Describe the characteristics of the main or central research quest

Describe the characteristics of the main or central research
question in a qualitative study.
One of the characteristics of a qualitative research question
focuses on a one-one-one interviews to understand the
perspective of the underlying inquiry. A qualitative research
question is based on being able to discover problems and
opportunities from the perspective of the research respondents.
Qualitative research question are open-ended in nature, which
means that they are able to respond to questions without
limitations. Besides, they are easily understood by respondents
and do not need to clarify (Creswell & Poth, 2016).
State your proposed qualitative research question.
What is the experience of young, under the age of 25, entry
level woman who are highly motivated to help with on an
organization performance?
Describe the characteristics of the qualitative interview and the
types of questions used in a qualitative interview.
Characteristics of qualitative research include data collection
from the natural setting. The researcher takes an active role in
collection of data from the participant’s right from their natural
setting. The researcher collects data based on awareness of the
underlying business context. The researchers must practice
patience throughout the interview period. The researchers must
be empathetic and can use multiple methods to collect data. The
researchers design and develop the process, which means the
process is not static and is subject to evolution over time. The
researcher must also collaborate with the participants and
maintain ethics throughout the process (Creswell & Poth, 2016).
Types of qualitative research questions include exploratory
which seeks to understand something without influencing the
results with preconceived notions. Another type of question is
the predictive questions which seek to understand the outcome
surrounding a topic. Interpretive questions that gathers feedback
on a certain phenomenon without influencing the outcome.

Creswell, J. W., & Poth, C. N. (2016). Qualitative inquiry and
research design: Choosing among five approaches. Sage
publications.
Learning Objectives
After completing this chapter, you should be able to:
Understand how kinds of temperament are associated with
principles of reciprocal relationships and
goodness of �it.
Outline Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.
Articulate and evaluate the theoretical ideas of Marcia and
Levinson.
Compare and contrast trait and type theories and how they each
assess personality.
Outline the evidence for the emergence of self-awareness and
summarize demographic differences in
self-esteem.
De�ine ethnic identity and understand how it in�luences
identity development.
11Personality, the Self, and MoralDevelopment
iStock/Thinkstock

Distinguish among behaviors that are indicative of different
stages of moral development.
Prologue
Try for a moment to describe a person without referring to
physical characteristics. Words such as “shy,” “patient,” or
“easygoing” may come to mind. These are personal and social
traits, which are part of personality. Psychologists think of
personality as descriptions that are both consistent and
individually distinctive for each person. Even if a person’s
thoughts, feelings, and behaviors consistently express turmoil
and change, we may describe that person with words like
“�lighty,” “impulsive,” or “undependable.” Therefore,
personality consists of stable or enduring patterns of
thoughts,
feelings, and, ultimately, behaviors.
Furthermore, noticing that a person did a kind thing is different
from noticing that a person is kind. The latter implies a
sense of permanence. When a shy person acts in a more
assertive manner, most people recognize the behavior as out
of character—different from his or her typical personality. But
if the “shy” person persists in being more assertive, we
might ask whether the person is still inherently shy or whether
that person’s personality has truly changed. The most
famous American talk show host of the 1970s and 1980s,
Johnny Carson, always described himself as shy. How can that
be?
This chapter will explore how psychologists view these
differences and various theories that attempt to describe how
our personalities develop. Traditional Freudian theory,
introduced in Chapter 2, which focused on the id, ego, and

superego, has given way to science-based trait theories, which
suggest that personality remains fairly stable during
adulthood. We will also look at the emergence of self, identity,
moral development, and how we evaluate and become
aware of ourselves. This focus on personality and identity
development will serve as an introduction to how we de�ine
ourselves according to gender, relationships, and other social
roles, which will be explored in the following chapters.
Purestock/Thinkstock
Temperament describes characteristics that
are relatively consistent during the early
years of life. Neonates can demonstrate
differences in temperament.
11.1 Early Personality Development: Temperament
and the Emergent Self
In Chapter 10 we discussed the emergence of emotions, which
are generally regarded as temporary states or moods. In
addition to transitory states, we exhibit a characteristic style of
arousal, or pattern of experiencing the world.
Psychologists use the term temperament to describe those
characteristics that are relatively enduring and consistent
during the early years of life. It previews personality and
includes how easily we become emotionally aroused, how long
the arousal persists, and how easily it fades. An “easy” baby can
be fussy or unhappy at times but still generally handles
distress well and is relatively predictable; an “active” baby does
not always engage in prolonged activity but can still be
described as mostly energetic and vigorous. Regardless of any
transient emotions, “easy” and “active” describe more
consistent traits—temperament.

Differences in temperament can be observed in neonates—even
during fetal development—and remain relatively stable across
various situations (Casalin, Luyten, Vliegen, & Meurs, 2012).
There is
strong evidence that genetics and biology in�luence
temperament,
including in factors related to emotions, motor activity, self-
regulation, and attention. Together, these characteristics
interact with
the environment and begin to de�ine personality, the topic of
the
remainder of this chapter (Ivorra et al., 2010; Posner, Rothbart,
&
Sheese, 2007; Rothbart, 2007). Temperament is the mostly
biological
foundation upon which experiences with the environment build
personality. There is also evidence that culture and a parent’s
personality affect temperament (Laxman et al., 2013). For
instance,
although cultural differences decline with age, infants born in
the
United States score relatively high in measures of surgency, a
psychological measure that encompasses extraversion,
con�idence,
and independence. These characteristics tend to be valued in
more
individualistic countries. U.S. infants are relatively better at
managing
feelings of frustration and other negative emotions, too
(Slobodskaya,
Garstein, Nakagawa, & Putnam, 2013).
Categories of Infant Temperament
In 1977, researchers Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess

offered the �irst widely accepted conceptual model of
temperament. They followed a group of 141 U.S. infants into
adulthood. Each person was rated on several dimensions,
including activity level, adaptability, attention span, and mood.
Multiple interviews and observations with parents and
children revealed that infant emotional reactivity could be
classi�ied according to one of three types of temperament
(Thomas & Chess, 1977).
Infants with an easy temperament are generally happy. They
�ind ways to self-soothe and establish regular
body rhythms of sleeping, eating, and elimination. They adapt
relatively easily to change. About 40% of children
�it this category.
Infants with a dif�icult temperament often display intensely
negative reactions. They have dif�iculty
establishing regular routines and do not adapt well to new
experiences. About 10% of children �it this category.
About 15% of infants are slow to warm up. They are
relatively less active with somewhat regular biological
rhythms for activities like sleep and elimination. They have
mild to moderate reactions to new experiences, but
are notably more accepting than dif�icult children.
About 35% of children show a combination of characteristics
and do not clearly �it any of the categories
(Thomas & Chess, 1977; Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1968).
The differences observed during infancy are found to be
moderately stable throughout childhood. Longitudinal
research has found that children who are classi�ied as easy
during infancy have fewer adjustment problems in school
than those who are identi�ied as dif�icult. Dif�icult children
are comparatively more likely to be aggressive and to
withdraw from social interactions. Slow-to-warm-up infants
exhibit relatively smooth developmental adjustment during
infancy, but during elementary school they are found to have

more problems than easy children. In general, children
who have emotional and behavioral problems in later childhood
have temperament pro�iles that include a lower degree
Critical Thinking
If a parent has an active infant, but comes
home exhausted from work, what advice
would you offer? What about an exhausted
parent and a quiet infant?
of emotional stability and relatively poor self-regulatory skills
(Althoff et al., 2012; Caspi & Silva, 1995; Chess & Thomas,
1984; De Pauw & Mervielde, 2011).
Other models of temperament focus less on biological rhythms,
but they still
emphasize attention, activity, and emotionality. Research by
Rothbart and her
colleagues has been particularly instrumental in focusing on
variations in
reactivity and self-regulation, including intensity of motor and
emotional
responses, self-soothing behaviors, and self-control.
Accordingly, researchers
often explore how easily they can elicit temper tantrums and
whether
children can be easily calmed (Gartstein & Rothbart, 2003;
Rothbart, Ahadi, &
Evans, 2000; Rothbart & Bates, 2006).
Goodness of Fit
The match between temperament and environmental demands is

referred to as goodness of �it. For instance, the
diagnosis of some attention disorders is often dependent on
individual parenting style and culture. Some parents and
educators may tolerate certain kinds of off-task behavior more
than others. The amount of patience adults display
affects how children respond. Fussy infants become more
dif�icult toddlers when they are faced with parents who
generally impose harsher restrictions. These parents become
more easily stressed, more negative, and more hostile;
they might engage in inconsistent discipline practices and
aggravate the child’s behavior problems. In contrast, parents
who show support and patience can have a signi�icant positive
effect on children’s behavior (Paulussen-Hoogeboom,
Stams, Hermans, & Peetsma, 2007; Raikes, Robinson, Bradley,
Raikes, & Ayoub, 2007). In other words, the temperament
of some children may be a better or poorer �it than others for
particular situations. Children’s adjustment may
therefore be linked to biological temperament acting on �it.
To counteract what might be poor goodness of �it, dif�icult
children bene�it from warm, sensitive parents who have
consistent rules for behavior and make reasonable demands.
Less active infants and toddlers bene�it from parents who
will engage them—asking questions, exploring, naming objects.
Because active, outgoing children will naturally self-
stimulate, for them, intrusive adult involvement may limit
exploratory behavior and innate curiosity. Many parents fail to
recognize when they are not responding according to their
children’s temperament. In these instances, parenting
programs that include directed interventions to identify
emotions appear to be helpful. In one study that focused on
these techniques, children were able to engage in a higher level
of social behavior. Additionally, by learning how to
better recognize emotional cues in their children, parents also
became more aware of their own emotional regulation
(Wilson, Havighurst, & Harley, 2012).

