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To be displaced in modern times is, it seems, a sentence to a state of statelessness, with nowhere
to go and nowhere to return to. To be a refugee is to be a pariah of society. Today, there are more
than 42 million forcibly displaced persons worldwide, with approximately 3% of those (15.2
million) officially classified as refugees (Stewart 234). Unlike in ages past, there remain no
“unclaimed” lands in which to settle, and the bureaucracy of settling in a new or host nation is
overwhelming, filled with red tape. Scanning reliable news sources, there is no shortage of
stories decrying the displacement of another people group. Especially in the midst of the War on
Terror and the mass exodus of men, women, and children racing to escape the atrocities
committed on every side, now it is more important than ever to implement effective methods of
reintegration and repatriation in order to achieve true and lasting peace and reconciliation, and to
give these “stateless” peoples their homes once more.
In order to organize efficacious repatriation, it is necessary to critically examine cases where
exiled peoples voluntarily returned to their homeland and not only picked their lives up where
they left off, but ensured that the country did not wallow in the static state of development that
often follows civil strife. In this case study, I will examine how Guatemalan/Mayan refugees
utilized grass-roots efforts, NGOs, and refugee relief organizations to further their education to
the point that they were able to negotiate the October Accord, which negotiated the voluntary
return of exiled citizens to Guatemala, the first repatriation agreement of its kind (Bradley 120).
In the midst of a genocide that sought to “kill the fish” by “drain[ing] the sea,” 1.5 million people
(mostly rural farmers) were internally displaced; 150,000 took refuge in Mexico, and
approximately 200,000 citizens were brutally slaughtered (Stewart 242). The government desired
to undermine the support system of the guerilla leftist opposition groups by implementing a
“scorched earth” policy that directly targeted those that were deemed “enemies of the state.”

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Mayans composed the vast percentage of this category, thus enabling later truth commissions to
classify the civil war as genocide. Many of those left destitute and disenfranchised by the
scorched earth flocked to Mexico. There, camps were established for the refugees as they began
the long wait for the end of the civil war.
Analysts provide several different perspectives about the course of action to be taken from this
point. In her essay about wartime displacement and postwar distress, Anja Nygren presents the
difficulty of reintegration and the traumas of war in Nicaragua as an example of how
displacement often creates a “backwards-development effect,” where the intertwined lack of
solidarity, trust, and acknowledgment of loss resulted in loss of production and conflict over
resources. Emphasizing the blanketing sentiment of despair and mistrust, Nygren discusses how
“years of fighting and easy access to weapons have made violence a common means to resolve
any kind of conflicts” (Nygren 380). Survivors and those who resettled internally existed in a
constant state of fear from guerillas and murderous soldiers, fabricating an atmosphere of distrust
of family, friends, and neighbors. In addition, those who returned to their homes and farms often
lived alongside those who killed family members, perpetrators who had never seen the inside of
a court room. Combined, these many multi-faceted factors contributed to a state of stagnation of
development and the rot of social and political solidarity “that easily paralyses any efforts for
collective action” (Nygren 385).
Julie Stewart, professor at the University of Utah, does not share in Nygren’s view that
displacement undermines the solidarity of a nation as a whole. Where Nygren identifies the lack
of solidarity of displaced persons, Stewart observes that displacement often creates a united body
that can “develop political voice…. [and] promote community development” (Stewart 235). As
the refugees began to pursue education provided in the camps sponsored by Mexico, they

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realized they “needed to organize, to help the whole community survive” (Stewart 246).
Pursuing this vision, the refugees organized many grass-roots campaigns and organizations, and
ultimately negotiated their voluntary return to Guatemala that forced the government to make
many concessions. Stewart uses this example to argue that disenfranchisement does not also
equate to the ruination of a people and a culture.
In both Guatemala and Nicaragua, there existed a state of “collective silence” when it came to
speaking up about the atrocities committed against them and their families. Shame, mistrust, and
fear of retaliation all contributed to this “refusal to share a history” (Nygren 377). Discussing,
reflecting on, and exposing vulnerabilities is an essential step to reestablishing individual dignity,
as well as ensuring total reconciliation and reintegration: the lack of open discussion can create a
state that lacks solidarity and thus become the root cause of stagnation. There needs to be
“some…form of public acknowledgement, overcoming communal denial… to restore dignity to
the victims” (Todorova 5). Restoring individual dignity strengthens the solidarity of the nation
and leads to the kind of unity that brings about significant change, such as in the case with
Guatemala.
Reviewing these two perspectives on the social state of a refugee, it is difficult to apply a “one
size fit all” policy that is universally applicable. Unique circumstances call for unique solutions.
However, I would like to suggest that the displacement does not always mean that all social
capital and solidarity is lost and that such a situation, as Stewart suggests, displacement can
provide an environment that serves as a catalyst for education and development of a culture.
The real question is not whether such community is possible, but how it is fostered. It is
important to examine how Guatemala’s refugees were able to achieve the October Accords and
negotiate a profitable and safe return to their homeland. In comparing the perspectives of both

