknowledge the interests of
Palestinian women and children that suffer most; analyze the relationship between the U.S. and
UNRWA; and evaluate the role UNRWA has played and continues to play in the lives of
Palestinian refugees.
Historical Background
On November 19, 1947, the United Nations General Assembly divided Palestine into
three parts: the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and a new and independent state of Israel. Jordan
annexed the West Bank and Gaza became Egyptian territory, which left Palestinians irate and
deprived of a nation-state of their own (Lindsay, 1). The events that followed U.N. General
Assembly Resolution 181 (II), commonly known as the Partition Plan, spurred a violent ongoing
conflict. The three-year war between Israel and Palestine, coupled with the latters newfound
statelessness, resulted in millions of displaced Palestinian refugees in dire need of international
support. Refugees lacked shelter, food and water, medical care, educational and infrastructural
resources, employment opportunity, and most importantly, political rights in a war-torn country

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which they no longer had a voice. In response to this crisis, the UN Relief for Palestine
Refugees (UNRPR) was established, “…to relieve the desperate plight of Palestine refugees of
all communities” (Lindsay, 4). However, after it became clear that the Palestinian refugee crisis
would be a long-term problem that needed greater supervision, UNRWA was founded in
December of 1949 to assume the role of the UNRPR (Lindsay, 4). UNRWA’s original mandate,
established by General Assembly Resolution 302, was: “To provide ‘direct relief and works
programmes’ to Palestine refugees, in order to ‘prevent conditions of starvation and distress…
and to further conditions of peace and stability’” (UNRWA). They are also expected to “work
with governments on interim measures and to provide relief and assistance to Palestine refugees
‘pending the just resolution’ of the Palestine refugee question” (UNRWA). Like all
organizations, UNRWA’s role has evolved to satisfy the needs of refugees, and their mandate
has expanded over time to address social, cultural, political, and economic events in the Near
East.
UNRWA has five programs that demand budgetary resources: Education, Health, Relief
and Social Services, Microfinance and Microenterprise, and Infrastructure and Camp
Improvement (Lindsay, 5). The first three programs are the oldest and require the most financial
resources. The latter two programs were created to address needs that became increasingly
prevalent in the 1990s and 2000s. In total, UNRWA manages an annual budget exceeding $500
million and employs approximately 29,000 people, the vast majority of whom are refugees
(Lindsay, 5). As is glaringly apparent in 2014, if Palestinian refugees, IDPs, or civilians do not
possess the resources to start small businesses or earn an internationally respected “living wage”
then it will be extremely difficult for them to make socio-economic progress. By strengthening
infrastructure in camps and cities and giving refugees the opportunity to obtain employment as

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camp staff, UNRWA has fostered economic development by redistributing money throughout
Palestinian refugee communities.
UNRWA operations in Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria have always
been financed on a voluntary basis. Funding comes predominantly from the United States and
European Union, but UNRWA also receives assistance from NGOs such as Islamic Relief USA
(UNRWA). Due to the fact that the U.S. has always been UNRWA’s single largest financier, the
State Department can influence UNRWA policies in a direction that appeals to U.S. interests in
the region. Despite this ability, the U.S. has historically not interfered with UNRWA’s
sovereignty and generally supported their policy decisions and programs insofar as they do not
endanger Israel, engender anti-Israel sentiments, or employ or serve any terrorists. Evidence that
UNRWA has not upheld its obligations to maintain impartiality in its schools and camps is
becoming increasingly evident. In 2004, the Israel/Palestine Center for Research and
Information (IPCRI) issued a report on the anti-Israel bias in Palestinian curricula and textbooks
in UNRWA primary schools. The report states, “Palestinian text books have confused messages,
and it is not difficult to come to the understanding that the main political theme imparted to the
students is that Israel should not exist, and that is essentially the Palestinian goal” (Lindsay, 43).
There is no doubt that an educational system that delegitimizes Israel opposes U.S. interests, and
action must by taken to reform Palestinian and UNRWA schools if Palestinians and Israelis are
to peacefully coexist. Clearly, numerous issues exist that must be resolved, and this essay will
address them, but if entire generations of Palestinian youth view Israel as a purveyor of their
troubles, the conflict will not end peacefully. Israel and Palestine each possess ancient historical
attachment to the same land; an attachment that extends back to the Old Testament. Both believe
they have a divine right to the “promised land” that supersedes the other. This divine right has