Section Review
What is the association between infant temperament and
personality development? Describe three different
types of infant temperament, including implications for
parenting and goodness of �it.
11.2 Psychosocial Foundations of Personality
Development
Like issues that arise with goodness of �it, it is not always easy
to �ind an appropriate balance between being patient and
responsive, and imposing necessary restrictions on what appears
to be normal developmental needs. How often should
dif�icult babies be held? How much freedom should teenagers
be given to express themselves? Erikson’s theory of
psychosocial development outlines these issues. His theory of
how social interactions affect personality development
remains a historical benchmark from which contemporary theory
has evolved. In many ways, Erik Erikson is to
psychosocial development what Piaget is to cognitive
development. And like Piaget, psychologists continue to �ind
Erikson’s ideas practical and worthwhile. Part of Erikson’s
theory concerns the development of the self, which is a
conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes
about ourselves. Erikson stressed how the self
develops as a function of the way we constantly interact with
society.
Erikson: Stages of Psychosocial Development
Erikson was in�luenced by Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic
theory. Both of these psychology pioneers emphasized the

importance of early development on later personality and
behavior. However, while Freud felt early development was
largely a function of sexual con�lict, Erikson’s stages of
psychosocial development focused on social in�luences
during
the lifespan (Erikson, 1950/1993). According to Erikson, each
developmental period is marked by a psychosocial
challenge that can have either a favorable or an unfavorable
outcome. The desired outcome provides opportunity for
growth, whereas the alternative inhibits personality growth. The
settlement of each stage does not have an all-or-none
effect on personality development; there are degrees of
resolution. Although Erikson proposed general age ranges for
his stages, there is no �irm consensus on when each stage
begins and ends.
Basic Trust Versus Mistrust (birth to 1
year old): Erikson proposed that the fundamental challenge
of infancy
concerns an infant’s dependency needs and parental
responsiveness. Infants need to feel secure that they will be fed,
changed, nurtured, and comforted. If parents are responsive and
dependable, infants become con�ident that their
needs will be met; they develop a sense of trust. In contrast, an
insecure infant (perhaps one who has been neglected)
will develop a sense of mistrust. Therefore, the �irst of
Erikson’s stages is referred to as basic trust versus
mistrust.
Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt (ages 1
to 3 years): If infants trust their parents, then as
toddlers they can more
con�idently explore their environment. As toddlers begin to
master skills like crawling, walking, talking, dressing, and
feeding themselves, they discover a sense of autonomy that
leads to self-esteem. Parents must guide the development

of this independence so that children develop appropriate self-
control without feeling shame that they have done
something bad and consequently doubt their own abilities.
Initiative Versus Guilt (ages 3 to 6 years):
When children gain autonomy, they begin to master the world
around them.
They become more independent but sometimes suffer negative
consequences as a result. Early “experiments” with
food �lying off of a highchair, which �irst occur randomly, are
now done with more purpose. Children might cut their
own hair. Parents again need to juggle reactions. If a 4-year-old
attempts to bring a dish to the sink but ends up
breaking it, how should the parent react? Children can either be
reinforced for taking the initiative or feel guilt for
having done something wrong. The key to helping children
overcome this initiative versus guilt challenge is to set
balanced limits—not always an intuitive, easy task.
Industry Versus Inferiority (ages 5 to 12
years): Play becomes more purposeful or goal-oriented as
children learn
more about the ways of the world. If they take the initiative,
they can become accomplished and feel a sense of
industry. If they feel inadequate, perhaps because of the guilt
from the earlier stage, children become discouraged in
their attempts to acquire knowledge or complete tasks. In that
case, they may feel incompetent and unproductive,
which can lead to feelings of inferiority. By becoming
industrious through the acquisition of a number of
competencies, children begin to build a sense of identity.
Identity Versus Role Confusion (adolescence): Erikson
believed that the stage of identity development that coincides
with adolescence was pivotal. Early stages lead up to it, and
later stages are dependent on it. In this stage, teenagers

try to discover who they really are, including their sexual
identity and what they want to do in life. Beginning in early
adolescence, physical, sexual, and cognitive changes, as well as
more complex social demands, contribute to confusion
about identity. Erikson called this time of potential upheaval the
adolescent identity crisis. During this period,
adolescents will often try out different behaviors before
�inding a clear path. The process of reconciling these
iStock/Thinkstock
If young adults have had trouble forming an
identity, they can also have trouble forming
deep emotional connections and develop a
sense of isolation.
challenges results in an individual’s achieving a sense of
identity. On the other hand, when children are not allowed to
explore, create, and accomplish, they do not develop the
competence necessary to de�ine goals and forge a unique
sense of self. Current and future roles remain unde�ined, or
confused. This role confusion may lead to dif�iculty
forming close adult relationships. After all, if a person does not
have a strong sense of identity, then there are few
intimacies that he or she can share with another person. This
outcome is sometimes referred to as identity diffusion
since the self, or personality, lacks a uni�ied core. Erikson
proposed that identity versus role confusion was the key to
developing into an adult.
Intimacy Versus Isolation (early adulthood): The adult
personality
rests �irmly on the successful resolution of the challenges of
earlier

developmental stages. Although close relationships may have
formed
prior to this stage, the task here is to form successful
relationships
and create intimacy. If a young adult has not successfully
resolved the
crisis of identity, then it becomes more dif�icult to form deep
emotional connections. Expressing hopes, dreams, and fears to
an
intimate partner also helps solidify and integrate self-image. In
the
absence of intimacy, relationships are more super�icial;
without the
risk of vulnerability, a sense of isolation develops. Erikson does
not
limit these intimate relationships to sexual intimacy but extends
them
to relationships with special friends also.
Generativity Versus Stagnation (middle adulthood):
Adults seek to
accomplish goals that make them feel as if they have made a
difference in the world. Personality is integrated to achieve
occupational, social, and personal goals. People gain a sense of
ful�illment from these accomplishments, but they also seek
additional
satisfaction by “leaving a mark.” Generativity refers to
providing for
the next generation, by engaging in activities like teaching
values, coaching sports, raising children, and volunteering.
In contrast, some individuals may not get much satisfaction
from their nine-to-�ive jobs, and simply come home, eat
dinner, watch some TV, and do it again the next day. They
develop a sense of stagnation, a feeling of sel�ishness and
lack of productivity.

Integrity Versus Despair (late adulthood): If adults have
been successful in prior stages, a sense of personal integrity
emerges. People accept their lives and what they have
accomplished, including leaving a mark on younger
generations. When looking back on their lives, they experience
a sense of ful�illment. There is an acceptance of life’s
limitations and the understanding that regrets are unproductive.
Despair is the result of knowing that goals went
unful�illed and there is no longer enough time to achieve them.
Hope and Faith Versus Despair (mid-eighties and
later): Late in his career, when he became old himself,
Erikson and
his wife formulated a ninth stage (Erikson & Erikson, 1998). In
the oldest stage there are some new challenges. One
has to contend with the death of close friends and family
members. There is less autonomy than previously. Mobility
can become more dif�icult. People may be forced to move so
that everyday activities are easier to manage. If the
challenges of this stage are successfully navigated, people will
experience a feeling of hope and faith. Erikson
suggested that successful resolution of this stage includes a
shift in perspective from a materialistic and rational view
of the world to one that is transcendent and not easily measured.
Death is accepted as the way of all living things.
Application of Erikson’s View and Empirical
Findings
Erikson’s view enjoys both theoretical and applied support and
provides additional understanding of both child and
adult behaviors. For example, if an employee is extremely
reserved and �inds it dif�icult to ask for a deserved raise,
Erikson’s stage theory would suggest the worker had not met
the challenge of autonomy versus shame and doubt;

the
person has not gained assertiveness. That outcome could lead to
a failure resolving the next stage, initiative versus guilt,
where the worker associates assertion with negative feelings.
The lack of con�idence and fear of self-assertion makes it
more dif�icult to form intimate relationships, leading to
feelings of isolation from others.
Research provides general support for the theory as well. For
instance, Erikson suggested that without a sense of
intimacy, it is dif�icult to commit to relationships and
activities that will provide for the next generation. Further,
studies
have shown that those who have stable relationships and careers
are indeed more likely to demonstrate generativity
than those who are still �loundering (Peterson & Klohnen,
1995). As might be predicted, generativity increases as we
age. Roughly 50% experience it by age 40, which increases to
83% by age 60. Other research is similarly supportive
(e.g., Whitbourne, Zuschlag, Elliot, & Waterman, 1991). This
motivation to “give back” and create a purpose in life is
widely seen among older adults and is an excellent predictor of
happiness and success in marriage (Vaillant, 2002;
Wnuk, Marcinkowski, & Fobair, 2012).
Section Review
Summarize Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, and
explain how these challenges relate to the
development of personality.
NEXTNEXT

