The Real You is Sexy

Running head: “THE REAL YOU IS SEXY”
“The Real You is Sexy”: Affective Consequences of Non-Digitally Altered Models on Women
under 25 through the #aerieREAL Campaign
Laura Grace Tarpley
Young Harris College

“THE REAL YOU IS SEXY” 2
Abstract
This study analyzes the effects of non-digitally altered models on young women through the
#aerieREAL campaign. I examine effects through measuring women’s body esteem and body
satisfaction, which make up women’s overall body image. By surveying 126 women, ages 18
through 25, I determine that there is a relationship between levels of thin-ideal internalization
and levels of body esteem and body satisfaction. In this study, participants shown a digitally
altered model have lower levels of body esteem and body satisfaction than before, and
participants shown a non-digitally altered model have higher levels of body esteem than before.
However, participants do not show a change in levels of body satisfaction after viewing a non-
digitally altered model. Implications for further study are also discussed.

“The Real You is Sexy”: Affective Consequences of Non-Digitally Altered Models on
Women under 25 through the #aerieREAL Campaign
According to Festinger (1954), social comparison theory assumes that people long for
self-evaluation and that the need for this self-evaluation comes from comparing oneself with
others. This longing for self-evaluation leads to certain types of competitive behavior and social
psychological processes. Although he has written primarily about how this comparison can affect
behavior of the individual in a group, group formation, and group membership, this theory can be
applied in other contexts. He has stated that even though many people tend to not compare
themselves to people profoundly different from themselves, one instance in which they can still
engage in comparison is when this different group is attractive in some other way.
This comparison to different groups is also possible when individuals have no other
groups to which they can compare themselves. Advertising in digital media is an apt place to
apply this theory: the appearance of digitally altered supermodels is notably different than that of
many American women, and consumers compare themselves to these images because their
presence is attractive and dominant in advertising. Lin and Tsai (2006) have written that when
people engage in downward comparisons (or comparing themselves with less fortunate people),
they have a more positive self-perception, but when they engage in upward comparisons (or
comparing themselves with more fortunate people), they have a more negative self-perception.
They have also claimed that people typically make upward social comparisons when motivated
by self-enhancement.
Social comparisons can also occur when people view advertisements. Richins (1991)
supported the idea that young women compare themselves physically to models in
advertisements that target them. More specifically, participants in this study also expressed that

they pay the most attention to the body parts they are most dissatisfied with on their own bodies
while looking at models in advertisements. Over 50% of Richins’s participants expressed that
they compare themselves with models in advertising, and 33% expressed that advertisements
make them feel dissatisfied with themselves. Richins has argued that advertising often leads to
social comparison and that exposure to attractive pictures can negatively affect self-image.
Although Lindner, Hughes, and Fahy (2008) have found a relationship between the degree of
eating problems and comparison tendencies in women. They have also found that these two
variables were independent of women’s weights, and they suggested that women were distorting
their bodies in their heads.
Advertisements can lead to different comparison processes and result in different
behaviors depending on the individual (Smeesters, Mussweiler, & Mandel, 2010). Although
Lindner et al. (2008) have claimed that problems occur regardless of different women’s BMI,
research has also specified how women of different BMIs engage in different social comparisons
when viewing models in advertisements; thus, they behave differently as a result of these
comparison processes (Smeesters et al., 2010). These studies have shown that women with a
lower BMI had higher self-esteem after viewing thin or heavy models as opposed to images with
no models, whereas the opposite was true of women with a higher BMI. Normal-size participants
ate less and exercised more when their self-esteem declined. Low-BMI women wanted to eat less
and exercise more when exposed to thin models, and high-BMI participants wanted to do these
things when exposed to heavy models.
There have been movements in media against society’s strict standard of beauty, such as
the Dove Campaign for Real Beauty, released in 2004, which “…featured models with many
different attributes, of all ages, races, shapes and sizes” (Bissell & Rask, 2010, p. 646). I am