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perpetuated and entrenched a stubborn inability to compromise over territorial disputes by both
cultures. In order for the U.S. to diplomatically encourage conditions that reduce racism and
negative stigmas throughout Palestinian refugee communities, it is paramount that U.S. political
leaders make it clear to American citizens how U.S. interests are furthered by lending aid to
refugees thousands of miles away.
U.S. Interests and Foreign Policy Involvement in Humanitarian or Refugee Issues
As Israel’s strongest ally, the U.S. has a major role to play in advancing the geopolitical
climate in Israel and Palestine towards stability. Articulating a clear reasoning for why the U.S.
should further involve itself is essential. As taxpayers, U.S. citizens have a right to know what
can be gained and lost by lending additional humanitarian aid to UNRWA and the Palestinian
Authority. Constituents musk ask questions and political intentions must remain transparent.
The ability for U.S. citizens to understand which allies and stakeholders merit the most
consideration given the short and long-term effects that lending humanitarian aid to refugees will
have in the U.S., Israel, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and the Middle East at-large is
critical. Answers to the previous questions are not objective and by no means simple or easily
agreed upon, yet a proper justification must be provided by the U.S. government to ensure
majority public support.
The United States’ foreign policy doctrine has been historically decided by defining
whether an international issue affects our interests domestically and abroad, and if it is within our
international sphere of influence. However, deciding what actually affects our interests is rarely
agreed upon. The federal government, policy makers, private corporations, lobbyists, citizens,
international allies, and miscellaneous stakeholders are typically unable to compromise their own
respective interests for the interests of others who do not appear to “directly” affect them.

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Policies that advocate advancing human rights as a U.S. prerogative in foreign affairs are
possibly the most controversial because they require reallocating resources that could be spent
domestically. Nevertheless, humanitarian missions in war-torn countries have become vogue
since the Cold Wars’ culmination because U.S. allies or ideals have been “threatened” by radical
regimes violating the sacred rights of others. The classification of what can be deemed a “threat”
has broadened to include human rights abuses because they oppose, “…ideals that are considered
important to the United States” (Kaufman, 13). Regardless of the growing trend to support the
rights of marginalized or oppressed peoples, convincing Americans that providing millions if not
billions of dollars to refugees or victims of war crimes has not been done without receiving
serious criticism from U.S. citizens that would much rather see that money allocated to
alleviating poverty, tackling economic disparity, and improving education, healthcare, and the
justice system within our own borders.
The U.S. has loyally supported the affairs of Israel since being the first to recognize its
statehood in 1948. While President Obama and Secretary of State Kerry maintain their official
support of Israel, the back and forth atrocities committed by the Israeli military and Hamas—
especially the abductions and unwarranted deaths of young civilians—has established dissenting
viewpoints in the media and general public about how the U.S. should proceed with their
military support of Israel while cease-fire and/or peace negotiations continue. President Obama
has not hidden his disapproval of how Israel has handled certain aspects of the conflict, and
Republicans and Democrats alike have shared their opinions on how the U.S. should respond to
the fragility of the Gaza conflict, and whether it merits additional financial resources at all.
A prevailing complaint in Washington D.C. is that an “interventionist bias” has become
increasingly prevalent in foreign affairs as America perpetuates Woodrow Wilson’s idealist