Figure 11.1: Marcia’s identity statuses
James Marcia described four possible outcomes related
to adolescent identity development.
Source: Adapted from Marcia (1966, 2007).
11.3 Other Perspectives of Personality
Development
Though an alternative psychosocial perspective over the
lifespan has not emerged, there are theories that attempt to
explain individual stages. James Marcia’s identity status model
is a well-regarded application that has found support
among Western cultures; Daniel Levinson’s life transitions has
received much popular support outside of academia and
psychology professionals, but falls short scienti�ically. We will
look at these two perspectives next.
Marcia: Identity Status Model
James Marcia uses Erikson’s stage of identity versus role
confusion as a backdrop and suggests that there are four ways
of resolving the crisis of identity that adolescence presents. His
identity status model classi�ies individual identity
development in terms of two characteristics: crisis and
commitment. Crisis refers to a period of some turmoil, during
which adolescents begin to question previous values. As a
result, individuals explore different alternatives. For
example,
a high school senior may consider a technical school, traveling,
or several different college majors. Commitment refers
to whether or not a decision has been made related to the
exploration (Marcia, 1966, 2007). There is quite a differ ence,
for instance, between an unmotivated high school student who

jumps in and out of menial part-time jobs and one who
attends college workshops and volunteers at a health care
agency. In the latter case, exploration will eventually lead to
commitment.
As Figure 11.1 indicates, Marcia organized four observable
identity
statuses based on the two criteria of exploration (crisis) and
commitment. Identity achievement occurs when
occupational and
social challenges of education, career, and marriage are
explored and
pursued and there is a current commitment. For example, after
an
individual investigates a number of opportunities in the mental
health
�ield (e.g., social work, counseling psychology, research and
teaching),
identity achievement would occur when the individual commits
to the
pursuit of one over another. Early identity achievement is
associated
with high achievement motivation, empathy, compassion, and
self-
esteem. However, for most, identity does not solidify until the
early to
mid-20s (Bang, 2013; Kroger, 2007; Kroger, Martinussen, &
Marcia,
2010).
Adolescents sometimes commit to an identity without
adequately
exploring alternatives, perhaps because of the strong in�luence
of an
authority �igure or societal norm. They join the military, work
in the

family business, or pursue a law degree because their parents
have
decided that is “what is best.” This status of identity
foreclosure
does not necessarily equal unhappiness, but it is associated with
a
high need for approval. Identity foreclosure is more common
among
Asian, European, and collectivist cultures than in mainstream,
middle-
class culture in the United States. Therefore, the independence
that is
indicative of identity achievement is not necessarily a desirable
goal
for every group. Furthermore, secular changes within cultures
affect goals and values. For instance, among adolescents
there has been a recent shift in attitudes, resulting in an
increased concern for other people and the environment. As a
result, career development in the contemp orary cohort of
adolescents and young adults includes relatively more
collectivist goals and less materialism (Green�ield, Keller,
Fuligini, & Maynard, 2003; Park, Twenge, & Green�ield, 2014;
Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000).
Traditionally, though, middle-class culture in the United States
is usually associated with exploration. The common
mantra of “you can be anything you want to be” is an example
of parents encouraging the exploration of various
alternatives. When adolescents actively explore choices but are
not committed, it is referred to as identity moratorium.
This struggle for identity is often associated with anxiety, since
the future is unplanned. Those who are considering
changing majors or colleges, or dropping out of school
altogether, are often in moratorium.

Critical Thinking
In what ways can attending college and
pursuing a degree be categorized as
identity foreclosure? When is it
moratorium?
Stockbyte/Thinkstock
The timing of events such as marriage,
childbearing, and retirement is much less
predictable than in past generations.
Finally, adolescents who have neither explored nor committed
to any social or
occupational choices are in a state of identity diffusion. These
individuals
tend to be �lighty, without clear direction for the future. They
may be confused
about goals, occupation, sexual identity, or gender roles. The
lack of
occupational or social dedication makes it dif�icult to sustain
relationships.
Consequently, these individuals are more likely than others to
become
isolated.
It is considered a positive development when individuals move
from diffusion to foreclosure to moratorium to
achievement. However, adolescents are not necessarily �ixed
into one identity status, and achievement does not mean
identity will remain stable. It is common for individuals to
change statuses from moratorium to achievement and back
again, in what has been called the MAMA cycle. This sequence
is considered normal and may appear periodically

throughout the lifespan, though moratorium status peaks during
late adolescence and declines thereafter. About half of
all adolescents have a stable identity status (Kroger, 2007;
Kroger et al., 2010). Among college students, status begins to
change later than young adults who do not attend college.
The way in which Erikson and Marcia discuss the concept of
identity development is both a culmination of sorts and a
jumping-off point. That is, according to Erikson, we have a
tendency to strive to reach a key phase of self-identity and
carry that forward into marriage, community, and retirement.
Note, however, that these processes apply mostly to
Westernized youth and young adults. (Neither Erikson nor
Marcia suggested that their theories could be applied
universally.) Cross-cultural studies have validated Marcia’s
conceptual basis for achievement. However, identity
development is quite different, even within Western countries,
when there are choices in career and education and
everyday survival can be taken for granted (e.g., Brzezińska &
Piotrowski, 2013; Cinamon & Rich, 2014; Crocetti, Sica,
Schwartz, Sera�ini, & Meeus, 2013). In coal-mining towns or
other working-class communities, for instance, the menu of
careers to explore often appears limited. Education might not be
a high priority, and economic necessity may dictate
when and where a young adult seeks work. Identity development
through exploration would not even be considered
when daily living remains a struggle.
Levinson: Life Transitions
Another way of looking at how personality develops is to
identify normative age-graded in�luences, or how people view
the world at any particular time (see Chapter 1). For instance,
there are speci�ic life transitions that coincide with age-
based norms, such as turning 30 or the “Big 5-0.” Puberty and
menopause are two examples of biological in�luences

that are linked by age. However, from a psychosocial
perspective, age-based norms have become more �luid. For
example, the social clock (age-graded social expectations) that
formerly existed for getting married, having children,
and even retirement has expanded widely. The timing of these
events is much less predictable than in past generations.
Nevertheless, some have suggested that “transitional” ages like
30
and 50 do affect personality development. The most often cited
theory is that of Daniel Levinson, who famously described the
“midlife crisis” (Levinson, 1978, 1997). Like Erikson, he
separated
development into a number of stages and transitions. Levinson
suggested that everyone goes through the same basic stages of
adult
development, each of which we must master before transitioning
to
the next stage. For example, the early adult years comprise the
novice
phase of adulthood when there is a transition from
dependent child
to independent adult. Unattached young adults may be
successful at
having intimate relationships as long as they live independently
or
with parents, but they can face unknown challenges after
marrying.
According to Levinson, these kinds of adjustment periods occur
in
every new stage. Once we master new tasks, stability exists in
the new
stage until it is time to move on again.
The late twenties and early thirties are marked by family and
career

development. At the completion of this stage, adults move
beyond
exploration, reach an era of stability, and look forward to the
transition into middle adulthood—Levinson’s major focus.
He suggested there is a signi�icant adjustment period, and was
the �irst to call this period the midlife crisis. It is a time
of re�lection and transition, including questioning self-identity
as either being “young” or “old.” The midlife crisis is
another psychological concept that has captured a signi �icant
place in popular culture. Entertainment media provide
amusing stories of middle-aged men and women trading in their
staid family and work lives for the excitement of a
sports car, younger sexual partners, and adventure.
Evaluation of Levinson
Despite its perpetuation in the media, the midlife crisis is not
all that prevalent, if it exists at all. Although Levinson
reported that stages and transitions occur for both men and
women, other research suggests that it happens in only a
small percentage of the population (Aldwin & Levinson, 2001;
Lachman, 2004). People may identify with experiencing
crises in middle age, but data show that upsetting events are not
more likely to occur at that time than at others. In
addition, middle-aged adults are generally happier and more
content than at any previous stage (Carstensen et al.,
2011; Wethington, 2000). Perhaps people report having
midlife crises simply because it is normative behavior to do so.
Though the midlife crisis is largely a myth, there are practical
reasons why there often appear to be major transitions. In
middle adulthood, especially, people think about values and

priorities. What may look like a crisis to some is often a
reassessment and a discerning look back at early adulthood and
a preparation for new adventures (Vaillant, 2002).
Children are grown and so parents no longer need a practical
car. There is often more disposable income than at any
other time, and there is still a youthful mentality to spend it.
What appears to be a radical change may only be the
realization of opportunities. The “midlife crisis” may indeed be
the prime of life.
Section Review
Describe how models proposed by Marcia and Levinson can
help us understand important age-graded
in�luences in personality development.
11.4 Trait and Type Theories of Personality
In contrast to traditional models, which hypothesize that
personality is mostly a product of cultural, interpersonal, and
environmental forces, the trait theory of personality is heavily
in�luenced by biology and genetics. In describing
someone’s personality, we usually do not refer to physical
characteristics; instead, we use words such as “outgoing,”
“reliable,” and “reserved.” These traits represent stable,
enduring characteristics. The degree to which someone is
described along a number of enduring dimensions comprises the
person’s personality. Trait theory therefore focuses
on measuring recurring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and
behaviors.
Measuring Traits: The Big Five
The most widely accepted trait model of personality is the

�ive-factor theory (McCrae, Costa, John, Robins, & Pervin,
2008). Its origins began with a more pragmatic approach to
personality theory, which included simply asking people to
describe themselves. The combination of words allows us to
emphasize the uniqueness of each individual. One of the
�irst trait theorists, Gordon Allport (1897–1967), is credited
with going through the dictionary and compiling a list of
4,500 words that could be used to describe personality (Allport
& Odbert, 1936). With so many words, though, there
was a problem of psychological standardization; the list needed
to be whittled down to fewer, core traits.
The next big advance occurred in 1960 when Raymond Cattell
and his colleagues culminated decades of identifying,
measuring, and analyzing the most fundamental traits. They
ended up identifying 16 speci�ic surface traits (observable
through behaviors), which they then clustered into �ive broader
(global) categories called source traits (the underlying
psychological factors) (Cattell, 1965). According to Cattell,
each of 16 surface traits varies on a continuum and can be
used to provide a unique personality pro�ile. Importantly, the
�ive global source traits led to the development of the �ive-
factor theory, which is now simply referred to as the Big
Five. According to the �ive-factor theory, people differ
from one
another along the dimensions of Openness to Experience,
Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional
Stability (also referred to as Neuroticism). Although there
remains disagreement about both the names of the traits and
the relative importance of each, there is now widespread
acceptance of using the Big Five as a general structure for
studying personality (Browne et al., 2012). The Big Five are
summarized in Table 11.1.
Table 11.1: The Big Five personality traits

Trait Extremes Description
Openness to
experience
Imaginative
versus
practical
Curious
versus
cautious
Variety versus
routine
People high on this trait are more likely to be independent, try
new
foods, and look forward to meeting new people. Those low on
this
scale tend to be more conventional and conforming.
Conscientiousness Disciplined
versus
impulsive
Careful versus
careless
Organized
versus
disorganized
People high on this trait tend to adhere to schedules and be on
time—
like students who always submit timely responses and keep a
schedule
of activities. Those low on the scale tend to procrastinate, be
disorganized, and lack perseverance.