analyzing a similar backlash against beauty standards in media: the #aerieREAL campaign,
released in January 2014. This campaign prides itself on not using digitally altered models, with
taglines such as “No more supermodels” and “The real you is sexy.” The #aerieREAL campaign
openly critiques American society’s unrealistic beauty expectations that have been promoted in
media for years.
Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson, and Kelly (1986) have argued that mass media promote a
slimmer standard for women than for men and that the thinness standard for women is increasing
over time. They reviewed issues of Ladies Home Journal and Vogue from 1901 through 1981
and discovered that models’ bust-to-waist ratio gradually but consistently decreased over the
course of the 20th century. Silverstein et al. (1986) argued that these images discouraged female
readers from being curvaceous. Harrison (2001) has suggested that magazines promote the thin-
ideal by using social acceptance as an incentive for women to be thin. Along with BMI and
degree of social comparison, female participants’ exposure to fashion and entertainment
magazines that promoted the thin-ideal was one of the strongest variables increasing women’s
levels of self-discrepancies (Bissell & Rask, 2010). Self-discrepancies refer to inconsistencies
between how people believe they actually are and how they either should be or ideally could be
(Higgins, 1987).
Media’s promotion of the thin-ideal and audiences’ comparisons with mediated images
can negatively affect women’s attitudes toward their own bodies. Research has shown that this
standard of thinness leads to body dissatisfaction among women (Groesz, Levine, & Murnen,
2001; Stice, Schupak-Neuberg, & Stein, 1994), and women’s measured level of body image has
been partially linked to women’s comparison with an internalized standard of appearance (Dalley
& Vidal, 2013). Levels of thin-ideal internalization measure the extent that people believe

society’s ideals for beauty and try to epitomize such ideals (Thompson & Stice, 2001). Body
image “…refers to individuals’ perceptions of and attitudes toward their own body, especially its
appearance” (Cash, Fleming, Alindogan, Steadman, & Whitehead, 2002). Halliwell, Easun, and
Harcourt (2010) stated that a woman’s body image is comprised of two primary factors: her level
of satisfaction with her body and her level of body esteem.
Regarding advertisements in media, Trampe, Stapel, and Siero (2011) have argued that
consumer advertisements can make women think about themselves more than non-consumer
advertisements, and consumer advertisements can lead to negative self-evaluations. Along with
different types of advertisements, thin-ideal internalization also plays a vital role in women’s
attitudes toward advertisements; Bissell and Rask (2010) have provided evidence that women
who internalize the thin-ideal are more likely to be dissatisfied with their bodies. In a study
conducted by Dittmar, Halliwell, and Stirling (2009), female participants who had internalized
the thin-ideal experienced negative effects when exposed to images of models in advertisements,
whereas women who had not internalized this ideal did not experience these negative effects.
These negative attitudes—such as body dissatisfaction and low body esteem—can then
lead to altered behaviors, such as eating disorder symptoms among women (Stice et al., 1994).
Thompson and Stice (2001) have argued that thin-ideal internalization is a causation, not merely
a correlation, to these eating disorder disturbances. Lindner et al. (2008) stated that social
comparisons and eating disorders are also related and that college women who tend to make
appearance-based social comparisons are more likely to show symptoms of eating disorders.
Sperry, Thompson, Sarwer, and Cash (2009) have argued that women who are largely invested
in their appearance, experience body dissatisfaction, feel pressured by society’s appearance
ideals, or show signs of eating disorder symptoms are more drawn to television shows promoting

