2022

1. Loyola Marymount University
Beyond Borders:
The Diverging Economic Conditions of Haiti and the Dominican Republic on Hispaniola
Keziah Camille Rezaey
18 April 2022

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On the island of Hispaniola, nestled in the Caribbean Sea, the border between Haiti and
the Dominican Republic marks more than the political boundary between two countries.
Dividing the island in half, the border represents the diverging trajectories of the two in their
decades of intertwined history. Despite their shared struggles in colonization, oppression, and
fights for independence against European powers, the two countries continue to have
complicated relations. Over the years, the Dominican Republic has rapidly overtaken Haiti in
terms of economic development, with their GDP skyrocketing, whereas Haiti has remained
economically stagnant (Jaramillo). Academics have remarked that Haiti and the Dominican
Republic can be seen as an economic experiment of sorts (though the language is not meant to be
cold or calculating). With the consideration of the geographical elements of Hispaniola as some
sort of control for said experiment, an inevitable question will arise. Housed on an island about
the same size as Scotland, how do the two neighboring countries have such disparate living
conditions?
The answer is complicated. Many conditions have come into play over the decades and
much has to be considered in order to get a holistic understanding of the disparities between
Haiti and the Dominican Republic. First, the two countries have had distinctive colonial
relationships with their European oppressors. Second, the governments of the countries have had
contrasting economic policies and priorities, all of which contribute to such a divergence. These
two factors can be traced back from the observed gap in living conditions, which is evidenced in
contrasts of job opportunities, health and education of citizens. In addition, social factors must be
considered, most notably the increased anti-immigrant rhetoric of Dominicans against Haitians
(which bears much resemblance to sentiments Americans have expressed towards Mexican
immigrants). This paper will explain such conditions, then analyze the solutions proposed by

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Jared Diamond at a policy level and Erin Taylor at an individual level before providing my own
analysis.
The Spanish had arrived at the islands of Hispaniola in the early fifteenth century,
founding Santo Domingo in 1496, making it the first Spanish colony in the Western hemisphere.
It would later become capital of all the Spanish colonies in the Americas. The French had landed
in Hispaniola in the earlier part of the seventeenth century, but it was not until 1697 that the land
that was to be known as Haiti would be ceded by the Spanish. As is characteristic of European
colonization at the time, the indigenous population of the island was devastated by sickness and
brutality. Upon the division of the island, however, a formation of two different colonial
relationships developed – the Spanish and the Dominicans in contrast with the French and the
Haitians.
Under the French, Haiti was known as Saint-Domingue, and was regarded as one of the
most profitable colonies amongst all of Europe’s. Such profit, however, was made at the expense
of Haiti’s natural resources, which had been plundered excessively by French colonists at the
hands of Haitian slave labor. The destruction of land and resources is visible by gazing at the
island border from the air, where the grass is quite literally greener on the other side of the
Haitian border, as the French colonial era had left the soil dry and unable to produce crops due to
its barrenness (Harris). In 1804, the Haitians won independence from France after liberating
themselves from the shackles of slavery with a series of embittered and bloody battles.
Independence, however, did not make it easier for the Haitians. Conditions were dire for
newly-freed Haiti as independence saw the imposition of a French independence “fee”, which
stipulated that Haiti ought to give 80% of their economic revenue for 120 years (Labrador). In
addition, embargos were placed on the country by other nations as many refused to recognize

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independence for a nation composed of formerly-enslaved peoples (Haiti’s independence was the
first successful Black and formerly-enslaved revolution). The effects of colonization lingered in
the air like a thick fog, as the racial hierarchy imposed by the French persisted under the
newly-independent Haiti in a series of racial partitions by in which mulatto leaders and former
slave revolutionary leaders saw themselves at odds. In further development of the Haitian
government, an unfortunate sequence of assassinations and intervention by the United States
impeded democratic processes and the development of a stable democratic institution.
While Haiti was the jewel cracking under pressure from the French due to excessive
exploitation, the Spaniards had already made hefty revenue from their other colonies in the
Western hemisphere. The Spaniards had already focused their efforts in Mexico, the rest of South
America, and Cuba instead. Spanish presence on the Dominican side of the island was not
concerned with profit, and thus, we see one of the rare instances of some semblance of
environmentally-friendly policies enacted by Dominicans and their colonizers, the Spaniards.
The colonizers instead saw themselves intermarrying and integrating into Dominican society,
which can be seen in the diversity of phenotypes and appearances in the Dominican Republic to
this day.
The Dominican Republic declared independence in 1844, but it was not independence
from Spain, but rather from Haiti, who newly-independent themselves, invaded the land out of
fear that any visible weakness from Dominicans would bring the Europeans back. Thus, just as
Haitians grew bitter of French oppression, the Dominicans grew to despise the Haitians who had
tried to conquer their land. This particular incident defined the complex relationship that Haiti
and the Dominican Republic has to this day. Such a contrast can be seen in the public figures
celebrated in the respective countries. Haiti constructed statues of the formerly-enslaved

