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Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA
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Body Image and the Influence of Social Media
Kristin Hande
Teachers College – Columbia University
Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA
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Abstract
Pro eating disorder websites have been around for years, but as smart phones have become
widely common, photo sharing applications have become increasingly popular among
individuals with eating disorders. Rather than typing in a link to a website, applications such as
Instagram allow individuals to search for and seek out exposure to certain images with the use of
“hashtags” in order to find exactly what they are seeking. One of the ways social media differs
from that of mass media message is the ways in which individuals self-select their own exposure
based on their own interests and preferences. This paper further discusses relevant theories, and
the differences between the impact of mass media and social media on body image and
disordered eating behaviors.
Introduction
Mass media has commonly been blamed for facilitating eating disorders in adolescents
and young adults through promoting the “thin-ideal,” which refers to portraying an underweight
woman as being the ideal body type. Whether one is referring to magazines, television, fashion
shows or commercials, these have all been associated with increasing rates of eating disorders,
particularly in girls and young women. Although still valid, this paper will focus on a newer type
of media, and its correlation and connection to eating disorders: photo sharing-based social
media. The main areas of interest will consist of applications downloaded to a smartphone or
iPad, with some mention of blogs. A goal of this paper is to discuss the ways social media differs
from mass media in relation to body image and eating disorders, and preoccupation with
appearance for sense of self-worth.
Background
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The past 20 years have seen an increase in rate of eating disorders and dieting behaviors
among adolescents. Field et al. (1999) interviewed adolescents from 5th grade up to 12th grade,
and found that the majority of the girls had tried to lose weight, wanted to lose weight, dieted or
engaged in a physical exercise program so that they would lose weight. Almost 70% of the
adolescents reported feeling that the media controlled what they viewed as attractive in terms of
body image. 85% of the participants said they were exposed to fashion magazines, while 26% of
the adolescents exposed to fashion magazines reported reading them more than twice a week.
Field et al. (1999) found a positive relationship between fashion magazine exposure and dieting
behaviors.
Simultaneously there has also been an increase in weight loss ads in magazines and on
television. Weight loss advertisements paired with a decreasing perceived ideal body weight
seem to be the recipe for disaster (Pyle, R. L., Halvorson, P.A., Neuman, P.A., Mitchell, J. E.,
1986, Wiseman et al., 1992). Irving (1990) found that exposure to thin models as opposed to
obese models was the determining factor that led to a negative body image after exposure.
Exposure to average weight or heavier models did not have the same impact on the adolescents
who participated in the study. Irving (1990) found a direct relationship between media exposure
and symptoms of eating disorders. It has also been found that the more the ideal body stereotypes
were internalized in individuals, the more likely media exposure to these ideals tended to be a
mediating variable in eating disorder development (Stice et al., 1994). Martin and Gentry (1997)
took the previous study a step further by having the participants compare their own bodies to the
ideals they had been shown. Having the participants compare themselves to the ideals had
significant negative effects on their body image satisfaction.
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The notion of comparing oneself to others is relevant when it comes to development of
negative body image and the development of eating disorders. According to Festinger (1954),
media exposure can lead people to engage in social comparison. When it comes to eating
disorders, girls are more likely to engage in an upward social comparison (Jones, 2001), by
finding a discrepancy between own body and images in the media. When the discrepancy is
found to be large and significant, negative self-evaluation is a likely outcome. Stice et al. (1994)
found internalization of body ideal stereotypes (poor body image) to be a mediator in developing
eating disorders. Internalization of stereotypes or what a person ought to be is likely to influence
and mediates mental illnesses, and especially eating disorders. Further, their research emphasized
that individuals who compare themselves to an unobtainable body type are more likely to
develop poor body image, which again contributes to the development of eating disorders. The
key factor in this explanation of the tendency for this cultural ideal body type is that for most
people, this “thin ideal” is in fact unobtainable. In other words, striving to acquire this particular
body type or shape could potentially become an eternal struggle that has no end point. Due to
this paired with the tendency for people with e.g. AN to have skewed view of their own bodies,
AN is one of the deadliest mental illnesses in the US due to starvation andmalnutrition, but also
comorbid conditions such as suicidality (National Eating Disorder Association).
Social Comparison
The United States is a culture that emphasizes physical appearance as a factor in measuring
social worth and attractiveness. The issues of body image and eating disorders seem to be very
complex in cultures that measure worth and identity in terms of body image and shape (Cash &
Pruzinsky 1990). The phenomenon of comparing one’s own body to the ideals in the media are
explained by the theories of Social Comparison (Festinger, 1954) and Self-Discrepancy (Stice &
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Shaw, 1994). Using Festinger’s (1954) theory of social comparison, comparison targets may be
online peers in social media. Additionally, a number of studies suggest that social media users
upload idealized photos of themselves through photo editing as well as through highlighting the
desired attributes from the “most favorable” angles (Kim & Chock, 2015). Stice and Shaw
(1994) found three factors involved in acquiring a negative body image through media exposure:
ideal body type internalization, social comparison and affective consequences. After media
exposure individuals internalize how the media defines attractiveness, they then compare their
own bodies to this ideal, and experience either negative or positive affect due to this comparison.
The positive or negative affect after the comparison is also referred to as discrepancy. Strauman
et al. (1991) found there to be two different types of discrepancies to be found in people with
eating disorders. Self-Discrepancy Theory (Stice & Shaw, 1994) defines three possible selves:
the actual self, the ideal self and the ought self.
Self-discrepancies either occur when the actual self differs from the perceived ideal self,
ought self, or both. Strauman et al. (1991) found a discrepancy between the actual and the ideal
self to be most common in individuals with Anorexia Nervosa. In Anorexia Nervosa the major
concerns tend to be wishing to please everyone else, and perfectionism. An ought self-
discrepancy tended to be more common in individuals with Bulimia Nervosa. Those with
Bulimia Nervosa are more concerned with disappointment and dissatisfaction, from: not being
what one ought to be. Ideals portrayed in the media work as reminders of the ought- and ideal
self, which again leads to emotional distress and regulatory behaviors such as disordered eating.
In other words, the main difference between the two types of self-discrepancy and eating
disorders is that individuals with AN measure themselves according to the best they could
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possibly ever be, while individuals with BN look to whom they should be (Strauman et al.,
1991).