cosmetic surgery, and these women have more positive attitudes toward undergoing cosmetic
surgery. They have stated that cosmetic surgery reality television shows can contribute to
women’s decisions to have cosmetic surgery. The promotion of the thin-ideal in media, thin-
ideal internalization, and internalization’s effects on women’s attitudes and behaviors, lead to the
first two hypotheses.
H1: Women with higher levels of thin-ideal internalization have lower levels of body
esteem.
H2: Women with higher levels of thin-ideal internalization have lower levels of body
satisfaction.
Many people, from everyday bloggers to politicians, are outraged by the digital alteration
of models resulting in unrealistic images that they believe promote thin-ideal internalization
among women. In an article for the blog Jezebel, author Rebecca Rose criticized an image of a
junior female bathing suit model on Target’s website. The image was blatantly digitally altered
to make the model appear as though she had a thigh gap, but the graphic designer had erased part
of the girl’s crotch in the process. Rose (2014) wrote, “This is what is being marketed and
pushed on young girls—this absurd image of a crotch that absolutely does not and cannot happen
naturally. This what young girls have to look at and try to reconcile with their own, normally
shaped bodies.” Members of French Parliament and Britain’s Liberal Democrats proposed bills
in 2009 calling for warning labels on digitally altered images of women in advertisements
(Cohen, 2009). British Parliament member Jo Swinson expressed her opinion that digitally
altered models aid in the recent influx of anxiety about appearance, eating disorders, and
cosmetic surgery among British women (Cohen, 2009).
Self-discrepancy Theory

Higgins (1987) has argued through self-discrepancy theory that people have three
different domains of selves (actual, ideal, and ought), as well as two standpoints from which they
view these domains (own and significant others). She has claimed that there are discrepancies
between each domain and each standpoint and that self-discrepancies occur when people’s own
beliefs about themselves are incompatible with how they ideally would like to be, how others
would ideally like them to be, how they think they ought to be, or how others think they ought to
be. The terms Higgins has used to identify these various types of discrepancies are:
actual/own:ideal/own, actual/own:ideal/other, actual/own:ought/own, and actual/own:
ought/other. Higgins has argued that self-discrepancies can lead to self-evaluations and
vulnerability. Her research has claimed that unharmonious self-beliefs can lead to discomfort
within a person. She has stated that each discrepancy can lead to discomfort in different ways
and that the greater the magnitude of a self-discrepancy, the stronger the discomfort is within a
person.
Bissell and Rask (2010) have found a correlation between social comparisons and
discrepancies between women’s actual selves and ideal selves. Harrison (2001) has used self-
discrepancy theory to hypothesize that self-discrepancies about bodies mediate the relationship
between eating disorders and exposure to the thin-ideal in media. In Harrison’s study,
participants exposed to a movie clip rewarding the thin-ideal led to ideal discrepancies, and those
exposed to a movie clip punishing fat characters led to ought discrepancies. This research
supports Higgins’ (1987) claim that ideal discrepancies are related to an absence of positive
outcomes, such as being rewarded for being as thin as models in advertisements; ought
discrepancies are related to a presence of negative outcomes, such as being punished for being
fat. Higgins has explained that absence of positive outcomes can lead to dejection-related

emotions, such as disappointment or frustration and that presence of negative outcomes can lead
to agitation-related emotions, such as guilt and self-contempt. Harrison’s (2001) findings suggest
that based on media’s approach, media can promote different types of discrepancies within a
person which can lead to these different types of discomforts.
Ahern, Bennett, Kelly, and Hetherington (2011) conducted a study in which young
women expressed that they recognized that media give an unrealistic thin-ideal, particularly
through digital alteration. These girls admitted that even though they were made uncomfortable
by and resented this standard, they still internalized the thin-ideal and engaged with these media
(Ahern et al., 2011). Even when women recognize media’s flaws, these comparisons and
discrepancies still occur. The concepts of self-evaluation through social comparisons and
discrepancies between the actual self and ideal self lead to the last four hypotheses.
H3: Women have lower levels of body esteem after viewing a digitally altered model than
before.
H4: Women have lower levels of body satisfaction after viewing a digitally altered model
than before.
H5: Women have higher levels of body esteem after viewing a non-digitally altered model
than before.
H6: Women have higher levels of body satisfaction after viewing non-digitally altered
models than before.
The Current Study
In 2014, aerie, a lingerie and apparel line under American Eagle Outfitters (AEO),
released the #aerieREAL campaign, in which they claimed that none of the models were digitally
altered. According to their website, AEO is a prominent company in North America, with over