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position that the world must be made “safe for democracy” (Kaufman, 19). Chris Preble, the
Vice President for Defense and Foreign Policy Studies at the Cato Institute, a Libertarian think
tank in D.C., echoed this opinion. While meeting with Preble he claimed that although Cato
prefers a strategy of limited government in international humanitarian issues, non-intervention
does not mean avoiding intervention in foreign affairs altogether if becoming involved furthers
U.S. interests without compromising domestic and international human liberties. Preble, similar
to Joyce Kaufman, author of A Concise History of U.S. Foreign Policy, echoed that it remains
critical to decide which issues represent our foreign interests enough to justify political,
economic, humanitarian, or military intervention. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. has
faithfully adhered to a strategy of “internationalism” or “engagement,” which supports becoming,
“…actively engaged in all aspects of international relations” (Kaufman, 17). Both the Bush and
Obama administrations have struggled to remain selective when choosing which international
conflicts to engage in. However, the chief difference between the two has been their choice of
tactics. Bush relied heavily on “hard power” because his administration focused primarily on
strategic military and economic interests, whereas Obama has predominantly relied on the usage
of “soft power” by advocating for diplomacy and collaboration to solve conflicts.
Regardless of power strategy, U.S. citizens are often frustrated that the State Department
and Executive Branch choose to reactively intervene in nearly all crises, instead of demonstrating
restraint. The Cato Institute prefers when private bodies, NGOs, and other political stakeholders
take the lead on international strategic measures aimed at influencing or changing the actions and
policies of other governments, rather than when the U.S. government fervently pushes to the fore
to intervene in the affairs of other countries because in doing so we overextend our sphere of
influence (Chris Preble). The argument behind this line of thinking is that because the sole

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mission of NGOs like Human Rights Watch or Amnesty International is to address human rights
or humanitarian aid issues, they can do it more effectively than state governments whose powers
and resources are limited by alliances, international legal obligations, and domestic duties.
Congress and the Obama Administration are opposed to a resolution between Israel and
Palestine dictated by the UNSC. The United Nations Security Counsel has historically favored
the Palestinian perspective and cause, which opposes the U.S.-Israeli alliance. Secretary General
Ban Ki-Moon has not been shy about criticizing or altogether condemning Israeli military
responses to airstrikes from Hamas or other Palestinian militants. The United States’ interests
are better served if Israel and Palestine can create a bilateral peace resolution without depending
on hegemonic external bodies to dictate terms that place their own political interests above the
human and civil rights of Israelis and Palestinians that are suffering from the ongoing conflict.
Moreover, as mentioned by Stephen Moody of the State Department, “quiet diplomacy” remains
the official preference of the United States when developing international human rights policies
because if the U.S. takes too strong a stance it can upset political allies, influential stakeholders,
or make human rights abuses worse. The common fear within the State Department is that
certain oppressive groups who detest the U.S. will commit further atrocities against innocent
people to spite the U.S. for meddling in their affairs. Nevertheless, the Obama administration
has refused to allow fear of enemy retribution to dictate or sway his Administration’s
commitment to improving human rights through foreign policy.
In a 2009 speech in Cairo, the “heart of the Muslim world,” Obama stated that, “No
system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by another” because
governments should, “…reflect the will…and traditions of its own people” (Kaufman, 159).
President Obama also iterated his “unyielding belief” that,

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“All people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say
in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from its
people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas,
they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere”
(Kaufman, 159).
Obama’s words are inspirational, but if the Middle East is to achieve stability, it will have to
come from within. Similarly, no matter how brilliant a plan to stabilize any given country may
be, the U.S. government cannot prepare to mitigate all potential consequences from the policies
it implements because, “…foreign policy decisions often have unintended consequences” that
cannot always be anticipated (Kaufman, 25). Decisions are made based on assumptions, and are
limited by bounded rationality—knowledge possessed in the moment and influenced by the
amount of time an individual or group has to weigh the consequences and benefits of a particular
decision. The Palestinian refugee crisis in Gaza accompanied by the even larger crisis in Syria
and Iraq needs to be acted upon immediately because time is binding.
Kevin Sullivan of the Washington Post describes the dire nature of the crisis in an article
that addresses the impact that the tumultuous war in Syria is having on the entire region. “The
massive influx of refugees into neighboring countries—especially Lebanon, Jordan and
Turkey—is crippling fragile economies and damaging delicate political and religious balances in
the region” (Sullivan). The erratic nature of the war between Israel and Palestine has only
heightened regional instability. Palestinian civil society is in ruin, and refugees, IDPs, and
civilians possess limited resources to either rebuild their lives or communicate to higher
authorities that possess the resources they desperately need. High Commissioner for Human
Rights, Navi Pillay, recently described how civilians have suffered the most from the conflict.
“Israel, Hamas, and Palestinian armed groups in Gaza have been down this road
before, and it has led only to death, destruction, distrust and a painful
prolongation of the conflict. Once again, civilians are bearing the brunt of the