Trait Extremes Description
Extraversion Sociable
versus
solitary
Energetic
versus
reserved
Fun loving
versus serious
Successful salespeople generally score high on this trait. Those
with
lower ranking on this trait enjoy more time by themselves;
constant
socialization may be exhausting.
Agreeableness Helpful versus
uncooperative
Altruistic
versus
unsympathetic
Considerate
versus
antagonistic
Retail employees who are helpful, friendly, and kind score high
on
agreeableness. People who routinely get upset if they do not
receive
special treatment would score low.
Emotional
stability

Anxious
versus calm
Self-defeating
versus
con�ident
Insecure
versus secure
People ranking high in this trait have a negative opinion of
themselves
and their abilities; they tend to overreact to stressful situations,
like the
characters often portrayed in �ilms by Woody Allen or Jim
Carrey.
Those scoring low on this scale tend to be less emotional, like
characters often portrayed by Angelina Jolie or Clint Eastwood.
Source: Based on McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P.
T. (1987). Validation of the �ive-factor
model of personality across instruments
and observers. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 52, 81–90. American
Psychological Association. Adapted by permission.
Applications of the Big Five
Because of its growing empirical support, the Big Five are
increasingly being used for practical applications like
predicting occupational interests, enhancing communication,
and assessing learning styles (e.g., Abedi et al., 2012).
Measuring traits has been useful in describing behaviors
associated with career success and health. Employers,
academicians, and others are �inding new ways to improve
productivity and relationships in the workplace and
elsewhere.

Conscientiousness
There is increasing consensus that the Big Five are universal,
crossing cultures, gender, and sex (McCrae et al., 2008;
McCrae & Costa, 1987, 1997). Further, there is evidence that
the trait of conscientiousness is singularly predictive of a
number of important outcomes. An extensive review found that
it associated with self-regulation, motivation, and
internalization of standards that are used to understa nd
normative behavior (Eisenberg, Duckworth, Spinrad, &
Valiente, 2014). But it is not simply a matter of getting to work
on time or �inishing school homework. High
conscientiousness is associated with the completion of long-
term goals, more thoughtful decision making, and the
ful�illment of personal obligations. These traits lead to better
performance in school and greater career success.
Because of its especially strong predictive value for later
success, the study of conscientiousness has led to increased
attention among educators and psychologists (Borghans,
Duckworth, Heckman, & Weel, 2008; Duckworth, Quinn, &
Tsukayama, 2012; Sutin, Costa, Miech, & Eaton, 2009).
Stability Versus Change
Experimentally, the Big Five are used to assess whether or not
personality changes (as psychodynamic theory would
argue) or whether it simply matures within an environmental
context. Overall, it is apparent that personality is stable in
some ways and unsettled in others. Compared to other traits,
extraversion and openness to experience remain
relatively stable (Soto, John, Gosling, & Potter, 2011). On
average, people who score high on extraversion may behave
differently depending on family, school, and other
environmental conditions, but will generally remain energetic

and
sociable for their circumstances (Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000;
Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006). The same is true
for openness.
On the other hand, agreeableness and conscientiousness show
the most relative change across adulthood (Soto et al.,
2011). These traits probably adjust out of a necessity for
success. People who are more disagreeable and less
responsible are less likely to pass classes, have dependable
friends, and obtain a successful career. As personality
matures over the course of adulthood, people learn to be more
accepting and gain more control over their emotions,
which is re�lected in more emotional stability (i.e., lower
neuroticism; Lachman, 2004). Overall, adults become more
optimistic as well. They are more con�ident, cheerful, calm,
and warm toward others (Brim, Ryff, & Kessler, 2004;
Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). Together, these �indings suggest
that as people age, they focus more on the positive and less
on the negative.
Traits and Health Across the Lifespan
We also know that individual traits can predict long-term health
and social outcomes, too (e.g., Kern, Hampson,
Goldberg, & Friedman, 2014; Hong, 2013; Vollrath, Hampson,
& Júlıússon, 2012). Conscientiousness alone predicts
obesity in adulthood, along with negative health outcomes.
People who have a stronger internal dialogue, more self-
control, and intrinsic motivation are likely to engage in the
types of behaviors that will increase health outcomes
(Hampson, Edmonds, Goldberg, Dubanoski, & Hillier, 2013).
Being more agreeable also leads to greater longevity. This
�inding is consistent with a great deal of research that shows
that hostility, the opposite of agreeableness, is a risk factor
for cardiovascular disease and other conditions that shorten
lifespan. Other research �inds that personality can predict

heart and lung functioning, unhealthy habits, and infections and
other diseases (e.g., Friedman & Martin; 2011; Hill,
Turiano, Hurd, Mroczek, & Roberts, 2011; Israel et al., 2014;
Olsen, Tuu, Honkanen, & Verplanken, 2015). Understanding
personality traits in this way may very well allow health care
professionals to inexpensively design personalized
preventive health care plans.
Measuring Personality Types: The Myers-Briggs
Type Indicator
Instead of a continuum of �ive traits, some theorists propose
that there are just certain types of personalities based on
characteristic ways of behaving. The most popular type theory
is based on the work of Carl Jung (1923). Jung
recognized that people do not act randomly; rather, they have
orderly, consistent preferences for behavior. You might
have a preference for chocolate ice cream rather than vanilla ice
cream, but that does not mean that you never eat
vanilla ice cream. In relation to personality, Jung said that
people have four different preferences.
Katharine Briggs and her daughter, Isabel Myers, wanted to
make Jung’s ideas practical and usable by a wide variety of
people. Their work led to the development of the Myers-Briggs
Type Indicator (MBTI). The MBTI measures individual
psychological preferences on four dimensions: Extraversion–
Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–Feeling, and
Judging–Perceiving (see Table 11.2).
Table 11.2: MBTI types
Extraversion (E) or Introversion (I)
Sensing (S) or Intuition (N)

Thinking (T) or Feeling (F)
Judging (J) or Perceiving (P)
Extraversion–Introversion explains how people get energy for
life. Extraverted people draw energy from the outer world
of people, activities, and things, while introverted people draw
energy from their inner world of impressions, emotions,
and ideas.
Sensing–Intuition describes how an individual takes in
information. Sensing types gather concrete information through
the �ive senses (taste, touch, smell, sight, hearing), while
individuals who are more intuitive take in information through
inspiration or a “gut feeling” that extends beyond the �ive
senses (Myers et al., 1998).
Thinking–Feeling points to the different ways that people make
decisions. A person with a thinking preference makes
decisions in a logical, rational, objective way, while a someone
who is a feeling type is generally driven by emotion,
preferring to make decisions more personal.
Judging–Perceiving has to do with the basic approach that a
person takes toward life. People who are more judging tend
to be more structured and prefer planning and organizing their
lives. People who are more perceiving prefer more
�lexible and spontaneous lives.
While Jung believed that all eight functions are present in every
human being, and all are used at least to some degree,
he suggested that every person has a preference for one of the
two possibilities in each dichotomy. The combination of
the four preferences makes up an individual’s psychological

type, or personality. The four combinations yield 16
different types. Individuals sharing one of the 16 different types
tend to re�lect similar values, interests, and approaches
to life, in contrast with others who have different types.
Because the MBTI has been translated into over 20 languages
with over two million administrations annually, from a practical
aspect, its widespread use suggests that people �ind it
useful to advance personal understanding (Myers et al., 1998).
Section Review
Describe the differences and similarities in trait theory and type
theory.
Digital Vision/Valueline/Thinkstock
By 24 months of age, most
children recognize their distinct
selves in a mirror, in photos, and
in videos.
11.5 Development of the Self
In section 11.2, we learned that the self is a conceptualization
of how we evaluate
our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves. It is indirectly
in�luenced by
temperament and reciprocal relationships, and both implicit and
explicit feedback
from others. As we grow, those around us continue to have a
heavy in�luence in
the construction of self, as its development is tied to social
norms and
expectations. The �irst step in this process is being able to

recognize ourselves as
distinct individuals.
Self-Awareness
Psychologists agree that babies are not born with inherent
knowledge that self is
separate from others. To develop an expression of individuality,
children must
�irst develop an understanding of themselves. That is, children
de�ine their
identities only after they are able to recognize that they are
separate from others.
Piaget and other cognitive psychologists suggest that infants do
not demonstrate
awareness of themselves until they begin to show intention,
beginning at about 8
months (see the discussion about the sensorimotor stage in
Chapter 7). Other
views hold that children lack the cognitive capacity to know
that they are distinct
persons until they recognize themselves in a mirror or in
photographs. This
process is called self-awareness. Children can de�ine their
identities only when
they are able to recognize that they are separate from others.
The most common method for identifying the psychosocial
milestone of self-
awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test. In a clever
experiment, infants are prominently marked on their nose or
forehead. The children are then placed in front of a mirror. They
may attempt to wipe off the mark, point to it in the
mirror, or otherwise pay attention to it. If they do, it may be
concluded that they are aware of their own physical
characteristics—the �irst step in developing a sense of self that

is independent from other people and objects.
Infants as young as 12 months old sometimes react to the mark,
but the median age is closer to 18 months. By 24
months, nearly every child attempts mark-directed behavior,
suggesting an increased sense of awareness. They also
recognize themselves in photos and videos by pointing and
verbalizing their own name or saying, “That’s me”
(Amsterdam, 1972; Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985). While
some researchers argue that the mirror-and-rouge test
shows that awareness occurs discontinuously, Bertenthal and
Fischer (1978) suggest that it is more gradual. In a
comprehensive experiment involving a series of identi �ication
tasks, 46 out of 48 children showed consistent patterns of
gradually increasing self-awareness within each of �ive stages.
According to them, self-awareness changes incrementally
and develops in a more continuous fashion than typically
represented by the mirror-and-rouge test (Bertenthal &
Fischer, 1978).
Other Indicators of Self-Awareness
When infants and toddlers begin to use words like “me” and
“you,” it signals the emergence of self-concept. Soon they
will be able to identify themselves according to sex and age and
compare themselves to others based on other variables.
Categorizing in this way represents an emergence of identity. It
will eventually include any number of characteristics,
including gender, ethnicity, and career attributes.
People in the United States generally grow up in a culture that
emphasizes individual traits and abilities over
interdependence and group goals (individualistic versus
collectivistic). As a result, early childhood characterizations of
self typically include mostly concrete descriptions (“I like to
draw,” “I am smart”). In contrast, Chinese culture favors