900 stores in the United States and Canada ("About aeo inc.," 2014). The site also explains that
AEO targets men and women ages 15 through 25; however, the Aerie line specifically targets
women. Aerie sells to a wide range of women, selling bras from sizes 30A-40DD (“Intimates
line aerie,” 2014). Aerie’s Chief Merchandising Officer, Jennifer Foyle, has expressed, “The
purpose of 'aerie Real' is to communicate there is no need to retouch beauty, and to give young
women of all shapes and sizes the chance to discover amazing styles that work best for
them…We want to help empower young women to be confident in themselves and their bodies”
(“Intimates line aerie,” 2014).
This study examines how the #aerieREAL campaign affects women versus an image of a
digitally altered model. I want to know if the tactic of using non-digitally altered models
successfully “sells” self-confidence. If so, other companies could benefit from using the strategy
of not digitally altering models, while simultaneously decreasing negative effects on female
consumers. Social comparison and self-discrepancy theories can explain what variables lead to
self-discrepancy and how discrepancy affects social comparison to images in advertisements.
Similar studies have been conducted and have provided conflicting results as to whether or not
viewing normal-size models versus ultra-thin models changed women’s perceptions of self
(Bissell & Rask, 2010; Groesz et al., 2001). Specifically, Bissell and Rask (2010) conducted a
study using the Dove Real Beauty Campaign. Bissell and Rask were able to support their
prediction that levels of social comparison and discrepancies between actual and ideal selves are
related; however, they were unable to support their prediction that women who view Dove
models are more likely to have weaker discrepancies between actual and ideal selves.
Conversely, in a study conducted by Groesz et al., body image became worse for participants
who viewed thin images than those who viewed normal-size, overweight, or neutral images.

Similar to the current study, the Dove Real Beauty Campaign emphasized using “real”
women. However, these previous studies have focused primarily on normal-size versus ultra-thin
models, whereas the current study focuses on non-digitally altered versus digitally altered
models. Rather than seeing how body esteem and body satisfaction of college women are
affected by overweight, normal, athletic, ultra-thin, or neutral images, we want to know how
these variables are affected by digitally altered and non-digitally altered images. Social
comparison theory, self-discrepancy theory, and research supporting the idea that mass media
promotes the thin-ideal and leads to body dissatisfaction (Groesz et al., 2001) are vital ideas in
this study.
Methods
Participants
Participants included women ages 18 through 25. AEO’s claimed target group stops at
age 25, and I wanted to understand how the #aerieREAL campaign affects its target audience.
Even though AEO’s target age group is 15 through 25, I chose not to include participants under
age 18, because I wanted to focus on adult women. Not all participants were college students or
graduates, but I tried to focus on college women, because body image, body satisfaction, eating
behaviors, and eating pathology have been recognized as issues among college women (Cooley
& Toray, 2001; Goswami, Sachdeva, Sachdeva, 2013; Lindner et al., 2008; Warren, Strauss,
Taska, & Sullivan, 2005). 126 women were gathered through a convenience sample. The survey
was posted on Facebook and Twitter, and professors at a liberal arts college in north Georgia
emailed their female students about this study so that they had the option to participate. No one
was given extra incentive to take the survey.