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conflict. I urge all sides to steadfastly respect their obligations under international
human rights law and international humanitarian law to protect civilians”
(OHCHR).
If Israel and Palestine are to ever enjoy stable relations and mutually respected peace, the U.S.
and the EU need to become committed to providing additional resources for the PA and
UNRWA that can be allocated towards restructuring Palestinian institutions and strengthening
civil society. The Palestinian Authority and UNRWA have clearly demonstrated an inability to
responsibly redistribute monetary aid thus far, which is why heedlessly entrusting them to
allocate it responsibly going forward would be a complete disservice to suffering Palestinians
throughout the region. The United States and European Union have an ongoing prerogative to
oversee changes within Palestine, and it needs to begin with UNRWA because the welfare of
Palestinian refugees and the strength of the alliance between Israel and the U.S. demands it.
UNRWA’s Interests versus Palestinian Interests
Before delving in to how the U.S. and other donors can pressure UNRWA to improve its
policies by allocating their resources in an increasingly responsible manner, understanding the
specific needs of Palestinian refugees is essential to serve their interests. UNRWA’s fifty-five
camps spread throughout the West Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria support over five
million Palestinian refugees (UNRWA). However, of that five million, a sizable proportion
could live reasonably well without UNRWA’s financial distributions or other resources.
Nevertheless, UNRWA keeps all registered refugees on its books and does not remain
particularly cognizant towards the costs of doing so. For instance, citizen-refugees in Jordan
receive UNRWA aid in addition to financial support from the Jordanian government (Lindsay,
53). This money should be spent in Gaza, the West Bank or Syria where refugee needs are far
greater.

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The growth of civil society is essential in Palestinian communities. A stronger civil
society will ideally foster conditions that allow infrastructural rebuilding to progress efficiently,
and it will directly improve primary education, strengthen the role of women, nurture economic
growth, and reduce crime and poverty. Moreover, if Palestinians and Israelis are to overcome
social divisions and ideological differences, then the free transmission and exchange of ideas
need an environment where communication is not judged or oppressed, but rather encouraged.
The most effective way to improve communication and create a knowledgeable society
equipped with a mentality for progress is through education. Unfortunately, the ongoing conflict
has hit women and school children the hardest. “Children form over half of Gaza's
population...and are the first to be psychologically distressed, the most in need of medical
support and the most exposed to injuries among civilians in times of conflict” (Humanitarian
Crisis in Gaza). Al Jazeera recently reported that re-opening schools had been delayed because
over 200 schools were damaged during the conflict and another 90 UN educational facilities
were providing shelter for “tens of thousands of internally displaced Palestinians” (Gaza
Children). However, there remains room for optimism because UNRWA has maximized their
efforts in recent months. “At least half a million children returned to their schools in the Gaza
strip on Sunday, where many will be given special attention and psychological counseling…” to
address trauma or any other issues that occurred as a result of the bombardment in Gaza (Gaza
Children). UNRWA has established itself as a leader in this effort by employing, “…over 200
counselors who will work with as much as 240,000 students in its schools” (Gaza Children).
UNRWA’s efforts are essential to re-establishing a sense of normality in Gaza as winter
approaches.

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Although there remains room for optimism as women and children receive the medical
care they need, schools are no longer a safe haven. According to Gaza’s deputy education
minister, Zeyad Thabet, “26 schools in the territory have been destroyed…” and another, “…232
schools have been damaged during the war” (Gaza Children). Immediate social and
infrastructural reconstruction is paramount, but cannot be properly addressed because there is a
severe water shortage throughout Gaza. Worse yet, much of the remaining water sources are
contaminated. The combination of a chaotic school environment, community ruin, and a
dwindling water supply could spell the downfall for many Gazans. The hundreds of millions of
dollars that the U.S. and other countries have provided the PA and UNRWA is enough to quell
Gaza’s immediate struggles, but leadership from the two former organizations will need
revamping to better serve civilian and refugee interests.
Similar to Gazans, Palestinian refugees in Syria have been displaced by war. UNRWA
reports estimate that the Syrian Civil War and growing presence of ISIL has displaced over 50
percent of Palestinians within the country (UNRWA-Syria Crisis). To support IDP’s, UNRWA
has provided ongoing food distribution and two rounds of cash assistance to approximately
458,000 refugees (UNRWA-Syria Crisis). However, UNRWA has reported that, “…there are
not sufficient funds to complete a full third round and there are no funds for a fourth round”,
which falls short of the six rounds originally planned (UNRWA-Syria Crisis). Refugee families
tightly budget their lives, living check to check because each family member is awarded $64
every two months (UNRWA-Syria Crisis). Families are given an additional $100 for housing,
but that amount is more discretionary based upon the funds UNRWA has available (UNRWA-
Response 78). Although the bulk of families maintain additional revenue streams, for those
suffering the greatest hardship this is not nearly enough money for a family to live on. For