modesty and the social aspects of the self. As such, Chinese
children are more likely than children in the United States to
use more situational and social accounts to describe the self (“I
play with my friends at the park,” “I like to help my
teacher”). These differences are evident as early as 3 years of
age (Wang, 2006). In adolescence, psychosocial factors
expand to include romantic relationships and sexuality.
Descriptions gradually become more complex and include both
personal and social aspects of self (“I am a good friend,” “I
work hard, but sometimes I get lazy,” “I am Latino”).
Critical Thinking
How might grade in�lation affect self-
esteem?
Self-awareness is also noticeable in the development of the
higher-order emotions introduced in Chapter 10. The self-
conscious emotions of shame, guilt, and pride are accompanied
by behavior that indicates self-knowledge. For instance,
self-awareness is acknowledged when toddlers warily
“challenge” parents by touching forbidden objects. They will
not
automatically take food from another child’s plate because they
know their behavior will be met with disapproval. When
children implore parents to “Look!” at a pose, a block design, or
an arrangement of stuffed animals, it shows pride of
accomplishment. There is ownership of the task. Self-awareness
and a growing consciousness are also demonstrated
when toddlers fail at a task. Tears of frustration show that
toddlers understand their own limitations; they are able to
separate outside forces from internal appraisals (Stipek,
Recchia, & McClintic, 1992). In the next section, we will look
at

the emergence of self-concept as self-awareness becomes more
re�ined, mirroring the change in cognition from
concrete into abstract thinking.
Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
Complete the activity on self-concept. The descriptions describe
who you are and illustrate your self-concept, or your
own perception of characteristics related to academics,
athletics, family roles, ethnicity, sexuality, and more. Though
the
terms self-concept and self-esteem are often used
interchangeably, they refer to different dimensions. Self-
concept is
concerned with constructing a sense of identity through self-
expression. Self-esteem is the evaluation of that self-
concept. For instance, if you identify yourself as a caring
father, a dedicated student, a terrible athlete and a technology
genius, and all of that is okay with you, then those attributes
contribute to a positive self-esteem. On the other hand, if
you are not the father you would like to be, think of yourself as
a poor student, or are self-critical for not being a better
athlete, then that evaluation may negatively affect you. A
person may not reasonably assess self-concept, but
nevertheless
it de�ines self-esteem. Personal characteristics distinguish self-
concept; the assessment of those characteristics is self-
esteem.
Activity
Take a moment and think of words that describe you. Formulate
descriptions that are related to your culture and
ethnicity, gender, and sex. Also include adjectives that relate to
the way you perform at work or in school, and the
way you behave around your family or in groups.

Self-esteem therefore contributes to emotional well-being. It
refers to how capable and signi�icant a person feels and
contributes to a number of developmental areas (Juth, Smyth, &
Santuzzi, 2008; Kong, Zhao, & You, 2012). Those with
low self-esteem tend to believe failures are a re�lection of who
they are and that they cannot succeed even if they try
harder. Children with low self-esteem follow a pattern of
employing ineffective strategies, repeatedly failing, and then
giving up entirely. Experts sometimes refer to this outcome as
the “why try” model of behavior that further reduces self-
worth in adulthood (Corrigan, Larson, & Rüsch, 2009; Erdl ey,
Cain, Loomis, Dumas-Hines, & Dweck, 1997).
In contrast, high self-esteem contributes to motivation to
achieve goals, greater persistence, and better school
performance, setting the stage for more successful work and
other positive psychosocial outcome s (Freudenthaler,
Spinath, & Neubauer, 2008; Graham & Williams, 2009). Self-
esteem may impact motivation to excel, the variety of jobs
that are offered, and whether or not a person receives a raise
when requested. However, self-esteem is not necessarily
associated with job performance (Ferris, Lian, Brown, Pang, &
Keeping, 2010).
Self-Esteem Across the Lifespan
Early adolescence is generally considered a dif�icult time,
during which self-
esteem suffers before rising during early adulthood (Birkeland,
Melkevik,
Holsen, & Wold, 2012; Erol & Orth, 2011). The physical
changes of puberty
can be awkward, and universally elevated expectations
regarding academics
may not be consistent with abilities. During this time of
increased

psychosocial challenges, there is usually a simultaneous
decrease in the
physical and emotional availability of teachers. Furthermore,
due to the
development of abstract thought and the hypothetical reasoning
that goes with it, adolescents are better able to
evaluate their goals and limitations. For instance, this is the
time when many children discover that the road to
becoming a professional athlete is more limited than the
idealized version of middle childhood. Therefore, cognitive
change is both a healthy way of assessing reality and a potential
detriment to self-esteem (Harter, 2006; Harter &
Whitesell, 2003).
Extensive research using longitudinal data for over 300,000
people found that self-esteem rises steadily from young
adulthood to middle adulthood (see Figure 11.2). During late
adulthood, self-esteem drifts downward, particularly as
health and income decline (Robins, Trzesniewski, & Tracey,
2002). Although self-esteem appears to decline in later
years, older adults have developed coping mechanisms that help
them adapt to change. So even when facing declines,
their self-esteem does not drop as much as might be expected
(Baltes & Mayer, 1999).
Figure 11.2: Average change in self-esteem across
the lifespan
The trajectory of self-esteem for a nationally representative
sample of 3,617 individuals aged 25 years
to 100 years.
Source: From Orth, U., Trzesniewski, K. H., &

Robins, R. W. (2010). Self-esteem development
from young adulthood to old age:
A cohort-sequential longitudinal study. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 98(4),
645–654. Copyright . 2010 by the
American Psychological Association. Reproduced with
permission.
On the other hand, since adaptation to the aging process is an
important component of healthy development, when
people become preoccupied with age-related changes, they
generally present poorer self-esteem. It is important to note
that adults (accurately) do not view themselves as aging as a
whole; rather, they see parts of themselves aging, which
allows people to remain “young at heart” while perhaps “old” at
activities such as running or understanding new kinds
of social media. One study found that people who had an
optimistic view of aging lived an additional 7.5 years compared
to those with a negative view, even when accounting for
socioeconomic status, gender, and health (Levy, Slade, Kunkel,
&
Kasl, 2002).
Psychology in Action: Improving Self-esteem
Self-esteem is not something you can “give” to a person.
Certainly there are speci�ic kinds of interactions that will
affect self-esteem one way or another, but someone cannot
magically pat you on the back to increase your self-
esteem. Instead, just as Erikson proposed, self-esteem must be
earned through accomplishment. In�lating the
worth of a job just provides a false feeling of esteem until the
individual either recognizes the truth (which could

be immediate) or fails at another, similar task.
There are two important ways that you can increase self-esteem
in a realistic manner. The �irst entails setting
small goals. Make a reasonable list, approach one task at a time,
recognize completed activities, and move on to
the next goal. Constructing a list is an important �irst step
because it initiates the recognition of overall progress
(that is, accomplishment and competency). It is also important
to approach goals in speci�ic ways. For instance,
avowing, “I will lose 40 pounds” is not as effective as stating,
“After lunch every day I will walk for 30 minutes.” If
you tend to procrastinate, establishing a goal of “�inish a 10-
page paper in two weeks” is less realistic than
undertaking to “�inish the outline today” and then set smaller
goals for the rest of the week. With each small
success comes more con�idence.
The second strategy is to practice compassion. Research has
shown that doing for others increases self-esteem
(e.g., Mongrain, Chin, & Shapira, 2011). Earnestly volunteering
allows individuals to feel competent and it also
provides a sense of worth that friends and relatives may not be
able to provide. Psychotherapists use this
technique with clients who have low self-esteem or who are
depressed. The feeling of accomplishment while
doing for others can be quite powerful.
Differences Between Groups
Women generally have lower self-esteem than men in young
adulthood, but by middle adulthood both groups are about
the same. Individuals who have more education have
consistently higher self-esteem than those with less education
(Orth, Trzesniewski, & Robins, 2010). In a meta-analysis of
hundreds of self-esteem studies, boys scored higher overall
on self-esteem, but overall differences were small (Kling, Hyde,

Showers, & Buswell, 1999). More recent studies have
continued to �ind little or no gender difference (Erol & Orth,
2011). Girls generally place greater emphasis on physical
appearance than boys, but overall both boys and girls can be
described as having high self-esteem (Bachman, O’Malley,
Freedman-Doan, Trzesniewski, & Donnellan, 2011; Van den
Berg, Mond, Eisenberg, Ackard, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2010).
Self-esteem also varies as a function of culture, race, and
ethnicity, but again, when differences exist they tend to be
small (see Figure 11.3). In general, strong ethnic identity—
regardless of the group with which you identify—is
associated with high self-esteem (Smith & Silva, 2011).
Furthermore, across 18 separate surveys over two decades,
differences between and within various ethnicities, genders, and
age groups have remained fairly constant. Blacks
generally score highest on measures of self-esteem, followed by
whites, Hispanics, and Asians. In contrast to gender
similarities in other groups, studies show that black males have
slightly lower self-esteem than black females (Bachman
et al., 2011; Twenge & Crocker, 2002).
Figure 11.3: Frequency distributions of self-esteem
index scores by
race/ethnicity, gender, and grade, 1991–2008
The percentages of students with low, medium, and high levels
of self-esteem show similar patterns
across gender and ethnic groups.
Source: Adolescent self-esteem: Differences by
race/ethnicity, gender, and age. Jerald G.
Bachman, Patrick M. O’Malley, Peter
Freedman-Doan, Kali H. Trzesniewski & M. Brent