However, this paper will apply the findings of previous studies on mass media influence
onto the connection between use of photo-sharing social media (Instagram, Facebook), body
image, and eating disorders. The assumption is that mass media influence is different from the
use of social media because the latter is dependent upon self-chosen exposure. According to
Tiggemann & Zaccardo (2015) young women may not see images of “fit” women with low body
fat percentages with as critical of an eye as they would do with the traditional thin runway
models. Although seemingly less unhealthy, this ideal is still unattainable for most women,
which again leads to viewers of these images feeling equally inadequate. Custers (2015) builds
upon this confusion between fitspiration and thinspiration by suggesting that there might be a
difficulty in differentiating between trustworthy and untrustworthy health information seen in
young women. Additionally, although such images are meant to promote health and physical
fitness, they may have unintended consequences (Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2015), which are to be
discussed throughout this paper.
Social Media
In terms of social media, the main focus of this paper is on photo and video sharing applications
for smartphones (i.e. Instagram) Facebook. Facebook could be used either on a computer, or as
an application on a smart phone or an iPad. Instagram is a mainly used as a picture sharing
application downloaded to a smart phone or an iPad. Instagram is a way to share experiences and
pictures with friends, family and strangers only to receive “likes” and comments. Chock and Kim
(2015) refer to this type of activity as “social grooming” where the main purpose is to maintain
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or improve social status through bonding: leaving comments and “liking” pictures on other
peers’ accounts. Mabe, Forney & Keel (2014) found that endorsing receiving comments and
liking other people’s pictures as a way to maintain or improve status on social media was
associated with more disordered eating attitudes. Chock and Kim (2015) found that the process
of social grooming and body image may differ from mass media exposure due to the complicated
relationships that social media involves among peers.
Nevertheless, in order to get more people to see your pictures, you refrain from making
your personal profile private (which would require other users to request access to your profile),
and use searchable “hashtags.” Instagram and the use of “hashtags” facilitate access to
essentially everything that people could post. Searching in the application for words such as “ed”
(eating disorder), “edrecovery,” or “ana” brings up a warning: “Please be advised: These images
may contain graphic content. For information and support with eating disorders please tap on
learn more.” A single search of “ed” brings up almost 3 million posts where the majority of the
first posts are photos of underweight women, but also a significant amount of food pictures with
calories and nutritional content listed. Additionally, most of the pro eating disorder accounts
have a description of the user where the individual’s current and future (lower) goal weights are
listed.
For the purpose of giving an overview of the popularity of Instagram, 43% of Instagram
users are individuals in the 18-29 age-group, whereas 24% of these individuals use it multiple
times a day (Klein, 2013). To blame social media in itself for causing eating disorders in
adolescents and young adults is erroneous and premature. However, this paper will examine the
correlation and connection between social media usage and negative affect connected to body
image, acknowledging the fact that correlation does not imply causation.
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Social Media and “Thinspiration” or “Fitspiration”
In an attempt to describe the smart phone application Snapchat, Charteris et al. (2014)
outlined it as an application that facilitates photo and image sharing that self-destructs, which
means that what ever is shared automatically deletes after the set timer is up. In addition, apps
such as Snapchat provide a platform where young people can post more risqué material than they
would Facebook or other social media where their parents would potentially have the
opportunity to access and monitor their posting behaviors. This notion of unmonitored social
activity is supported by Rafla et al. (2014), who states that the development of applications used
on smart phones that are less likely to be monitored and more readily accessible is increasingly
concerning. While the development of smartphones and their applications can facilitate
beneficial applications to supplement mental health treatment, they can also have harmful
consequences such as encouraging harmful behaviors as mentioned above.
When it comes to social media, applications such as Instagram are also highly relevant to
the topic of body image and eating disorders. Rodgers et al. (2015) conducted a study where they
found that individuals who frequently shared self-images were significantly more likely to over
evaluate weight and shape, as well as being more likely to have higher levels of body
dissatisfaction. Additionally, these individuals had more frequently internalized the “thin ideal,”
and thereby also were more likely to restrict dietary intakes.
Interestingly, the study also found that spending more time and effort manipulating self-
images by e.g. editing and photo shopping before posting was associated with greater body
dissatisfaction, higher over evaluation of shape and weight, and dietary restraint. These findings
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may suggest that those who are more self-conscious about their appearance are more likely to
spend more time analyzing their images for flaws before they get shared on social media.
As previously discussed, one of the main relevant theories for the use of social media
among individuals with eating disorders is the Self-Discrepancy Theory, which is complicated
by the notion that there are three different internalized selves: the ought self, the ideal self and
the real self. Again, individuals with AN are more likely to have perfectionistic tendencies and
are ultimately drawn towards what they could ideally be. In other words, these individuals are
the ones most likely to experience an ideal self-discrepancy. For clarification purposes, the word
“ideal” does not imply that this type of discrepancy is beneficial, rather do they compare
themselves to the perceived ultimate ideal. As for individuals with BN, they tend to feel like they
do not measure up to what they should be, hence why food binges might occur because of
frustration with not being what they “ought to be.” Therefore, these individuals tend to
experience the ought self-discrepancy rather than the ideal self-discrepancy (Strauman et al.,
1991).
As described, whenever there is a discrepancy to be found between the real self and either
one of the other selves, where the individual finds the real self to be less attractive, decreased
body image is likely (Strauman et al., 1991). This theory is relevant to the topic of social media
because social media use allows for exposure to photo shopped pictures of models, also often
known as “fitspiration” or “thinspiration.” These terms are synonymous with motivation to be fit,
or motivation to be thin. In other words, regardless of whether the aim is to lose weight or be
healthy, both of these terms refer to changing one’s physical appearance towards getting to a
place considered to be more physically attractive. A study done by Tiggemann & Zaccardo
(2015) found that exposure to “fitspiration” resulted in greater body dissatisfaction and lower
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self-esteem than the control group (travel images). They concluded that exposure to
“fitspiration” is associated with negative body image due to upward social comparison (viewing
someone other than one self as more physically attractive), and that although its intentions are
well meaning, there are the above mentioned unintended negative consequences to “fitspiration.”
Transactional Model of Social Media and Body Image Concerns
Perloff (2014) came up with a formula for determining and shedding light on what kinds
of people are the most frequent users of social media. Further, this formula takes into account
how this usage connects to development of a negative body image. The formula is called
Transactional Model of Social Media and Body Image Concerns (TMSMBIC). He found the first
step in the model to be individual vulnerability factors. This idea is supported by findings by
Fardouly et al. (2015) regarding vulnerability as an important factor when it comes to being
influenced by social media messages. Their study found that not all young adults were equally
affected by exposure to fitspiration and perceived “ideals,” but that it depended largely on
vulnerability to these images. The factors Perloff (2014) considered to be the most important
when it comes to personal vulnerability would incorporate characteristics such as low self-
esteem, internalization of thin ideal, depressive mood, perfectionism and centrality of appearance
to self-worth. As far as these factors go, the one most relevant to the body image issues would be
the centrality of appearance for self-worth, meaning that one bases one’s own worth merely and
possibly entirely on whether or not one’s physical appearance is considered attractive. By this
notion, what is considered attractive is the individual’s personal apprehension of what is
culturally perceived as attractive, which is a common thought pattern in adolescents and young
adults. Further, in terms of the TMSMBIC model, it could explain that these vulnerability factors
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contribute to seeking gratifications from social media, such as looking to “likes” or positive
comments by friends and strangers about appearance.