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Palestinian refugees, the Syrian crises have not only exacerbated previous hardships and
broadened the scope of displacement, but led to an, “…unraveling of their social structure and
support networks in Syria. Palestine refugees’ coping mechanisms are stretched by
unemployment, inflation and lack of access to goods and services,” making them tremendously
vulnerable (UNRWA-Syria Crisis). Although UNRWA is attempting to support refugees in
Gaza and Syria, their resources are strained and their methods have not proven particularly
successful. They are continuing to maintain the principle of “no detention, no deportation”
which encourages host countries to act hospitabliy towards refugees, and provide legal advice to
refugees that ask for it, but these measures simply do not suffice because they are not accessable
to the refugee masses (UNRWA-Response 78). The $84 million provided by the U.S.
government may briefly relieve UNRWA’s budgetary shortfalls, but for noticeable progress to
be made within the growing refugee community, the Palestinian Authority must legitimize its
claim as true leaders by undertaking expansive measures to work multilaterally with UNRWA
and NGOs. These measures need to address how to improve legal empowerment within refugee
camps and the civilian population, and rebuild communities so that resettlement can begin and
civil society can voice its needs. To do so will require innovating outdated policies and
allocating financial support to communities and refugees that most need humanitarian aid.
Addressing Civil Society and the Individual Rights of Palestinian Youth and Women
Israel has an unquestionable right to protect its state sovereignty and citizens. Although
the blockade of Gaza intended to prevent the importation of military weapons and supplies
destined for Hamas or other terrorist affiliated groups is legal, it is hindering efforts directed
towards rebuilding and resettling Gaza. Unintentionally, the blockade has restricted the ability
for humanitarian aid to find its way to suffering Gazans. This has slowed aid distribution and the

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rebuilding process by making it difficult for UNRWA and other relief groups to assess what is
needed most and how to allocate their respective resources most efficiently. Any effort by the
U.S. to encourage Israel to ease certain aspects of the blockade to improve the flow of necessary
rebuilding and medical materials would be ideal.
The Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority need to address and improve how
individual rights are being protected on the ground in Gaza, the West Bank, and Jerusalem.
Palestinians and Israeils need to feel safe and legally empowered in their daily life so that the
inclination to resort to violence as a medium for expressing their frustration subsides. A second
problem that needs addressing concerns ongoing measures on the ground by UNRWA and other
entities to teach refugees, internally displaced persons, or other Palestinians their legal rights.
An NGO that specializes in improving legal knowledge at the community level is Namati. They
serve communities in the global south by teaching local leaders and families how they can
realize their rights and become legally empowered. Their techniques adhere to the belief that,
“People need to view the law as a tool that works in their favor, and not something that needs to
be overcome” (Bin Talal). Furthermore, as noted by Prince Hassan bin Talal of Jordan in a
speech published by Namati, “Legal empowerment must be promoted as a tool of conflict
resistance and resilience—and not as a catalyst for revolution.” Prince Talal’s statement is
especially pertinent to Palestine because political and civil unrest is so prevalent within their
society. Their lack of statehood severely inhibits political stability and the development of civil
society. Yet, because such a great number of Palestinians still delegitimize Israel’s claim to
statehood, influential countries including the United States, United Kingdom, and much of the
European Union are hesitant to completely support Palestinian statehood until a long-term peace
agreement is brokered between Israel and Palestine. International doubts concerning the extent