Donnellan. Self and Identity 2011, 10(4):
445–473. Copyright © 2011
Routledge. Republished by permission of the
publisher Taylor & Francis. Ltd.
One factor that does appear to affect measures of self-esteem is
socioeconomic status (SES). Substantial evidence shows
that low SES has a negative effect on self-esteem, particularly
during adolescence (e.g., Twenge & Campbell, 2002;
Veselska et al., 2010). This is the time when children typically
focus more on material goods like clothes, cars, and
purchases that affect appearance. Coupled with adolescent
egocentrism, teenagers are likely to elevate the importance
of appearances, which is affected by income level. These small
(but statistically signi�icant) differences are remarkably
consistent throughout North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia,
even in relatively poor countries (e.g., Amazue &
Uzuegbu, 2013; Fagg, Curtis, Cummins, Stansfeld, & Quesnel-
Vallée, 2013; Sanal-Erginel & Silman, 2005; Var, Paul, Kumar,
& Shah, 2011).
Section Review
What is the difference between self-awareness, self-concept,
and self-esteem? How do they each connect to the
development of the self, as in the title of this chapter?
Fuse/Thinkstock
Children and adolescents feel a sense of
belongingness in shared beliefs and customs,
but increasingly children identify with more

than one race or culture.
Critical Thinking
If children were completely shielded from
any mention of skin coloror race, at what
age do you think they would notice
differences?
11.6 Ethnic Identity
Socioeconomic differences highlight the complex nature of how
identity is formed and individually assessed. Feelings regarding
race
and ethnicity are part of this process, since “who you are”
includes
descriptors of group membership. Children and adolescents feel
a
sense of belongingness in their shared values, traditions,
language,
and customs. Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and customs
within the
culture change, but it remains an enduring part of the self. A
positive
ethnic identity re�lects a stronger self-concept and is
associated with
greater school achievement and higher self-esteem (Eccles,
Wong, &
Peck, 2006). Increasingly, children identify with more than one
race
or culture, making for a stronger multifaceted foundation in the
search for a sense of self, rather than one that is more diffuse.
The
growing culture of globalization has expanded this concept
worldwide, even to less developed countries (Jenson, 2003; Rao
et al.,

2013; Trask, 2013).
Although younger children are aware of ethnic differences,
individuals do not begin to re�lect about the meaning of them
until they reach the cognitive advancements of formal
operations (see Chapter 7). A psychological con�lict similar to
the adolescent identity crisis arises when minority
teenagers are exposed to possible negative cultural views during
their exploration of identity. Developing metacognition
accelerates this process as adolescents integrate cultural history
with future possibilities.
According to Jean Phinney (1989, 1990), in order to fully
develop a sense of
self, adolescents need to reconcile the degree to which ethnicity
is a part of
identity. She developed a model based on the same dimensions
of exploration
and commitment as James Marcia’s model of identity statuses
(section 11.3).
After conducting interviews of Asian, black, Hispanic, and
white 10th graders,
she concluded that ethnic identity for minorities developed in
three stages
(white, mainstream American students could not be similarly
classi�ied):
More than half of all minorities were in the beginning stage of
unexamined ethnic identity. They were either in diffusion
(an
absence of interest in adopting the attitudes of their ethnicity)
or
foreclosure (adopting views that they acquired from others,
usually
parents). These groups in general spent little time or energy in
exploration. For instance, one Mexican American male

remarked, “My
parents tell me . . . about where they lived, but what do I care?
I’ve
never lived there” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).
A little less than one quarter felt an increasing awareness of
ethnic
issues and understood the importance of placing more emphasis
on
its relation to identity development. They were categorized as
being
in moratorium, or ethnic identity search. A black female’s
remark is
indicative of this stage: “I think people should know what Black
people had to go through to get to where we are now” (Phinney,
1989, p. 44).
The remaining one �ifth were in ethnic identity
achievement,
characteristic of those who had explored, accepted, and
internalized
their ethnic identity and reconciled the differences between
their
minority status and mainstream culture. A male interviewed by
Phinney is quoted as saying, “I have been born Filipino and am
born
to be Filipino . . . I’m here in America, and people of many
different
cultures are here too. So I don’t consider myself only Filipino,
but also
American” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).
This last quote also exempli�ies the formation of a bicultural
identity, which allows minority adolescents to identify
with their ethnic heritage as well as mainstream culture.
Individuals with a bicultural identity are neither consumed by

mainstream culture nor restricted by attitudes and beliefs in
their cultures of origin that may not serve them well in the
United States. Identifying with two or more cultures often
provides a richer background and a stronger foundation for
identity development (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992; Quintana,
2007).
Section Review
Describe how culture and ethnicity might become integrated
into identity.
11.7 Theory of Moral Development
An additional example of how experiences merge with identity
formation is in the area of moral development. In
Chapter 10 we learned that social referencing and empathy are
indications of cognitive sophistication. A developing
child shows emotional growth when he or she begins to see
beyond themselves by showing an interest in how others
respond to his or her emotions and, similarly, by understanding
the emotions shown by others. It is thought that moral
values and attitudes also follow a prescribed sequence of
cognitive sophistication while being guided by a fair dose of
social exposure.
In perhaps the most widely accepted theory, Lawrence Kohlberg
used Piaget’s stage theory of cognition as a backdrop
to explain the gradual sophistication of moral behavior.
Kohlberg proposed that morality emerges through a systematic
three-level, six-stage sequence (Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, &
Lieberman, 1983). By following the progression of boys aged
10 to 16 over a 26-year period, Kohlberg and his colleagues
determined that the stages are invariant and follow a

predetermined structure.
Kohlberg developed a theory of moral development after posing
a series of moral dilemmas to 87 boys ranging in age
from 10 to 16 years old and asking them to explain how they
would resolve the dilemma. He then studied their
explanations to identify their reasoning. To follow their moral
development, he then tested the children periodically for
the next 20 years. The Heinz Dilemma is one of the questions
the researchers used in their original study (Rest, Turiel, &
Kohlberg, 1969, p. 229):
In Europe a woman was near death from a special kind of
cancer. There was one drug that the doctors thought
might save her. It was a form of radium that a druggist in the
same town had recently discovered. The drug
was expensive to make, but the druggist was charging 10 times
what the drug cost him to make. He paid $200
for the radium and charged $2,000 for a small dose of the drug.
The sick woman’s husband, Heinz, went to
everyone he knew to borrow the money, but he could only get
together about $1,000, which is half of what it
cost. He told the druggist that his wife was dying and asked him
to sell it cheaper or let him pay later. But the
druggist said, “No, I discovered the drug and I’m going to make
money from it.” Heinz is not sure what he
should do in this dif�icult situation. He doesn’t know if it is
right for a husband in his situation to steal the drug
for his wife.
After presenting the dilemma, researchers asked, “What should
Heinz do?” By looking at the various responses to this
question, Kohlberg and his colleagues were able to classify the
development of moral judgments into three levels:
preconventional, conventional, and postconventional, each of
which contain two stages. At all three levels of moral

development, there were individuals who answered “yes” and
answered “no” to whether Heinz should steal the drug to
save his wife. However, Kohlberg was more interested in the
reasons that people gave for their answers than whether
they thought stealing the drug was right or wrong (see Table
11.3).
Table 11.3: Should Heinz steal the drug?
Kohlberg’s stages of moral development
Stage Positive response Negative response
Preconventional Yes: He could get in trouble if he lets his wife
die. No: It’s against the law to steal.
Conventional Yes: He should steal it because his intentions are
good and
no one should let another person die.
No: While his motives are good, we
can’t have everyone breaking the
law.
Post-
conventional
Yes: Heinz is justi�ied in stealing the medicine. It is fair and
just that the wife be saved, even if theft is necessary. The law
is �lawed and should be changed so that others don’t face
the same dilemma.
No: Even though the druggist’s
actions are appalling, the druggist
has the right to be compensated
for his discovery.

Kohlberg’s theory focuses on people’s reasoning about what to
do in a moral dilemma, not their actual choices. A key
factor that promotes moral development is a sustained
responsibility for the welfare of others (Kohlberg, 1973). As
individuals move from one level to the next, their moral
thinking becomes more complex as they consider the meaning
of Heinz’s action.
Kohlberg’s Levels and Stages of Moral
Development
There are three levels of moral development, and each level has
two stages. Although there is a general relationship to
age, the levels and stages are not tied to speci�ic ages. At the
pre-conventional level, people are mostly concerned with
self-interest rather than what might be a universal standard. For
instance, children will yield to authority �igures in
order to avoid punishment. An action is thought to be morally
wrong if it results in a negative outcome for the
perpetrator. Children generally do not progress beyond this
level until at least 10 years old or so.
1. Stage 1 (obedience/punishment): Children are mostly
concerned with adhering to authority �igures in order to
avoid punishment. An action is thought to be morally wrong if
it results in a negative outcome for the
perpetrator. Children know not to take a candy bar before dinner
because it will result in an admonishment.
2. Stage 2 (self-interest): The lack of multiple perspectives
results in concern for others being overshadowed if the
individual gets rewarded. Unlike in later stages, “Do unto others
. . .” is not a typical social contract. A child will
have a candy bar before dinner if her brother is having one,

because it would not be “fair” if only one of them
had a treat.
At the conventional level, we base morality on societal norms.
Behavior is generally acceptable if values are based
on a concern for group functioning and conformity. There is
logic to peer pressure and a focus on how others will
feel about an individual’s behavior. People at this stage often
get upset if they are singled out for misbehavior when
others are not similarly punished. Unlike younger children,
individuals in stages 3 and 4 show a concern for others.
3. Stage 3 (conformity and interpersonal accord):
“Everybody does it” makes behavior acceptable, and
values are
based on a concern for group functioning and conformity. There
is logic to peer pressure and a focus on how
others will feel about an individual’s behavior. “Do unto others
. . .” now includes empathic understanding, so
there is an emphasis on fairness for all, not just the individual.
At this stage, children who lose privileges at
school would be upset either that they were singled out or that
everyone else who has engaged in the same
behavior was not similarly punished. Many individuals maintain
this perspective well into adulthood.
4. Stage 4 (law and order orientation): According
to Kohlberg, this is the highest stage many adults reach.
Individuals depend on social rules and institutional order. There
is an emphasis on fair justice and reward. A
morally advanced adolescent might forego the advantage of
parental assistance on an essay if it means there is
a decided advantage in grading against peers. Adults at this
stage would self-sacri�ice instead of disturbing the
social order; they would not park a car in a manner that would
inconvenience others if the only purpose were