Objectification Theory
According to Hesse-Biber et al. (1999), a woman’s self-esteem depends on her perceived
attractiveness of potential partners, usually those of the opposite sex. Moreover, within physical
attractiveness, weight plays a large part. She also found that when asking people what attribute
of a woman that was the most indicative of physical attractiveness, weight was one of the most
important characteristics. This finding is supported by Fredrickson & Roberts (1997) and what
they referred to as Objectification Theory. In short, this theory regards sexual objectification as
central to women’s self-esteem and sense of self. It claims that in Western culture, girls learn that
their appearance matters, and to treat themselves as objects to be evaluated based on physical
appearance. Part of the theory also introduces another term: “self-objectification,” which means
that girls and women learn that other people’s evaluations of their appearances determines how
they are to be treated. Additionally, the theory claims that these women become preoccupied
with their looks due to knowing that it controls how they are treated and what their life outcomes
will be. Tiggemann & Zaccardo (2015) raised relevant questions of self-objectification in their
study of body image and time spent on social media. Moreover, they question whether or not the
medium of Instagram in itself is for self-objectification purposes only, considering one is posting
for the mere purpose of receiving attention, likes and comments.
Uses and Gratifications Theory
The Self-Discrepancy Theory relates to another theory relevant for the topic of social
media influence. Social media usage is unique from mass media exposure in the sense that one
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seeks out the exposure, and the individual chooses what kind of images he or she is exposed to.
This phenomenon is referred to as the Uses and Gratifications Theory (Smolak & Levine, 1996).
In general, this theory examines how people choose to expose themselves to certain images. This
theory by Smolak & Levine (1996) is different from those theories about media exposure
because they place a greater sense of responsibility on the individual, without blaming them.
Andsager (2014) explains body image concerns in regards to social media using the Uses and
Gratifications Theory and states how individuals are motivated to seek out certain types of
messages based on their own psychological traits. Individuals identify their needs, and then
choose the media or communication that they believe will gratify those needs. Moreover, on
Instagram individuals are only exposed to what they choose to be exposed to, in addition to
similar content. For women who are already vulnerable, social media provides an additional
platform to be exposed to thinspiration through other peers whom they are following, and they
may also find it helpful when it comes to receiving positive reinforcement within the pro-ED
community.
The content of social media exposure, especially through Instagram, is dependent upon
the individual’s motivations, and the resulting eating disordered behavior is tailored according to
self-selected exposure. In terms of eating disorders, those who are dissatisfied with their body
prior to exposure might be more likely to seek out “fitsporation” or “thinsporation” in order to
compare themselves to those considered to be more physically attractive. Additionally, this self-
selected exposure is facilitated on Instagram where people can more or less post whatever they
want, where “pro-ana” profiles are easily accessible from conducting a “hashtag” search. The
majority of “fitsporation” or “thinsporation” accounts on Instagram has some amount of postings
of food intake, to a lesser or greater extent. In terms of comparing oneself to someone else’s
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body or physical appearance, knowing exactly what that person is doing to acquire such a
physique is seen as important. The notion of this belief goes under “if I eat and exercise the same
way as this person, I will eventually look like this person.” In her conclusion, Stover (2014)
refers to this posting of food intakes and exercise regimens as self-surveillance and a way of
holding oneself accountable. If the viewer of these posts internalizes the behaviors described by
whomever is behind the account, he or she is believed to hold him or herself accountable as well
by staying “focused” and “motivated.” These two adjectives are frequently occurring words on
both pro-eating disorder pages, as well as on fitness and health pages.
Although seeking out these pro eating disorder profiles can be triggering for a lot of girls
and women, it does not have to get to those extremes for it to be contributing to the development
of eating disorders. Stover (2014) discusses the importance of the “what I ate today”-posts that
are common on social media, whether it is a blog or on Instagram. Additionally, according to
Stover, these Instagram accounts or blogs distance themselves from “pro-ana” accounts in terms
of the use of language. They often refer to foods as being fun, and buzzwords such as “clean
eating,” “health,” and “strong is the new skinny” are frequently used for that particular purpose:
claiming to be promoting healthy behaviors rather than eating disorders. What makes the “fitspo”
accounts different from “thinspo” is the lack of emphasis on losing weight in ways that involve
starvation. Stover (2014) continues by explaining that “thinspo” tends to value restricting energy
intake through refraining from eating. The question remains if taking in large amounts of
vegetables at the expense of more energy dense foods is a masking of reduced caloric intake that
at a glance looks “healthy.” Whether or not these accounts are focused on “health” or weight
loss, they emphasize a preoccupation with self-control and discipline.
Instagram – The Girl Next Door
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What could potentially make Instagram a greater threat to girls and women when it
comes to developing eating disorders is that people prefer to compare themselves to others that
they feel similar to (Perloff, 2014). Although supermodels and famous individuals also have
Instagram accounts where they post retouched or real pictures, Instagram is most commonly used
by “regular” every day people. A colloquial word for the phenomenon of having a lot of
“followers” on Instagram is often referred to as “Instagram famous,” which is a normal person
who happens to have received a lot of attention by others over social media. Comparing oneself
to a movie star or a supermodel might be considered to be too great of a reach, whereas
comparing oneself to another “normal” person might be deemed more attainable of a goal. In
other words, if the person feels like he or she can eventually become like the comparison target,
adoption of similar behaviors might become more likely. This point is parallel to that of the
theory of self-discrepancies, where the individual with BN might compare him or herself to
someone who looks somewhat ordinary, while an individual with AN would seek out the
extremes of other individuals with eating disorders, regardless of whether or not they are
celebrities or commoners. Jones (2001) found that one is more likely to compare oneself to peers
than celebrities, and it seems that its effect on body image is the same whether or not one is
comparing oneself to a peer or a celebrity.