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to which Palestinians support the PA perpetuate the crisis because there are fears of a political
coup d’etat from Hamas or a separate militant group. Moreover, it certainly does not help
opponents of the PA that the U.S. will utilize its hegemonic clout in the region to prevent a
Palestinian government that opposes Israel to ever hold legitimate power. This conundrum leads
back to legal empowerment.
Later in Prince Talal’s speech he pinpointed glaring truths within Palestinian civil society
as it currently stands, and provided insight which could address the disconnect between civilians
and political groups in Palestine. He eloquently stated, “Legal empowerment is too large a
problem to be left to government alone. Civil society must be brought into development
discussions to gain insights into the challenges faced by the marginalized and develop truly
meaningful strategies” (Bin Talal). Refugees and civilians are underrepresented and the conflict
with Israel is stealing government attention that could be directed toward repairing destroyed
infrastructure, addressing civilian violence, and quelling rampant unemployment and poverty
especially among the youngest generation.
Unemployment in Palestinian youth is stifling economic growth and must be addressed
before another generation is lost, angry, and searching for an outlet to place blame. Poverty,
poor education, and growing up in a broken household hits young, impassioned men the hardest,
making them exceedingly impressionable. Terrorist organizations target and recruit unemployed
men, furthering violence and instability, and perpetuating anti-Semitic feelings among
Palestinians. Luckily, most young, unemployed men have no serious terrorist ties, particularly in
UNRWA camps. Nevertheless, they still suffer the typical struggle of those in poverty, with
minimal access to healthcare or jobs that pay a living wage. Those that are employed are

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typically a part of the informal economy, where insurance, social security, and reasonable pay
are hard to come by. Minimum wages are rare, leading to unfair labor practices for workers.
Refugees and IDPs need to have a chain of contacts so that they know who can help them.
Currently, many Palestinians are unaware of the options available to them. Civil society in the
Occupied Palestinian Territories needs to be involved in political decision-making, community
rebuilding, and economic development, which is where UNRWA, the Palestinian Authority, and
NGOs such as Namati need to make a greater difference.
Programs that support women financially and empower them will engender positive
social conditions for peace and community development. Women shape the beliefs of children
in most cultures. If women do not have a strong voice at home due to male oppression or fear
retribution for teaching children ideas that encourage coexistence with “enemies”, then positive
change will be nearly impossible. NGOs and UNRWA need to place greater impetus on
empowering women so that they feel safe teaching their children non-discriminatory values.
Greater emphasis must also go towards family reunification. If families are split, communication
is improbable. Children, especially boys without a positive male or female role model are
susceptible to impression and unable to discern right from wrong. Similar to unemployed men,
abandoned or orphaned children are often recruited by radical groups and taught to deplore their
perceived “enemy.” Israelis and Palestinians that are taught that the other is evil from a young
age will find changing their worldview toward the other incredibly challenging. Lucy Kurtzer-
Ellenbogen of the U.S. Institute of Peace described the current pessimistic perspective held by
Palestinians and Israelis alike. “The reality on the ground dictates that the parties will either
"triumph" in mutual loss, or will need to find a formula for peaceful co-existence in a region
fraught with resource and security challenges from which no one—Israeli or Palestinian—is

20. R. Youch 19
exempt” (Kurtzer-Ellenbogen). As President Obama, Secretary of State Kerry, and Prince Talal
of Jordan have made abundantly clear in their respective speeches on the prospect of peace and
social and institutional growth within the Occupied Palestinian Territories, policy change must
be led from within Palestine by Palestinians, not by international political bodies. To address
this sensitive problem, UNRWA must play an integral role by remaining politically impartial and
racially tolerant of Israel.
Change UNRWA, Change the Future of Palestine
In an increasingly globalized world where political alliances trump progressive policy
initiatives, institutional development in developing countries is best achieved at a grass roots
level beneath the complexities of political gridlock. As an organization under the United Nations
umbrella, UNRWA possesses a unique ability to steer the future of Palestinian refugees without
obstructive international interference. Yet, as they currently operate, many of their policies are
overly inclusive and politically driven, which has impeded the repatriation and social
reintegration of generations of refugees. In order to alter their current trajectory and reverse past
decisions, two policy changes should be made within the next five years. First, UNRWA should
change the anti-Israel tone earlier described by ICPRI found within its school textbooks because
it perpetuates negative feelings towards Israelis and engenders the perception held by numerous
Palestinians that they have a “right of return” to Israel, which is an unrealistic goal. Second,
UNRWA should go back to its original mandate of providing need-based aid by supporting
refugees until they have the means to support themselves, at which point aid should be reduced.
UNRWA staff and refugees currently view distributions as “an acquired right,” based upon
“status” which cannot be taken from them while they are on UNRWA’s rolls (Lindsay, 16). The
problem with the current scale of distribution is that UNRWA is in a budgetary shortfall making