The mean age of participants was 21.14 years (SD = 1.80). Of the women who gave their
years in school, five (5.38%) identified as college freshmen, one (1.08%) as college sophomores,
12 (10.17%) as college juniors, 33 (35.48%) as college seniors, 15 (16.13%) as college
graduates, 13 (13.98%) as having never attended college, and 14 (11.86%) as high school
students. Of the women who gave their races, 106 (84.13%) identified as white/Caucasian, three
(2.83%) as black/African American, four (3.18%) as Hispanic, three (2.83%) as being of Asian
descent, one (.80%) as being of Native American descent, and one (.80%) identified as other.
Participants’ height ranged from 59-71 inches, with a mean of 64.84 inches (SD = 2.51). Weight
ranged from 104-255 lbs, with a mean of 150.66 lbs (SD = 32.04).
Measures
Thin-ideal internalization. I measured women’s levels of thin-ideal internalization by
distributing the Sociocultural Attitudes towards Appearance Scale‐3 (SATAQ-3; Thompson, van
den Berg, Roehrig, & Guarda, 2004) before exposure to images (see Appendix C). The
questionnaire measures internalization of general media influences, along with three subscales
(athlete internalization, pressures, and information). The SATAQ-3 includes 30 statements
participants could rate on a 5-point Likert-type scale. Example statements are: “I compare my
appearance to the appearance of TV and movie stars” and “I compare my body to that of people
who are athletic.”
Body Esteem. Participants filled out the Body Esteem Scale (BES; Franzoi & Shields,
1984) twice to measure their body esteem pre-exposure to images and post-exposure to images
(see Appendix D). The BES consists of 35 items; participants express how they feel about certain
body features (i.e., buttocks, width of shoulders, etc.) using a 5-point Likert-type scale. The BES

has claimed three subscales for women’s body esteem (sexual attractiveness, weight concern,
and physical condition).
Body satisfaction. Participants filled out the Body Image States Scale (BISS; Cash,
Fleming, Alindogan, Steadman, & Whitehead, 2002) twice to measure their body satisfaction
pre-exposure to images and post-exposure to images (see Appendix E). I chose the BISS because
this scale specifically measures people’s evaluative and affective thoughts concerning their
bodies only at the exact moment they fill out the scale, so it is useful in a study measuring pre-
and post-exposure body images. I also chose the BISS due to its avoidance of focusing on certain
body parts keeps the scale from being too similar to the BES. The BISS has six questions, each
question with a 9-point Likert-type scale, and researchers explain the characteristic that each
question is measuring: “(1) dissatisfaction-satisfaction with one’s overall physical appearance;
(2) dissatisfaction-satisfaction with one’s body size and shape; (3) dissatisfaction-satisfaction
with one’s weight; (4) feelings of physical attractiveness-unattractiveness; (5) current feelings
about one’s looks relative to how one usually feels; and (6) evaluation of one’s appearance
relative to how the average person looks” (Cash et al., 2002, p. 105).
Procedures
Each woman filled out online surveys. They filled out the SATAQ-3, BES, and BISS
once before viewing any images. They then were asked to look at the image that was randomly
assigned to them. They were randomly distributed one of two images: a non-digitally altered
model from the #aerieREAL campaign (see Appendix A) or a digitally altered model that was
the end result of a YouTube video entitled: “Body Evolution – Model Before and After,” posted
by user President of the World on May 22, 2012 (see Appendix B). I chose the #aerieREAL
image showing the most skin; the model is on her knees and wears only a bra and underwear,

and only part of her legs are cut out of the picture. In the Body Evolution image, the model is
lying on her side wearing only a bathing suit bottom, and her arm is covering her breasts. I
wanted to choose two images that showed the majority of models’ bodies. 63 women looked at
each image. Participants were asked to look at their chosen image for three minutes and to try to
memorize as many details as possible. After viewing the image, each participant filled out the
BES and BISS a second time, then gave their demographics.
Results
H1 predicted that women with higher levels of thin-ideal internalization have lower levels
of body esteem. A regression analysis was conducted to assess the relationship between
participants’ answers on the SATAQ-3 and answers to the BES pre-exposure. H1 was supported.
Women with high levels of thin-ideal internalization had lower body esteem regarding weight
concern, sexual attractiveness, and physical condition. Thin-ideal internalization accounted for
significant variance in how women felt about their weight. H2 predicted that women with higher
levels of thin-ideal internalization have lower levels of body satisfaction. Another regression
analysis was conducted to assess the relationship between participants’ answers on the SATAQ-3
and answers to the BISS pre-exposure. H2 was also supported.
To assess H3-H6, t-tests were run on these data, analyzing participants’ answers to the
BES and BISS pre- and post-exposure. H3 predicted that women have lower levels of body
esteem after viewing a digitally altered model than before. Positive feelings toward weight,
sexual attractiveness, and physical condition all decreased slightly after viewing the digitally
altered model, but there was no statistical significance. All three factors approached statistical
significance, the strongest being sexual attractiveness, which approached moderate effect size.
Thus, H3 was partially supported. H4 predicted that women have lower levels of body