Self-Validation
Despite potential positive comments on posted photos, social media also provides photos
of other people and other people’s bodies, which allows for comparisons of one’s own
appearance and that of others. The TMSMBIC refers to this social comparison, a theory
originally developed by Festinger (1954), as Mediating Processes. These processes also involve
identification and online normative influences. As told by Social Comparison Theory (Festinger,
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1954), people engage in social comparison, either upward or downward comparison, only to find
themselves as more or less attractive than the object of comparison. When an individual
compares his or herself to another person whom they consider to be more attractive, this is
known as upward comparison. Once this comparison happens, the theory assumes that a negative
interpretation of the comparison will lead to an increase in body dissatisfaction and negative
affect. Further, increased discontentment with one’s own body in combination with feelings of
sadness is then believed to contribute to the development of eating disorder. The final step of the
model is a feedback loop back to the gratification step, where the individual with a potential
beginning eating disorder will post pictures of an increasingly thinner body for gratification of
own appearance. If an increasingly thin body is met with positive comments, this disordered
behavior leading to weight loss is reinforced. After an individual engages in positive appraisal of
encouraging and affirmative body comments based on his or her recent weight loss, the
comparisons will happen again. If the individual receives positive comments, it exacerbating the
impact of, and reinforces the disordered eating behaviors due to coming “closer” to the object of
comparison: the goal.
Engeln-Maddox’ (2005) research in regards to body image and social comparison
supports the previously mentioned theories and findings about social comparison and how
upward social comparison is associated with resulting greater internalization of thin-ideal and
decreased satisfaction with one’s own appearance. When it comes to social comparison, some
women may experience positive outcome social comparisons if they view themselves more
favorably than the target, but it seems that negative outcome social comparisons are more
common when it comes to thin ideal exposure in the media (Engeln-Maddox, 2005). In addition,
it seems that social comparisons come naturally to women to such an extent that a different
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approach to changing these negative outcomes is needed. Suggestions made in the conclusion of
this study includes reshaping the content of the comparisons and shifting focus to the positive
attributes that one has that the model in the image may not have. However, this is a complicated
question in a culture that greatly rewards physical beauty.
Conclusion
In order to make sense of these findings, certain hypotheses need to be established in
terms of the use of photo-sharing social media among individuals with eating disorder. Judging
from the different theories discussed previously, eating disordered individuals seek to social
media for body comparison purposes, but also for self-validation purposes (Festinger, 1954,
Toma & Hancock, 2013, Levine & Smolak, 1996). Additionally, it is believed that those
individuals who post the greatest number of “selfies” have high levels of self-esteem due to a
number of reasons. One of the main reasons for this assumption is the known danger that posting
something might not be well received by others, which could lead to negative comments. By this
notion, an individual must be able to cope with potential criticism. Another reason would be that
the individual chooses to ignore the social judgment usually associated with posting of “selfies.”
In addition, the main purpose of posting selfies is to seek approval by others, in combination
with attempting to make others jealous or envious, where then there is the given that one must
actually be able to make others feel either one of these emotions (Nguyen, 2014). Further, using
social media to seek approval by others has become popular among individuals with eating
disorders due to the way it allows for individuals to acquire positive feedback on their
appearances after having lost weight or refraining from eating. This tendency to seek approval
and support by others is important for maintaining dieting behaviors associated with eating
disorders, regardless of whether it is AN or BN. As mentioned, Instagram adds another layer of
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optimism and motivation when it comes to eating disorders in the way that it shows “lay
persons” and how they are able to engage in these behaviors. Selfies play a large role in finding
the motivation to continue disorders eating behaviors because these individuals might find it
easier to endure if they see other “normal” people staying strong as well.
Directions for Future Research
The only thing keeping one from getting access to the pro-eating disorder accounts found
on Instagram is a warning about the seriousness of eating disorders and a link to get to the
National Eating Disorders Association’s website. Clicking past that warning could become a
mindless push of a button, and it is likely that a simple warning is insufficient in terms of getting
individuals with eating disorders to seek help. It would be meaningful to conduct research in
terms of whether or not individuals who seek out pro-eating disorder accounts on social media
acknowledge these warnings, and if they actually consider seeking help as an option.
Additionally, although one cannot make any assumptions of whether or not pro-eating disorder
accounts cause or worsen eating disorders in their viewers, research directed towards figuring out
what role seeking out these accounts plays in the daily lives of individuals with eating disorders
is warranted.
However, although some recent research in this direction has shed light on what the role
of social media is in regards to body image and eating disorders, these studies outline the
complexity and importance of teasing apart the different variables that problematic topic is
comprised of. Rafla et al. (2014) concluded in their study that adolescents may be at risk for
developing a number of mental illnesses due to activities such as social media and online
searches. This proposed hypothesis calls for research in the direction of identifying the negative
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impact of technology on adolescents, the possible pitfalls, and identifying vulnerability to these
potential risk factors. Additionally, as far as of relevance for this paper, teens with eating
disorders are active online on pro eating disorder websites, which are, as mentioned, sites that
endorse eating disorders and how to “improve” at certain eating disordered behaviors, referred to
as “thinspiration” throughout this paper. These websites are examples of how online activity can
become social communities with harmful consequences for both mental and physical health.
In support of Rafla et al. (2014), Pater et al. (2015) had similar results in their study on
social networks. This study uncovered that individuals are likely to use social networks for
potential harmful behaviors such as sharing of nude images, cyber bullying, and body ideation
and restrictive eating. They found the latter to be the most alarming behaviors discussed in the
focus groups. Particularly profound was the use of pro-ana and pro-mia networks, which
supports the previous findings regarding the prevalence of pro eating disorder communities and
networks. One of the students in the focus group in this study had stated that pro eating disorder
forums were helpful in acquiring tips and knowledge about how to quickly lose weight. In
conclusion, Pater et al. (2015) directs future research towards risky online behavior, and states
that this kind of research should be interdisciplinary and collaborate. Moreover, collaborations
across fields and domains should consist of psychologists, developers, parents, and the actual
users of online social networks; the adolescents themselves.
Interventions
According to Engeln-Maddox (2005), interventions regarding teaching women how to
more critical viewers of media have varied in their effectiveness. Some of these have succeeded
in getting women to be more skeptical of images while viewing them as being unrealistic goals,
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but they are not successful in reducing the participants’ desire to look like the particular image in
question. This finding raises questions of whether a more global shift in what society views as
attractive is needed in order to change what women would wish to look like. Moreover, further
research is needed, but these findings suggest that vulnerability may play an increasingly big role
when it comes to who is affected negatively by images that support the thin-ideal. In regards to
social media, this might be important in terms of how one actively seeks out certain exposure to
the thin or “fit” ideal, which makes it different from mass media exposure. The question remains
whether the processing of social media images is more likely to negatively impact body
satisfaction due to the active cognitive processing of these images as opposed to everyone
passively being exposed to images in the media in general.
Additionally, in a study by Botta (2003), it was found that interventions designed to teach
women to view media critically had the opposite effect: critically viewing media in regards to
body image seemed to increase eating disordered behaviors and drive for thinness while also
decreasing current body satisfaction. These findings suggest that activating more cognitive
resources when exposed to the thin-ideal makes social comparison more likely than when
shallowly processing these images.