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Stewart and Nygren, it becomes evident that assistance from outside means is necessary (whether
from government, the international community, or other sources of aid for refugees), as is
demonstrated with the significant role that aid played in Guatemalan reintegration, but it is
unclear to what extent aid is necessary. Additionally, in analyzing the root factors – such as
education and the acquisition of new marketable skills - that contributed to the Mayans’ success,
the question has to be asked about whether such principles are universally applicable, where the
refugee and displacement crisis is only increasing. Especially in Africa, displacement is a
common occurrence, and so it is important to consider whether the approach to aid in Guatemala
– in which the Mexican government played a key role – could apply to the refugees of, say,
Darfur, where the economies of host countries receiving the refugees are not quite so stable and
as open to such an influx of dependents. As initially stated, the importance of this research and
analysis potentially provides at least a partial solution/approach to the displacement and refugee
crises that continue to arise in Africa and the Middle East in response to the War on Terror. With
the number of displaced persons increasing by the thousands, reintegration and/or repatriation is
essential to both reaffirm state legitimacy and to ensure the continuing development of war-torn
lands. As Stewart stated, “Civil war is development in reverse” (Stewart 234), and thus it is
necessary to ensure the continued growth of the nation, both for the fulfillment of human rights
and to ensure human security for all of its citizens.
I will begin by analyzing several articles that examine in depth the exile and return of
Guatemalan refugees. I will identify the core factors that contributed to their acquisition of
political education and independence, especially considering what type of environment and
support that sustained the refugees during their exile. In examining government and international
aid that was provided to the refugees, I will examine the approximate depth of aid involvement

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that will foster independent life, and not create a dependency on foreign and internal aid. The
articles and research that I have identified all specifically address either refugee repatriation to
Guatemala, important components of repatriation in general, or human rights protection. Both
Stewart and Nygren collected and compiled research in their respective fields of interest,
interviewing survivors and analyzing the reintegration process firsthand, while the other articles
that I will reference in my analysis provide a more theoretical perspective to the discussion of
repatriation. I will determine the role of truth and reconciliation commissions in the case studies,
and whether their “recommendations for reparations…reintegration and reconciliation” (Pavaani
20) truly impact the reintegration effort. In addition, I will research more in-depth analyses of the
specific processes that enabled Guatemalan refugees to obtain a voice in their country of origin.
My goal is to find official reports of aid provision and government assistance, first-hand
testimonies, and the research of other anthropologists who, like Stewart and Nygren, provide an
important perspective to the issue of repatriation. Such information will help to flesh out a more
complete picture of process of reintegration of displaced persons such that the issue will be
tackled from all angles and take into account all perspectives.

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Works Cited
Bradley, Megan (2014) “Rethinking Refugeehood: Statelessness, Repatriation, and Refugee
Agency.” Review of International Studies, 40: 101–123.
Nygren, Anja. “Violent Conflicts and Threatened Lives: Nicaraguan Experiences of Wartime
Displacement and Postwar Distress.” Journal of Latin American Studies 35.02 2003: 367–393.
Cambridge Journals. Web. 12 June 2015.
Paavani, Reddy (2005) “Truth and Reconciliation Commissions.” UN Chronicle. Vol 41(4): 19-
21.
Stewart, Julie. “AGENCY AND EMPOWERMENT UNDER UNLIKELY CONDITIONS:
EXPLORING HOW WARTIME DISPLACEMENT CAN PROMOTE COMMUNITY
DEVELOPMENT.” Humanity and Society 35 2011: 233–260. Web. 12 June 2015.
Todorova, Teodora(2011) “‘GivingMemorya Future’:Confrontingthe Legacyof Mass Rape inPost-
ConflictBosnia-Herzegovina.”Journalof InternationalWomen’sStudies,Vol.12(2):3-15.