satisfaction after viewing a digitally altered model than before. This prediction was supported by
these data, although the difference was not statistically significant. H4 was also partially
supported.
H5 predicted that women have higher levels of body esteem after viewing a non-digitally
altered model than before. After viewing the image from the #aerieREAL campaign,
participants’ positive feelings toward weight, sexual attractiveness, and physical condition all
increased slightly, but there was no statistical significance. H5 was partially supported. H6
predicted that women have higher levels of body satisfaction after viewing a non-digitally altered
model than before. Participants’ levels of body satisfaction did not change after viewing the
#aerieREAL model. Although their body satisfaction levels did not decrease, they still remained
constant. Thus, H6 was not supported.
Discussion
A great deal of literature exists addressing how thin-ideal internalization relates to altered
attitudes and behaviors. Studies have been conducted about how images that do not promote the
thin-ideal can affect women. While such studies have examined the effects of ultra-thin, average,
and overweight models on female consumers, the topic of how women are affected by digitally
altered versus non-digitally altered models has yet to be explored. Through this study, I hoped to
understand how digital alteration of models affects young women’s discrepancies between their
actual self and ideal self. I wanted to know if their comparison with either a digitally altered or
non-digitally altered model would lead to more positive or negative self-evaluations.
My research shows that higher levels of thin-ideal internalization cause lower levels of
body esteem and body satisfaction. These results support Thompson and Stice’s (2001)
conclusion that thin-ideal internalization can lead to negative emotions, and they parallel Bissell

and Rask’s (2010) claim that women with higher levels of thin-ideal internalization are less
satisfied with their bodies overall.
The current study also shows that women have lower levels of body esteem and body
satisfaction after viewing a digitally altered model, as well as higher levels of body esteem after
viewing a non-digitally altered model. These findings align with the results of Groesz et al.
(2001), which stated that women who were shown ultra-thin models had worse body image than
those who viewed normal-size, overweight, or neutral images. Interestingly, the study on the
Dove Real Beauty Campaign by Bissell and Rask (2010) did not support the idea that exposure
to a Dove model or plus-size model results in weaker actual/ideal discrepancies than those who
viewed ultra-thin models. Bissell and Rask argued that showing participants an image of a Dove
model may make women feel better about themselves temporarily, but media promoting the thin-
ideal is so prevalent that showing a Dove model could not significantly improve women’s
actual/ideal discrepancy levels. However, women in the current study did have higher levels of
body esteem after viewing the #aerieREAL model. While H3-H5 support the research of Groesz
et al., H6 aligns with Bissell and Rask’s results concerning the Dove Real Beauty Campaign.
Participants in Bissell and Rask’s study did not have a change in self-discrepancy levels upon
seeing the Dove model; participants in my study did not have a change in levels of body
satisfaction upon seeing the #aerieREAL model.
Lin and Tsai (2006) have posed the idea that upward comparisons lead to more negative
self-perceptions. When women compared themselves to the digitally altered model, they were
engaging in more of an upward comparison than women comparing themselves to the
#aerieREAL model. Although participants still engaged in social comparisons, the types of
comparisons they made were not as self-destructive. Thus, the discrepancies between their actual