21. R. Youch 20
them completely reliant on its donors. UNRWA is facing a dilemma, and the U.S. needs to
leverage its influence as the most influential donor of the former, to press the hand of UNRWA
so that they implement policy changes that are not only in the best interests of Palestinian
refugees, but all of Palestine.
A political solution to decrease the necessity of humanitarian aid for citizen-refugees
must be achieved because the current level of reliance by status-based refugees on UNRWA is
not financially sustainable. The reliance by millions of refugees who possess the individual
capital to provide for themselves makes providing urgent need-based aid to other refugees
challenging because it overextends already strained resources.
In 2009, Ex-URNWA general counsel James Lindsay published a report on how UNRWA can
be “fixed.” This report is the first ever written by a senior staff member that has knowledge of
the inner workings of UNRWA; it has served as a linchpin to this essay by providing
unparalleled insight. Lindsay argues that because the U.S. is still UNRWA’s most prominent
donor, its policies can “exert a significant influence on UNRWA’s future. The agency’s
activities can in turn affect the likelihood of an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement, a major U.S.
policy goal” (Lindsay, 2). In addition to peace, the aforementioned “influence” can address
other inconsistencies within UNRWA that detract from their mandate.
UNRWA has developed a reputation for its pro-Palestinian political beliefs and anti-
Israel mantra, which contradict its legal obligation to remain neutral towards political issues as
required by the UN. “UNRWA staff are required to ‘avoid any action and in particular any kind
of public pronouncement which may adversely reflect on their status, or on the integrity,
independence and impartiality which are required by that status’” as United Nations employees
(Lindsay, 29). Staff may maintain political and religious beliefs that align with their nationality,

22. R. Youch 21
but they are not supposed to outwardly endorse any party, faction, or “side” while working that
would implicate their duty to remain neutral. It is completely logical that an agency that is
predominantly employed by Palestinians would favor their cause over Israel’s, yet UNRWA’s,
“…propensity to echo Hamas views” is unacceptable. It remains paramount for U.S. and Israel’s
interests that UNRWA maintains a neutral position in their programs, especially education.
UNRWA has always relied upon textbooks provided by host countries that are not reviewed by
the UN to ensure political and religious impartiality. Currently, UNRWA from a disciplinary
standpoint has not gone out of its way to supervise its employees and ensure that they are
maintaining their obligations as UN staff. If UNRWA intends to continue receiving U.S.
financial assistance at its current level, then they should make representing the political interests
of its chief donors—namely the United States and European Union—a far greater priority than
they currently do, insofar as their ability to serve the needs of refugees is not compromised by
doing so.
The number one priority of the United States in regard to their continued relationship
with UNRWA is encouraging the latter to reassess the number of beneficiaries it supports, and
reallocate its resources to refugees that have the greatest need. UNRWA’s original mandate was
to temporarily support refugees financially until they could resettle their previous home or
community, or possessed the means to support themselves after they had become economically
integrated within a host country (Lindsay, 13). However, “…UNRWA’s sympathies are not with
resettlement or ‘repatriation’ to a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, but with
‘repatriation’ to Israel” (Lindsay, 23). By holding on to the popular political notion that
returning to Israel will somehow occur, UNRWA has maintained an impractical level of aid that
is not sustainable. Extending services to all registered refugees—including citizen-refugees in