self-gain.
The post-conventional level of morality is distinguishe d by
idealized principles in society and may transcend respect
for authority. Rather than accepting authority without question,
people can imagine a different kind of social order
than the one that currently exists. The concept of civil
disobedience arises at this level, which might include
deliberately breaking laws that are believed to be immoral.
People at this level are less concerned with legal
consequences, realizing that what is moral and what is legal are
sometimes in con�lict. Therefore, morality is more
abstract than a list of rules and may become situational.
Individual rights and values are respected because they
promote good for all.
5. Stage 5 (social contract): Individual rights and values
are respected because they promote good for all,
regardless of any laws or list of rules. People are punished to
protect society, not as an act of retribution (but
instead because that is what is best for everyone, even the
perpetrator). Laws are unethical if they fail to
promote the best outcome for the largest number of people. For
instance, if interracial and gay marriages do
not impose on the rights of others, then they should be
supported in order to promote the general welfare for
all couples.
6. Stage 6 (universal principles): Principles are based on
self-selected ideas relating to equality of all. Though it has
been said that “it is easier to �ight for one’s principles than to
live up to them,” the stage 6 individual �ights for
what is right—because it is right. If laws are not just, then there
is an obligation to disobey. Stage 6 individuals
are rare and dif�icult to identify. They may value rights over
their own lives, like 2014 Nobel Peace Prize

recipient Malala Yousafzai, who, at 11 years old, and in the
face of opposition from Pakistan’s Taliban,
demanded an education; perhaps Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and
Mahatma Gandhi are representative of this
stage, as well.
iStock/Thinkstock
According to Carol Gilligan, girls are more
likely than boys to show compassion and
focus on care for individual needs.
Research shows that 95% of children and 81% of adults do not
reach the post-conventional level (Walker, de Vries, &
Trevethan, 1987).
Kohlberg’s theory has stood up well, although it has been
modi�ied to �it newer data. For example, college students
were asked about moral dilemmas having to do with information
technology (Kiser, Morrison, & Craven, 2011). By the
time students �inish college, most are at the conventional level
of moral thinking. In a study conducted with 280 Muslim
college students from Kuwait, researchers found a similar
pattern. Most students were at the conventional level
(Bouhmama, 2013). The higher adolescents and young adults
score on moral reasoning tests, the less likely they are to
become delinquent (Raaijmakers, Engels, & Van Hoof, 2005).
Only a small percentage of people reach Kohlberg’s
highest level of moral maturity.
An Alternative to Kohlberg: Carol Gilligan’s
Approach
Kohlberg’s theory has been criticized for failing to consider

gender and cultural differences (e.g., Fuchs, Eisenberg,
Hertz-Lazarowitz, & Sharabaany, 1986). For example, some
cultures may value caring for family members over all other
causes. Individuals may be acting according to the highest
moral standards of their culture but would not meet
Kohlberg’s concept of post-conventional morality. Another
continuing criticism is that Kohlberg’s research was
conducted exclusively with males, and yet it has been applied
routinely to females.
According to Carol Gilligan (1982), males and females have
differing
views of morality. Whereas boys are more likely to be
concerned with
justice and fairness, girls are more likely to engage in self-
sacri�ice
and shared responsibility (Gilligan, 1977; Taylor, Gilligan, &
Sullivan,
1995).
Gilligan found that females are more concerned with the context
in
which a decision is to be made and males are more absolute.
Girls are
more likely than boys to focus on care for individual needs;
compared to boys, girls demonstrate more compassion. This
behavior stems from their greater emphasis on developing
interdependent relationships. Children transition from an early
stage
of sel�ishness and practicality to the moral pursuit of goodness.
For
instance, a girl may participate in activities she does not like if
she
believes it is part of maintaining a strong friendship. According
to
Gilligan, the most advanced type of morality occurs when

women
accept their moral equivalence to others. Though these views
may
not be consistent with Kohlberg’s de�inition of post-
conventional
morality, they may nonetheless represent the highest form of
moral behavior (Sherblom, 2008).
The question about the nature of moral development remains
unresolved. Although some studies have found gender
differences in moral development, most evidence does not
support Gilligan’s view of distinctions either within
mainstream U.S. culture or among diverse people
internationally (Jorgensen, 2006; Skoe, 2012; Turiel, 2006). The
major
criticism of Gilligan’s view is that she is too absolute in
dismissing Kohlberg’s stages. Most research tends to �ind that
males and females rely on both justice and caring. People in
general tend to use more care reasoning to make decisions
concerning relationships and more justice reasoning for non-
relationship issues, like cheating in school or on a tax
return. The issues of care that Gilligan emphasizes may stem
from the types of dilemmas that females are more likely to
face rather than from the ways they are addressed. In this way,
perhaps the moralities of care and justice operate
together and depend on speci�ic circumstances (Juujärvi,
Myyry, & Pesso, 2010; Skoe, 2012).
Hekman (1995, p. 8) points out that Gilligan isn’t saying one
position is better than the other, just that they are different:
“Gilligan claims that individuals can see moral con�licts in
terms of either justice or care, but not both at once. Moral
problems are thus not resolved by balancing justice and care,
but by taking one perspective rather than the other.”
Gilligan’s view has met resistance, however, as empirical
support for differences in the moral perspectives of men and

women is lacking (Pratt, Diessner, Hunsberger, & Prancer,
1991; Gilgun, 1995). Recently, researchers tested Gilligan’s
ideas about the difference between reasoning based on justice
and reasoning based on care. A recent study of 89
women over age 60 found that the women’s reasoning was
highly consistent with the care orientation (Dakin, 2014).
Although there are criticisms of Kohlberg’s theory, it has been
very in�luential in psychology and formed the foundation
for other theories that show development over the lifespan.
Gilligan has been an important contributor as well, as she
has helped broaden the perspective on moral reasoning,
including �irst identifying the bias of Kohlberg’s work. Later,
she also acknowledged that the development of morality is more
nuanced than she at �irst proposed, and should
consider not only gender differences but also similarities
(Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988).
Section Review
How does sense of morality become more sophisticated as we
begin to understand ourselves? As we begin to
understand others?
Summary & Resources
Chapter Summary
Evidence indicates that infants are born with a particular
disposition, which we call temperament. These early
indications of personality can initially be measured by variables
such as the intensity of infant emotional reactions and
how well infants can soothe themselves. Sometime in the latter

part of the �irst year, infants start to understand they are
separate beings and begin to de�ine their own identities. As
children grow, they develop individual styles and more
distinct personalities. Part of the overall challenge of
psychosocial development occurs as children integrate various
parts of self-concept, including ethnicity and a sense of
morality.
Erikson’s theory outlined challenges that we face at different
stages of the lifespan. Though the theory remains an
historical standard, the application of trait theories has become
a strong focus of investigation. The Big Five, in
particular, are increasingly used to help us understand what
personality styles lead to success in education, health, and
industry. Psychologists have also stepped up efforts to
understand personality changes that appear later in life,
including the search to preserve optimism and maximize
outcomes. As introduced in the prologue, factors related to
gender, social roles, and career contribute to identity
development as well. These areas of development will be
addressed in the following chapters.
Summary of Key Concepts
Early Personality Development: Temperament and
the Emergent Self
Infant temperament previews personality. It can be classi �ied
as easy, dif�icult, or slow to warm up. Research
strongly suggests that these early markers of personality remain
associated with other childhood behaviors.
Temperament is mediated by the ways in which caregivers and
others respond to the infant and is likely to
affect how relationships develop.
Psychosocial Foundations of Personality
Development

Erik Erikson postulated that there are nine stages of
psychosocial development. Beginning with infancy,
individuals navigate the environment and experience a set of
psychosocial challenges during their lifespan.
Four stages lead up to the “identity crisis” of adolescence,
which sets the stage for interpersonal and
intrapersonal development in adulthood.
According to Erikson, self-identity is formed when a balance
exists between adult responsiveness, appropriate
patience, and appropriate restriction.
Other Perspectives of Personality Development
James Marcia speci�ically focused on the crises of adolescence
and whether or not teens have explored and
committed to an identity.
He identi�ied four identity statuses: achievement, foreclosure,
moratorium, and diffusion. We often cycle
through different statuses as we strive toward identity
achievement.
Though experimentally validated in some populations, because
of personal and cultural limitations some
elements of Marcia’s model do not exist for everyone.
Levinson proposes that personality develops within normative,
age-graded in�luences. He believed that
everyone goes through the same basic stages and transitions of
adult development, including a “midlife crisis.”
Despite popular usage of the term, the “midlife crisis” is mostly
a myth.
Trait and Type Theories of Personality
Trait theory strongly emphasizes the role of biology and
genetics in personality development. According to this
perspective, one’s unique constellation of traits makes up

personality, which consists of stable or enduring
patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.
The �ive-factor theory is a widely accepted model of
personality that is based on identifying traits. The Big Five
source traits are: Openness to Experience, Conscientiousness,
Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional
Stability.
Carl Jung’s work led to the development of the MBTI, a
commonly used personality assessment tool. The MBTI
measures individual psychological preferences along four axes:
Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition,
Thinking–Feeling, and Judging–Perceiving. The interaction of
these four preferences constitutes one’s
psychological type, or personality.
Development of the Self
Children de�ine their identities only after they are able to
recognize that they are separate from others. The
most common method for identifying the psychosocial
milestone of self-awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test.
Other indicators suggest that self-awareness occurs earlier than
the mirror-and-rouge test indicates.
The formation of self-concept begins with self-awareness and
continues during late infancy as toddlers develop
awareness of others.
Self-esteem is not the same as self-concept. Rather it is the
evaluation of one’s self-concept.
Research shows that self-esteem has remained fairly stable over
time and across gender and ethnic groups.
Though boys and girls may focus on different parts of
themselves, on average both groups enjoy high self-
esteem.