selves and ideal selves were not as large and produced less discomfort. The women who viewed
the digitally altered image experienced stronger discrepancies, and this discomfort may have
caused them to have lower body esteem and body satisfaction. Because participants in this study
responded positively to the #aerieREAL campaign, it seems AEO has successfully “sold” self-
confidence to these women through this marketing tactic. If a larger sample group was collected,
the significance of these findings could have even greater implications for the possible success of
advertising using non-digitally altered models.
This study was limited by the small sample of participants, as well as the restricted
demographics. H3-H5 were partially supported because they lacked statistical significance; if
more women participated, statistical significance may be found, and perhaps H6 could be
supported. The majority of participants were white/Caucasian, so I was unable to analyze to what
extent women of different races internalize the thin-ideal or how digitally altered and non-
digitally altered images affect a racially diverse sample. According to a study by Evans and
McConnell (2003), Asian and Caucasian women reported more negative self-evaluations after
being exposed to images of Caucasian models who portrayed society’s standard of beauty, but
African American women were less affected by this ideal. Because both images used in the
current study were of Caucasian models, researchers could further investigate how women of
different races respond to digitally altered versus non-digitally altered Caucasian models. Further
research could include participants as young as age 15, since AEO targets women ages 15
through 25. If the study was opened up to younger participants, the common concern voiced by
Rose (2014) that female consumers are pressured from a young age could be explored. Results
may show that women of a younger age respond to these two stimuli differently than the current
sample.

Future research could also explore how women with different levels of thin-ideal
internalization react to digitally altered versus non-digitally altered models. For example, do
women with higher levels of thin-ideal internalization have more negative shifts in body esteem
and body satisfaction after viewing a digitally altered model than women with lower levels of
thin-ideal internalization? Do women with lower levels of thin-ideal internalization have more
positive shifts in body esteem and body satisfaction after viewing a non-digitally altered model
than women with lower levels of thin-ideal internalization? ANOVA tests could be run to
analyze the relationships between these multiple variables. Halliwell and Dittmar (2004)
supported the idea that female individuals with high thin-ideal internalization experience more
anxiety when shown images of thin models (rather than images of average-size models or no
models) but that girls with low thin-ideal internalization do not react significantly differently to
any of these three types of images. They also have argued that, regardless of the level of
internalization, there would be no significant differences in anxiety levels among girls shown
images of average-size models. Further research could explore whether Halliwell and Dittmar’s
results can be applied to non-digitally altered models (specifically models in the #aerieREAL
campaign) in addition to average-size models.

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Appendix A

Appendix B

Appendix C
SOCIOCULTURAL ATTITUDES TOWARDS APPEARANCE SCALE - 3 (SATAQ-3)
Please read each of the following items carefully and indicate the number that best reflects your
agreement with the statement.
Definitely Disagree = 1
Mostly Disagree = 2
Neither Agree Nor Disagree = 3
Mostly Agree = 4
Definitely Agree = 5
1. TV programs are an important source of information about fashion and "being attractive."
______
2. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to lose weight. ______
3. I do not care if my body looks like the body of people who are on TV. ______
4. I compare my body to the bodies of people who are on TV. ______
5. TV commercials are an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive." ______
6. I do not feel pressure from TV or magazines to look pretty. ______
7. I would like my body to look like the models who appear in magazines. ______
8. I compare my appearance to the appearance of TV and movie stars. ______
9. Music videos on TV are not an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive." ______
10. I've felt pressure from TV and magazines to be thin. ______
11. I would like my body to look like the people who are in movies. ______
12. I do not compare my body to the bodies of people who appear in magazines. ______
13. Magazine articles are not an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive." ______
14. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to have a perfect body. ______
15. I wish I looked like the models in music videos. ______
16. I compare my appearance to the appearance of people in magazines. ______