As the study mentioned above, media literacy interventions seem to be successful when it
comes to acquiring a greater sense of realism, but they do not seem to greatly impact women’s
desire to look like the models in the images, nor do they seem to improve levels body
dissatisfaction.
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final edit entire masters

  • 1. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 1 Body Image and the Influence of Social Media Kristin Hande Teachers College – Columbia University
  • 2. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 2 Abstract Pro eating disorder websites have been around for years, but as smart phones have become widely common, photo sharing applications have become increasingly popular among individuals with eating disorders. Rather than typing in a link to a website, applications such as Instagram allow individuals to search for and seek out exposure to certain images with the use of “hashtags” in order to find exactly what they are seeking. One of the ways social media differs from that of mass media message is the ways in which individuals self-select their own exposure based on their own interests and preferences. This paper further discusses relevant theories, and the differences between the impact of mass media and social media on body image and disordered eating behaviors. Introduction Mass media has commonly been blamed for facilitating eating disorders in adolescents and young adults through promoting the “thin-ideal,” which refers to portraying an underweight woman as being the ideal body type. Whether one is referring to magazines, television, fashion shows or commercials, these have all been associated with increasing rates of eating disorders, particularly in girls and young women. Although still valid, this paper will focus on a newer type of media, and its correlation and connection to eating disorders: photo sharing-based social media. The main areas of interest will consist of applications downloaded to a smartphone or iPad, with some mention of blogs. A goal of this paper is to discuss the ways social media differs from mass media in relation to body image and eating disorders, and preoccupation with appearance for sense of self-worth. Background
  • 3. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 3 The past 20 years have seen an increase in rate of eating disorders and dieting behaviors among adolescents. Field et al. (1999) interviewed adolescents from 5th grade up to 12th grade, and found that the majority of the girls had tried to lose weight, wanted to lose weight, dieted or engaged in a physical exercise program so that they would lose weight. Almost 70% of the adolescents reported feeling that the media controlled what they viewed as attractive in terms of body image. 85% of the participants said they were exposed to fashion magazines, while 26% of the adolescents exposed to fashion magazines reported reading them more than twice a week. Field et al. (1999) found a positive relationship between fashion magazine exposure and dieting behaviors. Simultaneously there has also been an increase in weight loss ads in magazines and on television. Weight loss advertisements paired with a decreasing perceived ideal body weight seem to be the recipe for disaster (Pyle, R. L., Halvorson, P.A., Neuman, P.A., Mitchell, J. E., 1986, Wiseman et al., 1992). Irving (1990) found that exposure to thin models as opposed to obese models was the determining factor that led to a negative body image after exposure. Exposure to average weight or heavier models did not have the same impact on the adolescents who participated in the study. Irving (1990) found a direct relationship between media exposure and symptoms of eating disorders. It has also been found that the more the ideal body stereotypes were internalized in individuals, the more likely media exposure to these ideals tended to be a mediating variable in eating disorder development (Stice et al., 1994). Martin and Gentry (1997) took the previous study a step further by having the participants compare their own bodies to the ideals they had been shown. Having the participants compare themselves to the ideals had significant negative effects on their body image satisfaction.
  • 4. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 4 The notion of comparing oneself to others is relevant when it comes to development of negative body image and the development of eating disorders. According to Festinger (1954), media exposure can lead people to engage in social comparison. When it comes to eating disorders, girls are more likely to engage in an upward social comparison (Jones, 2001), by finding a discrepancy between own body and images in the media. When the discrepancy is found to be large and significant, negative self-evaluation is a likely outcome. Stice et al. (1994) found internalization of body ideal stereotypes (poor body image) to be a mediator in developing eating disorders. Internalization of stereotypes or what a person ought to be is likely to influence and mediates mental illnesses, and especially eating disorders. Further, their research emphasized that individuals who compare themselves to an unobtainable body type are more likely to develop poor body image, which again contributes to the development of eating disorders. The key factor in this explanation of the tendency for this cultural ideal body type is that for most people, this “thin ideal” is in fact unobtainable. In other words, striving to acquire this particular body type or shape could potentially become an eternal struggle that has no end point. Due to this paired with the tendency for people with e.g. AN to have skewed view of their own bodies, AN is one of the deadliest mental illnesses in the US due to starvation andmalnutrition, but also comorbid conditions such as suicidality (National Eating Disorder Association). Social Comparison The United States is a culture that emphasizes physical appearance as a factor in measuring social worth and attractiveness. The issues of body image and eating disorders seem to be very complex in cultures that measure worth and identity in terms of body image and shape (Cash & Pruzinsky 1990). The phenomenon of comparing one’s own body to the ideals in the media are explained by the theories of Social Comparison (Festinger, 1954) and Self-Discrepancy (Stice &
  • 5. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 5 Shaw, 1994). Using Festinger’s (1954) theory of social comparison, comparison targets may be online peers in social media. Additionally, a number of studies suggest that social media users upload idealized photos of themselves through photo editing as well as through highlighting the desired attributes from the “most favorable” angles (Kim & Chock, 2015). Stice and Shaw (1994) found three factors involved in acquiring a negative body image through media exposure: ideal body type internalization, social comparison and affective consequences. After media exposure individuals internalize how the media defines attractiveness, they then compare their own bodies to this ideal, and experience either negative or positive affect due to this comparison. The positive or negative affect after the comparison is also referred to as discrepancy. Strauman et al. (1991) found there to be two different types of discrepancies to be found in people with eating disorders. Self-Discrepancy Theory (Stice & Shaw, 1994) defines three possible selves: the actual self, the ideal self and the ought self. Self-discrepancies either occur when the actual self differs from the perceived ideal self, ought self, or both. Strauman et al. (1991) found a discrepancy between the actual and the ideal self to be most common in individuals with Anorexia Nervosa. In Anorexia Nervosa the major concerns tend to be wishing to please everyone else, and perfectionism. An ought self- discrepancy tended to be more common in individuals with Bulimia Nervosa. Those with Bulimia Nervosa are more concerned with disappointment and dissatisfaction, from: not being what one ought to be. Ideals portrayed in the media work as reminders of the ought- and ideal self, which again leads to emotional distress and regulatory behaviors such as disordered eating. In other words, the main difference between the two types of self-discrepancy and eating disorders is that individuals with AN measure themselves according to the best they could