Self-concept is in�luenced by factors related to race and
ethnicity, sex and gender, and a country’s culture.
Ethnic Identity
Children and adolescents feel a sense of belongingness in their
shared values, traditions, language, and customs.
Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and customs within the culture
change, but it remains an enduring part of the
self. A positive ethnic identity re�lects a stronger self-concept
and is associated with greater school achievement
and higher self-esteem.
Jean Phinney developed an ethnic identity model based on the
same dimensions of exploration and
commitment as James Marcia’s model of identity statuses. She
concluded that ethnic identity for minorities
developed in three stages: unexamined ethnic identity, ethnic
identity search, and ethnic identity achievement.
Theory of Moral Development
Kohlberg’s stage theory of moral development integrates the
advances we see in cognitive functioning with
psychosocial advances. He identi�ied three levels of moral
development, each of which contains two stages.
Kohlberg’s theory has earned empirical support but has been
criticized because he studied only boys while
formulating his theory.
An alternative theory proposed by Carol Gilligan has helped to
broaden the perspective on moral reasoning,
including �irst identifying the bias of Kohlberg’s work.
However, her work has also been criticized for being too
restrictive.
Critical Thinking and Discussion Questions
1. Is it important to speci�ically identify a child’s

temperament? Explain.
2. Consider what you learned about attachment in Chapter 10. If
an adult is unable to fully trust another adult and
form an intimate relationship, Erikson might suggest that
development was arrested during the trust versus
mistrust stage of psychosocial development. How can an adult
reestablish this necessary ability? Using Erikson’s
theory, explain how a relationship during adulthood can begin
to reverse negative attachment experiences from
infancy.
3. How do culture and socioeconomic status in�luence Marcia’s
identity status model?
4. Although the midlife crisis has not been scienti�ically
validated, most people would probably agree that it exists.
Why do you think this is the case?
5. Which of the Big Five traits has changed the most for you?
The least? Which do you anticipate will change the
most in the future?
6. There are no pairs of personality types that form ideal
relationships. Two people of the same type may get
along just as well as two people that are completely opposite
types. With that in mind, take an online type
indicator assessment with a close friend or family member, then
discuss why the two of you might have the
relationship that you do.
7. Should people strive to achieve post-conventional morality?
Explain.
8. Which theory of moral development resonates most strongly

for you? Do you think your gender plays a role in
your decision?
Additional Resources
Web Resources
The Myers & Briggs Foundation: Learn more about the MBTI
type indicator http://www.myersbriggs.org/my-
mbti-personality-type/mbti-basics/
(http://www.myersbriggs.org/my-mbti-personality-
type/mbti-basics/)
Big Five Personality Test: Take a 25 question test hosted on the
Psychology Today website
http://psychologytoday.tests.psychtests.com/take_test.php?idRe
gTest=1297
(http://psychologytoday.tests.psychtests.com/take_test.php?idRe
gTest=1297)
Further Research
Allport, G. W., & Odbert, H. S. (1936). Trait names: A psycho-
lexical study. Psychological Monographs, 47(211),
whole issue.
Erikson, E. H. (1950, 1993). Childhood and society. New
York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H., & Erikson, J. M. (1998). The life cycle
completed: Extended version with new chapters on
the ninth
stage of development. New York: Norton.
Jung, C. G. (1923) Psychological types. New York: Harcourt
Brace.
McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. T. (1997). Personality trait structure
as a human universal. American Psychologist, 52,
509–516.
Phinney, J. S. (1989). Stages of ethnic identity development in

minority group adolescents. Journal of Early
Adolescence, 9, 34–49.
Thomas, A., & Chess, S. (1977). Temperament and
development. New York: Brunner/Mazel.
Vaillant, G. E. (2002). Aging well:Surprising guideposts
to a happier life. New York: Hachette Book Group.
Key Terms
adolescent identity crisis
A time during which adolescents contemplate social, personal,
and cognitive demands.
autonomy versus shame and doubt
The second of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development begins around the second year until about 3
years of age.
Infants and toddlers develop either autonomy or shame and
doubt, depending in part on the freedom they are
allowed when exploring.
basictrust versus mistrust
The �irst of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development. Develops between birth and the middle of
the second year.
Trust develops when infants can depend on caregivers to ful �ill
basic needs; when caregivers do not respond
adequately, infants develop mistrust.
bicultural identity
The identity that is formed when minorities identify with their
ethnic heritage as well as with mainstream culture.
Big Five
The �ive factors, or clusters, of traits. Generally accepted as a
structure for studying personality, they are: Openness,

Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Emotional
Stability (or Neuroticism).
commitment
According to James Marcia, one of two dimensions that
determine identity. Refers to whether or not a decision has
been made regarding a crisis.
conventional level
http://www.myersbriggs.org/my-mbti-personality-type/mbti-
basics/
http://psychologytoday.tests.psychtests.com/take_test.php?idRe
gTest=1297
The second of three levels of moral development, according to
Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages: conformity
and interpersonal accord and law and order orientation. People
adhere to socially accepted (conventional) rules
because they feel an obligation to others.
crisis
According to James Marcia, one of two dimensions that
determine identity. Refers to the exploration of alternative
behaviors related to identity formation. See also commitment.
dif�icult temperament
A generally negative disposition coupled with poor adaptation
to new experiences.
easy temperament
An overall positive disposition coupled with regular rhythms.
ethnic identity achievement
Ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s

status of identity achievement.
ethnic identity search
Ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s
status of identity moratorium.
�ive-factor theory
A widely accepted framework for studying personality that
focuses on the Big Five (�ive factors, or clusters of traits).
generativity versus stagnation
The seventh of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development. Adults either “leave a mark” (generate) or
develop a
sense of stagnation when they lack productivity.
goodness of �it
The match between an infant’s temperament and environmental
demands.
hope and faith versus despair
The ninth stage of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development. Erikson proposed that because old age causes
the
body and mind to fail, we need to learn to accept dependency
and the inevitability of death.
identity achievement
The status of adolescents who have both explored and
identity diffusion
The status of adolescents who have neither explored nor
identity foreclosure

The status of adolescents who have committed to an identity
without �irst exploring.
identity moratorium
The status of adolescents who have explored but have yet to
commit to an identity.
identity status model
James Marcia’s model that classi�ies individual identity
development in terms of crisis and commitment.
industry versus inferiority
The fourth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development. Occurs from about 6 to 12 years of age and
focuses on
competence, which leads to self-esteem. When children
successfully navigate tasks, they develop a sense of industry;
when they are not able to become self-suf�icient in tasks, they
develop a sense of inferiority.
identity versus role confusion
The key �ifth stage of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development. A time during which adolescents seek to
develop a
stable self-image.
initiative versus guilt
The fourth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development. Between the ages of 3 and 6, children expand
their
independence, but sometimes they must suffer the negative
results of those actions.

integrity versus despair
The last of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development. People in late adulthood either accept their
lives and what
they have accomplished or live in despair as a result of knowing
that goals went unful�illed.
intimacy versus isolation
The sixth stage and �irst adult stage in Erikson’s stages of
psychosocial development. Adults express hopes, dreams,
and fears that are intended to result in the formation of deep
emotional connections.
MAMA
Based on identity statuses identi�ied by James Marcia, the
cycling between moratorium and achievement.
midlife crisis
Levinson’s term for a period of re�lection and transition,
including questioning self-identity, at the time of transition
into middle adulthood.
mirror-and-rouge test
A test designed to measure whether or not children demonstrate
self-awareness.
moral development
A social and cognitive process that refers to an individual’s
sense of justice and right and wrong.
Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI)
Measures individual preferences on four dimensions:
Extraversion–Introversion, Sensing–Intuition, Thinking–
Feeling,
and Judging–Perceiving.

personality
Stable or enduring patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviors.
post-conventional level
The third of three levels of moral development, according to
Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages: social
contract and universal principles. Based on idealized principles
of morality and the demands of individual conscience.
pre-conventional level
The �irst of three levels of moral development, according to
Lawrence Kohlberg. Consists of two stages:
obedience/punishment and self-interest. A stage at which
children adhere to rules and social norms due to
restrictions set forth by authority �igures.
self
The conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and
attitudes about ourselves.
self-awareness
The knowledge beginning in infancy that indicates individual
distinctiveness.
self-concept
An internal model of self and identity.
self-esteem
The subjective evaluation of one’s sense of self, or self-concept.
slow to warm up
A disposition in which less active babies adapt slowly to new
situations and have somewhat regular biological
rhythms.
social clock

The social expectations for the ages at which certain life events
occur, such as getting married, having children, and
retirement.
source traits
Five broad categories of underlying traits that resulted from
clustering the 16 surface traits, now referred to as the
Big Five.
stages of psychosocial development
Erik Erikson’s theory that explains how we come to understand
and develop a unique sense of self.
surface traits
Clusters of related traits, culled from identifying, measuring,
and analyzing a wide variety of traits that are observable
as behaviors.
temperament
Describes characteristics that are relatively enduring and
consistent during the early years of life. It previews
personality. See also easy temperament, dif�icult
temperament, and slow to warm up.
traits
Enduring, stable characteristics and behaviors.
trait theory
A theory that focuses on the measurement of a person’s unique
constellation of thoughts, feelings, behaviors.
unexamined ethnic identity
A state of ethnic identity development that is consistent with
Marcia’s statuses of either identity diffusion or identity

Describe the characteristics of the main or central research quest

Describe the characteristics of the main or central research quest

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