17. Magazine advertisements are an important source of information about fashion and
"being attractive." ______
18. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to diet. ______
19. I do not wish to look as athletic as the people in magazines. ______
20. I compare my body to that of people in "good shape." ______
21. Pictures in magazines are an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive." ______
22. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to exercise. ______
23. I wish I looked as athletic as sports stars. ______
24. I compare my body to that of people who are athletic. ______
25. Movies are an important source of information about fashion and "being attractive."
______
26. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to change my appearance. ______
27. I do not try to look like the people on TV. ______
28. Movie starts are not an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive." ______
29. Famous people are an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive." ______
30. I try to look like sports athletes. ______

Appendix D
THE BODY ESTEEM SCALE
Instructions: On this page are listed a number of body parts and functions. Please read each item
and indicate how you feel about this part or function of your own body using the following scale:
1 = Have strong negative feelings
2 = Have moderate negative feelings
3 = Have no feeling one way or the other
4 = Have moderate positive feelings
5 = Have strong positive feelings
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. body scent _____
2. appetite _____
3. nose _____
4. physical stamina _____
5. reflexes _____
6. lips _____
7. muscular strength _____
8. waist _____
9. energy level _____
10. thighs _____
11. ears _____
12. biceps _____
13. chin _____
14. body build _____
15. physical coordination _____
16. buttocks _____
17. agility _____
18. width of shoulders _____

19. arms _____
20. chest or breasts _____
21. appearance of eyes _____
22. cheeks/cheekbones _____
23. hips _____
24. legs _____
25. figure or physique _____
26. sex drive _____
27. feet _____
28. sex organs _____
29. appearance of stomach _____
30. health _____
31. sex activities _____
32. body hair _____
33. physical condition _____
34. face _____
35. weight _____

Appendix E
BODY IMAGE STATES SCALE
For each of the items below, check the box beside the one statement that best describes how you
feel RIGHT NOW AT THIS VERY MOMENT. Read the items carefully to be sure the
statement you choose accurately and honestly describes how you feel right now.
1. Right now I feel . . .
 Extremely dissatisfied with my physical appearance
 Mostly dissatisfied with my physical appearance
 Moderately dissatisfied with my physical appearance
 Slightly dissatisfied with my physical appearance
 Neither dissatisfied nor satisfied with my physical appearance
 Slightly satisfied with my physical appearance
 Moderately satisfied with my physical appearance
 Mostly satisfied with my physical appearance
 Extremely satisfied with my physical appearance
 Extremely satisfied with my body size and shape
 Mostly satisfied with my body size and shape
 Moderately satisfied with my body size and shape
 Slightly satisfied with my body size and shape
 Neither dissatisfied nor satisfied with my body size and shape
 Slightly dissatisfied with my body size and shape
 Moderately dissatisfied with my body size and shape
 Mostly dissatisfied with my body size and shape
 Extremely dissatisfied with my body size and shape
 Extremely dissatisfied with my weight

 Mostly dissatisfied with my weight
 Moderately dissatisfied with my weight
 Slightly dissatisfied with my weight
 Neither dissatisfied nor satisfied with my weight
 Slightly satisfied with my weight
 Moderately satisfied with my weight
 Mostly satisfied with my weight
 Extremely satisfied with my weight
 Extremely physically attractive
 Very physically attractive
 Moderately physically attractive
 Slightly physically attractive
 Neither attractive nor unattractive
 Slightly physically unattractive
 Moderately physically unattractive
 Very physically unattractive
 Extremely physically unattractive
 A great deal worse about my looks than I usually feel
 Much worse about my looks than I usually feel
 Somewhat worse about my looks than I usually feel
 Just slightly worse about my looks than I usually feel
 About the same about my looks as usual
 Just slightly better about my looks than I usually feel
 Somewhat better about my looks than I usually feel
 Much better about my looks than I usually feel

 A great deal better about my looks than I usually feel
6. Right now I feel that I look . . .
 A great deal better than the average person looks
 Much better than the average person looks
 Somewhat better than the average person looks
 Just slightly better than the average person looks
 About the same as the average person looks
 Just slightly worse than the average person looks
 Somewhat worse than the average person looks
 Much worse than the average person looks
 A great deal worse than the average person looks

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