23. R. Youch 22
Jordan that are eligible to receive assistance from the Jordanian government—is foolish because
it wastes precious money that should be dedicated to regions that desperately need it.
Furthermore, extending services to all descendants of previous aid recipients regardless of need
is irresponsible and insulting to families in Syria and Gaza that are struggling to survive.
The fact that refugee status has been prolonged for countless Palestinians has less to do
with refugee needs, and more to do with political motivation. James Lindsay argues that
resettlement and the discontinuation of aid to less needy refugees has not occurred because, “…a
just and durable solution to the problem that reflects the desire of refugees”—namely a two state
solution or a “right to return” to Israel—has not been accomplished (Lindsay, 36). Inflating the
number of Palestinian refugees increases the number of people that are entitled to reparations if
Palestine is to ever have its own sovereign state—a political outcome sought by countless
supporters of the Palestinian cause. The previous statement is partially conjecture, but if it
contains truth, then it is certainly in the best interests of the United States to pressure UNRWA to
reduce its beneficiary rolls to focus on refugees that unquestionably need financial support. This
does not mean that UNRWA should no longer offer a portion of its health or education services
to those that cannot receive it elsewhere. For instance, certain families may not require regular
financial support, but there are certainly women and children that may need access to UNRWA’s
psychological support centers and hospitals as they rehabilitate from traumatic experiences. The
previous recommendations are likely to receive considerable opposition. Refugees that are
secure in camps are hesitant to resettle areas that are surrounded by violence, a completely
logical rationale. Refugees have an unquestionable right to security of person, but UNRWA
needs to facilitate resettlement and/or reintegration to some degree so that communities can
rebuild and civil society can grow, especially Gaza. Hopefully, if the above policy changes are

24. R. Youch 23
adopted, they will establish conditions on the ground that supply Palestinian refugees, IDP’s, and
civilians with the humanitarian aid they need to rebuild civil society and overcome their ongoing
struggle for peace and statehood.
Conclusion
The objective of this essay has been four-fold: first, to demonstrate that the Palestinian
refugee crisis is interlinked with U.S. interests; second, to illustrate the plight and hopeless
struggle of Palestinian refugees as they attempt to retain a semblance of security in a war-torn
world; third, to propose that there are political and cultural measures that can be embraced by
UNRWA, the Palestinian Authority, and NGO’s to improve legal empowerment, economic and
educational institutions, and civil society throughout the region; and fourth, to prove that if
UNRWA and Palestinian leadership become increasingly invested in reducing the daily struggles
endured by refugees, IDPs, and Palestinian civilians alike, the conditions for peace and security
will spread from Aleppo to Amman, from Amman to Gaza City, and from Gaza City to
Jerusalem, thus proving that peace is indeed possible with Israel as a neighbor. Yet, as Chris
Preble preached, “Peace is a principle, not a mantra.” Peace cannot be achieved unless
Palestinians and Israelis are willing to cooperate bilaterally and collaborate multilaterally. To
echo the United States Institute of Peace, “It will require the U.S. and other international actors
to play an active role in enabling positive developments on the ground and fostering conditions
conducive to the leaders taking bold steps in support of peace” (Kurtzer-Ellenbogen).
Serious efforts directed at reducing racism and ancient animosity between both nations
remains paramount. In UNRWA schools, “…infusing curricula and the classroom experience
with values germane to a culture of peace and tolerance” will hopefully reduce animosity and
teach children that their perceived political enemies desire peace as much as they do (Kurtzer-

25. R. Youch 24
Ellenbogen). As Karen Grisez of Fried Frank maintains, “Direct representation is essential to
properly assess real situations and create policies that can lead to widespread positive progress.”
Palestinian refugees and civilians that have been forgotten and omitted from political
participation in civil society must have that ability in the future because it is their right as
humans. If people without a country are the bastards of humanity, then bastards without a voice
are not people at all. The dehumanizing hatred reciprocated by Israelis and Palestinians must
end for peace to become a reality, not an irrational dream. This dream is possible, but the United
States cannot aimlessly throw money towards UNRWA and the Palestinian Authority and hope
justice, equal opportunity, regional security, and peace will be restored without actively
supervising their affairs. Perhaps this time around the United States’ propensity for international
intervention will stand to uphold the right to free expression, peace, and prosperity for
Palestinian civil society, rather than advancing geopolitical interests alone.

26. R. Youch 25
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