  • 6. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 6 possibly ever be, while individuals with BN look to whom they should be (Strauman et al., 1991). However, this paper will apply the findings of previous studies on mass media influence onto the connection between use of photo-sharing social media (Instagram, Facebook), body image, and eating disorders. The assumption is that mass media influence is different from the use of social media because the latter is dependent upon self-chosen exposure. According to Tiggemann & Zaccardo (2015) young women may not see images of “fit” women with low body fat percentages with as critical of an eye as they would do with the traditional thin runway models. Although seemingly less unhealthy, this ideal is still unattainable for most women, which again leads to viewers of these images feeling equally inadequate. Custers (2015) builds upon this confusion between fitspiration and thinspiration by suggesting that there might be a difficulty in differentiating between trustworthy and untrustworthy health information seen in young women. Additionally, although such images are meant to promote health and physical fitness, they may have unintended consequences (Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2015), which are to be discussed throughout this paper. Social Media In terms of social media, the main focus of this paper is on photo and video sharing applications for smartphones (i.e. Instagram) Facebook. Facebook could be used either on a computer, or as an application on a smart phone or an iPad. Instagram is a mainly used as a picture sharing application downloaded to a smart phone or an iPad. Instagram is a way to share experiences and pictures with friends, family and strangers only to receive “likes” and comments. Chock and Kim (2015) refer to this type of activity as “social grooming” where the main purpose is to maintain
  • 7. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 7 or improve social status through bonding: leaving comments and “liking” pictures on other peers’ accounts. Mabe, Forney & Keel (2014) found that endorsing receiving comments and liking other people’s pictures as a way to maintain or improve status on social media was associated with more disordered eating attitudes. Chock and Kim (2015) found that the process of social grooming and body image may differ from mass media exposure due to the complicated relationships that social media involves among peers. Nevertheless, in order to get more people to see your pictures, you refrain from making your personal profile private (which would require other users to request access to your profile), and use searchable “hashtags.” Instagram and the use of “hashtags” facilitate access to essentially everything that people could post. Searching in the application for words such as “ed” (eating disorder), “edrecovery,” or “ana” brings up a warning: “Please be advised: These images may contain graphic content. For information and support with eating disorders please tap on learn more.” A single search of “ed” brings up almost 3 million posts where the majority of the first posts are photos of underweight women, but also a significant amount of food pictures with calories and nutritional content listed. Additionally, most of the pro eating disorder accounts have a description of the user where the individual’s current and future (lower) goal weights are listed. For the purpose of giving an overview of the popularity of Instagram, 43% of Instagram users are individuals in the 18-29 age-group, whereas 24% of these individuals use it multiple times a day (Klein, 2013). To blame social media in itself for causing eating disorders in adolescents and young adults is erroneous and premature. However, this paper will examine the correlation and connection between social media usage and negative affect connected to body image, acknowledging the fact that correlation does not imply causation.
  • 8. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 8 Social Media and “Thinspiration” or “Fitspiration” In an attempt to describe the smart phone application Snapchat, Charteris et al. (2014) outlined it as an application that facilitates photo and image sharing that self-destructs, which means that what ever is shared automatically deletes after the set timer is up. In addition, apps such as Snapchat provide a platform where young people can post more risqué material than they would Facebook or other social media where their parents would potentially have the opportunity to access and monitor their posting behaviors. This notion of unmonitored social activity is supported by Rafla et al. (2014), who states that the development of applications used on smart phones that are less likely to be monitored and more readily accessible is increasingly concerning. While the development of smartphones and their applications can facilitate beneficial applications to supplement mental health treatment, they can also have harmful consequences such as encouraging harmful behaviors as mentioned above. When it comes to social media, applications such as Instagram are also highly relevant to the topic of body image and eating disorders. Rodgers et al. (2015) conducted a study where they found that individuals who frequently shared self-images were significantly more likely to over evaluate weight and shape, as well as being more likely to have higher levels of body dissatisfaction. Additionally, these individuals had more frequently internalized the “thin ideal,” and thereby also were more likely to restrict dietary intakes. Interestingly, the study also found that spending more time and effort manipulating self- images by e.g. editing and photo shopping before posting was associated with greater body dissatisfaction, higher over evaluation of shape and weight, and dietary restraint. These findings
  • 9. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 9 may suggest that those who are more self-conscious about their appearance are more likely to spend more time analyzing their images for flaws before they get shared on social media. As previously discussed, one of the main relevant theories for the use of social media among individuals with eating disorders is the Self-Discrepancy Theory, which is complicated by the notion that there are three different internalized selves: the ought self, the ideal self and the real self. Again, individuals with AN are more likely to have perfectionistic tendencies and are ultimately drawn towards what they could ideally be. In other words, these individuals are the ones most likely to experience an ideal self-discrepancy. For clarification purposes, the word “ideal” does not imply that this type of discrepancy is beneficial, rather do they compare themselves to the perceived ultimate ideal. As for individuals with BN, they tend to feel like they do not measure up to what they should be, hence why food binges might occur because of frustration with not being what they “ought to be.” Therefore, these individuals tend to experience the ought self-discrepancy rather than the ideal self-discrepancy (Strauman et al., 1991). As described, whenever there is a discrepancy to be found between the real self and either one of the other selves, where the individual finds the real self to be less attractive, decreased body image is likely (Strauman et al., 1991). This theory is relevant to the topic of social media because social media use allows for exposure to photo shopped pictures of models, also often known as “fitspiration” or “thinspiration.” These terms are synonymous with motivation to be fit, or motivation to be thin. In other words, regardless of whether the aim is to lose weight or be healthy, both of these terms refer to changing one’s physical appearance towards getting to a place considered to be more physically attractive. A study done by Tiggemann & Zaccardo (2015) found that exposure to “fitspiration” resulted in greater body dissatisfaction and lower
  • 10. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 10 self-esteem than the control group (travel images). They concluded that exposure to “fitspiration” is associated with negative body image due to upward social comparison (viewing someone other than one self as more physically attractive), and that although its intentions are well meaning, there are the above mentioned unintended negative consequences to “fitspiration.” Transactional Model of Social Media and Body Image Concerns Perloff (2014) came up with a formula for determining and shedding light on what kinds of people are the most frequent users of social media. Further, this formula takes into account how this usage connects to development of a negative body image. The formula is called Transactional Model of Social Media and Body Image Concerns (TMSMBIC). He found the first step in the model to be individual vulnerability factors. This idea is supported by findings by Fardouly et al. (2015) regarding vulnerability as an important factor when it comes to being influenced by social media messages. Their study found that not all young adults were equally affected by exposure to fitspiration and perceived “ideals,” but that it depended largely on vulnerability to these images. The factors Perloff (2014) considered to be the most important when it comes to personal vulnerability would incorporate characteristics such as low self- esteem, internalization of thin ideal, depressive mood, perfectionism and centrality of appearance to self-worth. As far as these factors go, the one most relevant to the body image issues would be the centrality of appearance for self-worth, meaning that one bases one’s own worth merely and possibly entirely on whether or not one’s physical appearance is considered attractive. By this notion, what is considered attractive is the individual’s personal apprehension of what is culturally perceived as attractive, which is a common thought pattern in adolescents and young adults. Further, in terms of the TMSMBIC model, it could explain that these vulnerability factors
  • 11. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 11 contribute to seeking gratifications from social media, such as looking to “likes” or positive comments by friends and strangers about appearance. Objectification Theory According to Hesse-Biber et al. (1999), a woman’s self-esteem depends on her perceived attractiveness of potential partners, usually those of the opposite sex. Moreover, within physical attractiveness, weight plays a large part. She also found that when asking people what attribute of a woman that was the most indicative of physical attractiveness, weight was one of the most important characteristics. This finding is supported by Fredrickson & Roberts (1997) and what they referred to as Objectification Theory. In short, this theory regards sexual objectification as central to women’s self-esteem and sense of self. It claims that in Western culture, girls learn that their appearance matters, and to treat themselves as objects to be evaluated based on physical appearance. Part of the theory also introduces another term: “self-objectification,” which means that girls and women learn that other people’s evaluations of their appearances determines how they are to be treated. Additionally, the theory claims that these women become preoccupied with their looks due to knowing that it controls how they are treated and what their life outcomes will be. Tiggemann & Zaccardo (2015) raised relevant questions of self-objectification in their study of body image and time spent on social media. Moreover, they question whether or not the medium of Instagram in itself is for self-objectification purposes only, considering one is posting for the mere purpose of receiving attention, likes and comments. Uses and Gratifications Theory The Self-Discrepancy Theory relates to another theory relevant for the topic of social media influence. Social media usage is unique from mass media exposure in the sense that one
  • 12. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 12 seeks out the exposure, and the individual chooses what kind of images he or she is exposed to. This phenomenon is referred to as the Uses and Gratifications Theory (Smolak & Levine, 1996). In general, this theory examines how people choose to expose themselves to certain images. This theory by Smolak & Levine (1996) is different from those theories about media exposure because they place a greater sense of responsibility on the individual, without blaming them. Andsager (2014) explains body image concerns in regards to social media using the Uses and Gratifications Theory and states how individuals are motivated to seek out certain types of messages based on their own psychological traits. Individuals identify their needs, and then choose the media or communication that they believe will gratify those needs. Moreover, on Instagram individuals are only exposed to what they choose to be exposed to, in addition to similar content. For women who are already vulnerable, social media provides an additional platform to be exposed to thinspiration through other peers whom they are following, and they may also find it helpful when it comes to receiving positive reinforcement within the pro-ED community. The content of social media exposure, especially through Instagram, is dependent upon the individual’s motivations, and the resulting eating disordered behavior is tailored according to self-selected exposure. In terms of eating disorders, those who are dissatisfied with their body prior to exposure might be more likely to seek out “fitsporation” or “thinsporation” in order to compare themselves to those considered to be more physically attractive. Additionally, this self- selected exposure is facilitated on Instagram where people can more or less post whatever they want, where “pro-ana” profiles are easily accessible from conducting a “hashtag” search. The majority of “fitsporation” or “thinsporation” accounts on Instagram has some amount of postings of food intake, to a lesser or greater extent. In terms of comparing oneself to someone else’s
  • 13. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 13 body or physical appearance, knowing exactly what that person is doing to acquire such a physique is seen as important. The notion of this belief goes under “if I eat and exercise the same way as this person, I will eventually look like this person.” In her conclusion, Stover (2014) refers to this posting of food intakes and exercise regimens as self-surveillance and a way of holding oneself accountable. If the viewer of these posts internalizes the behaviors described by whomever is behind the account, he or she is believed to hold him or herself accountable as well by staying “focused” and “motivated.” These two adjectives are frequently occurring words on both pro-eating disorder pages, as well as on fitness and health pages. Although seeking out these pro eating disorder profiles can be triggering for a lot of girls and women, it does not have to get to those extremes for it to be contributing to the development of eating disorders. Stover (2014) discusses the importance of the “what I ate today”-posts that are common on social media, whether it is a blog or on Instagram. Additionally, according to Stover, these Instagram accounts or blogs distance themselves from “pro-ana” accounts in terms of the use of language. They often refer to foods as being fun, and buzzwords such as “clean eating,” “health,” and “strong is the new skinny” are frequently used for that particular purpose: claiming to be promoting healthy behaviors rather than eating disorders. What makes the “fitspo” accounts different from “thinspo” is the lack of emphasis on losing weight in ways that involve starvation. Stover (2014) continues by explaining that “thinspo” tends to value restricting energy intake through refraining from eating. The question remains if taking in large amounts of vegetables at the expense of more energy dense foods is a masking of reduced caloric intake that at a glance looks “healthy.” Whether or not these accounts are focused on “health” or weight loss, they emphasize a preoccupation with self-control and discipline. Instagram – The Girl Next Door
  • 14. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 14 What could potentially make Instagram a greater threat to girls and women when it comes to developing eating disorders is that people prefer to compare themselves to others that they feel similar to (Perloff, 2014). Although supermodels and famous individuals also have Instagram accounts where they post retouched or real pictures, Instagram is most commonly used by “regular” every day people. A colloquial word for the phenomenon of having a lot of “followers” on Instagram is often referred to as “Instagram famous,” which is a normal person who happens to have received a lot of attention by others over social media. Comparing oneself to a movie star or a supermodel might be considered to be too great of a reach, whereas comparing oneself to another “normal” person might be deemed more attainable of a goal. In other words, if the person feels like he or she can eventually become like the comparison target, adoption of similar behaviors might become more likely. This point is parallel to that of the theory of self-discrepancies, where the individual with BN might compare him or herself to someone who looks somewhat ordinary, while an individual with AN would seek out the extremes of other individuals with eating disorders, regardless of whether or not they are celebrities or commoners. Jones (2001) found that one is more likely to compare oneself to peers than celebrities, and it seems that its effect on body image is the same whether or not one is comparing oneself to a peer or a celebrity. Self-Validation Despite potential positive comments on posted photos, social media also provides photos of other people and other people’s bodies, which allows for comparisons of one’s own appearance and that of others. The TMSMBIC refers to this social comparison, a theory originally developed by Festinger (1954), as Mediating Processes. These processes also involve identification and online normative influences. As told by Social Comparison Theory (Festinger,
  • 15. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 15 1954), people engage in social comparison, either upward or downward comparison, only to find themselves as more or less attractive than the object of comparison. When an individual compares his or herself to another person whom they consider to be more attractive, this is known as upward comparison. Once this comparison happens, the theory assumes that a negative interpretation of the comparison will lead to an increase in body dissatisfaction and negative affect. Further, increased discontentment with one’s own body in combination with feelings of sadness is then believed to contribute to the development of eating disorder. The final step of the model is a feedback loop back to the gratification step, where the individual with a potential beginning eating disorder will post pictures of an increasingly thinner body for gratification of own appearance. If an increasingly thin body is met with positive comments, this disordered behavior leading to weight loss is reinforced. After an individual engages in positive appraisal of encouraging and affirmative body comments based on his or her recent weight loss, the comparisons will happen again. If the individual receives positive comments, it exacerbating the impact of, and reinforces the disordered eating behaviors due to coming “closer” to the object of comparison: the goal. Engeln-Maddox’ (2005) research in regards to body image and social comparison supports the previously mentioned theories and findings about social comparison and how upward social comparison is associated with resulting greater internalization of thin-ideal and decreased satisfaction with one’s own appearance. When it comes to social comparison, some women may experience positive outcome social comparisons if they view themselves more favorably than the target, but it seems that negative outcome social comparisons are more common when it comes to thin ideal exposure in the media (Engeln-Maddox, 2005). In addition, it seems that social comparisons come naturally to women to such an extent that a different
  • 16. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 16 approach to changing these negative outcomes is needed. Suggestions made in the conclusion of this study includes reshaping the content of the comparisons and shifting focus to the positive attributes that one has that the model in the image may not have. However, this is a complicated question in a culture that greatly rewards physical beauty. Conclusion In order to make sense of these findings, certain hypotheses need to be established in terms of the use of photo-sharing social media among individuals with eating disorder. Judging from the different theories discussed previously, eating disordered individuals seek to social media for body comparison purposes, but also for self-validation purposes (Festinger, 1954, Toma & Hancock, 2013, Levine & Smolak, 1996). Additionally, it is believed that those individuals who post the greatest number of “selfies” have high levels of self-esteem due to a number of reasons. One of the main reasons for this assumption is the known danger that posting something might not be well received by others, which could lead to negative comments. By this notion, an individual must be able to cope with potential criticism. Another reason would be that the individual chooses to ignore the social judgment usually associated with posting of “selfies.” In addition, the main purpose of posting selfies is to seek approval by others, in combination with attempting to make others jealous or envious, where then there is the given that one must actually be able to make others feel either one of these emotions (Nguyen, 2014). Further, using social media to seek approval by others has become popular among individuals with eating disorders due to the way it allows for individuals to acquire positive feedback on their appearances after having lost weight or refraining from eating. This tendency to seek approval and support by others is important for maintaining dieting behaviors associated with eating disorders, regardless of whether it is AN or BN. As mentioned, Instagram adds another layer of
  • 17. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 17 optimism and motivation when it comes to eating disorders in the way that it shows “lay persons” and how they are able to engage in these behaviors. Selfies play a large role in finding the motivation to continue disorders eating behaviors because these individuals might find it easier to endure if they see other “normal” people staying strong as well. Directions for Future Research The only thing keeping one from getting access to the pro-eating disorder accounts found on Instagram is a warning about the seriousness of eating disorders and a link to get to the National Eating Disorders Association’s website. Clicking past that warning could become a mindless push of a button, and it is likely that a simple warning is insufficient in terms of getting individuals with eating disorders to seek help. It would be meaningful to conduct research in terms of whether or not individuals who seek out pro-eating disorder accounts on social media acknowledge these warnings, and if they actually consider seeking help as an option. Additionally, although one cannot make any assumptions of whether or not pro-eating disorder accounts cause or worsen eating disorders in their viewers, research directed towards figuring out what role seeking out these accounts plays in the daily lives of individuals with eating disorders is warranted. However, although some recent research in this direction has shed light on what the role of social media is in regards to body image and eating disorders, these studies outline the complexity and importance of teasing apart the different variables that problematic topic is comprised of. Rafla et al. (2014) concluded in their study that adolescents may be at risk for developing a number of mental illnesses due to activities such as social media and online searches. This proposed hypothesis calls for research in the direction of identifying the negative
  • 18. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 18 impact of technology on adolescents, the possible pitfalls, and identifying vulnerability to these potential risk factors. Additionally, as far as of relevance for this paper, teens with eating disorders are active online on pro eating disorder websites, which are, as mentioned, sites that endorse eating disorders and how to “improve” at certain eating disordered behaviors, referred to as “thinspiration” throughout this paper. These websites are examples of how online activity can become social communities with harmful consequences for both mental and physical health. In support of Rafla et al. (2014), Pater et al. (2015) had similar results in their study on social networks. This study uncovered that individuals are likely to use social networks for potential harmful behaviors such as sharing of nude images, cyber bullying, and body ideation and restrictive eating. They found the latter to be the most alarming behaviors discussed in the focus groups. Particularly profound was the use of pro-ana and pro-mia networks, which supports the previous findings regarding the prevalence of pro eating disorder communities and networks. One of the students in the focus group in this study had stated that pro eating disorder forums were helpful in acquiring tips and knowledge about how to quickly lose weight. In conclusion, Pater et al. (2015) directs future research towards risky online behavior, and states that this kind of research should be interdisciplinary and collaborate. Moreover, collaborations across fields and domains should consist of psychologists, developers, parents, and the actual users of online social networks; the adolescents themselves. Interventions According to Engeln-Maddox (2005), interventions regarding teaching women how to more critical viewers of media have varied in their effectiveness. Some of these have succeeded in getting women to be more skeptical of images while viewing them as being unrealistic goals,
  • 19. Running Head: BODY IMAGE AND SOCIAL MEDIA 19 but they are not successful in reducing the participants’ desire to look like the particular image in question. This finding raises questions of whether a more global shift in what society views as attractive is needed in order to change what women would wish to look like. Moreover, further research is needed, but these findings suggest that vulnerability may play an increasingly big role when it comes to who is affected negatively by images that support the thin-ideal. In regards to social media, this might be important in terms of how one actively seeks out certain exposure to the thin or “fit” ideal, which makes it different from mass media exposure. The question remains whether the processing of social media images is more likely to negatively impact body satisfaction due to the active cognitive processing of these images as opposed to everyone passively being exposed to images in the media in general. Additionally, in a study by Botta (2003), it was found that interventions designed to teach women to view media critically had the opposite effect: critically viewing media in regards to body image seemed to increase eating disordered behaviors and drive for thinness while also decreasing current body satisfaction. These findings suggest that activating more cognitive resources when exposed to the thin-ideal makes social comparison more likely than when shallowly processing these images. As the study mentioned above, media literacy interventions seem to be successful when it comes to acquiring a greater sense of realism, but they do not seem to greatly impact women’s desire to look like the models in the images, nor do they seem to improve levels body dissatisfaction.
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