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revolutionaries, while in the Dominican Republic, one might instead see racialized images of the
African-heritage Haitians (despite the prevalence of darker skin tones in their own country)
alongside elegant statues of the Spaniard colonizers (Gates). Like the Haitians, the time after
independence was marred by dictators, assassinations, and United States intervention. The
Dominicans, however, were more successful in establishing democratic systems with the
establishment of the competitive-party system in 1978.
Thus, due to colonial history, in the more modern development of their respective
governments, we see Haiti try to build from an already-dead agricultural industry, while facing
contempt from the international community. Meanwhile the Dominican Republic was left
relatively unscathed (that is by colonial standards – this is not to diminish the effects of
colonization). If explained in a metaphor, Haitians were asked to make art after having been
given a stick and a shred of paper, while the Dominicans were at least given a pencil and one
sheet. That is not to say Haitians were reaching for what was impossible, instead that the
development of modern governments in the two countries saw differences in equity of starting
point.
In more recent years, the Dominican Republic has consistently outperformed their
neighbor Haiti in economic development; such success can be attributed to policies implemented
by the Dominican government. In 1930 to 1961, dictator Rafael Leonidas Trujillo adopted plans
to industrialize in order to take advantage of the abundance of sugarcane and other crops. In
particular, subsidies and tax incentives were offered in order to encourage exports. The profit,
however, was only seen by Trujillo’s friends and supporters, and while the citizens did not get to
experience such wealth, the greed left in place an efficient infrastructure of agricultural economic
policies after Trujillo’s assassination in 1961. It is important to note that in October of 1937,

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during a time in which many Haitian agricultural workers were in the Dominican Republic,
Trujillo ordered the deaths of an estimated 20,000 Haitians in what came to be known as the
Parsley Massacre, following strong anti-African, anti-Black, and anti-Haitian sentiments
expressed by his administration. This too is an event that Haitians and Dominicans has lingered
when discussing Haitian-Dominican relations.
After the instability caused by the power vacuum post-assassination, Joaquin Balaguer
was democratically elected, making him the first, stable democratic candidate for the Dominican
Republic. Under his administration, in 1966, under the Industrial Incentive Law, there was an
increased allocation of funding to social services, and a commitment to protect domestic
manufacturing. In particular, while exports were strengthened, substitution industries were also
encouraged so as to pave multiple avenues for revenue. In addition, the law made a promise to
promote manufacturing, construction and tourism. More recently, the Dominican Republic
introduced a development strategy that aimed to diversify production, develop special economic
zones, and maintain international relations with the world by way of economic and social
engagement. In 1995, the Dominican government approved a new policy that promoted direct
foreign investment, making way for the Dominicans to further engage in the globalized
economy.
As for Haiti, after independence, attempts were made to retain the plantation system
implemented by the French during the days of colonization. The problem was that the land was
distributed in smaller-scales that produced not nearly enough output for possible exports like
sugar or coffee. Additionally, most of such crops were consumed domestically, rather than being
exported and making revenue from such trade. In 1915, Jean Vilbrun Guillaume Sam, the
president of Haiti was assassinated. As a result of political and economic instability, the president

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of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, began an occupation that would last nineteen years. It
was during the occupation, however, that economic development actually began to spur in Haiti.
It was the United States that controlled fiscal policy in the country, as well as direction of
construction projects, which led to public works such as new roads, improved communications,
bridges, harbors, schools, clinics and more.
While Haiti had begun to make economic improvements during the United States’
occupation, economic mismanagement as a result of government corruption post-occupation set
them several steps back once more. It was the father-son duo, François Duvalier, president from
1957 to 1971, and Jean-Claude Duvalier, president from 1971 to 1986, that set forth an age of
corruption that involved activities such as (but not limited to): “drug trafficking, pilferage of
development and food aid, illegal resale and export of subsidized oil, fraudulent lotteries, export
of cadavers and blood plasma, manipulation of government contracts, tampering with pension
funds, and skimming of budgeted funds” (U.S. Library of Congress). This left the Duvalier
family set for life (and accordingly as they saw it, the rest of their presidency), while the whole
country was left impoverished.
Haiti’s economic stagnation thus resulted from ineffective economic policies, unstable
governments, lack of goods and natural resources, little to no public investment in social
services, a migration of skilled workers, and low saving rates across the nation. This economic
stagnation became a deterioration with the 1982 HIV/AIDS outbreak and the 2010 earthquake.
As a result of the social association of HIV/AIDS with Haiti, tourism was largely affected and
the industry declined. Tourism at the time accounted for 54% of the Haitian economy (COHA).
Haitian products were even banned from sales in the United States, which further contributed to
a sharp recession. In addition, the outbreak had largely affected young adults who were the

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majority of the working and spending population. For those infected by HIV/AIDS, families
were burdened by the cost of healthcare, and it was said that even if an HIV-infected individual
passed away, the family could never recover and return to the original income consumption
pre-infection. Even prior to the 2010 earthquake, 80% of Haitian individuals lived below the
poverty line. The devastating earthquake had cost an estimated eight billion dollars in damages,
which was more than Haiti’s annual GDP at the time (Cavallo et al., Labrador and Roy).
When discussing the standard of living differences between the two countries, the
statistics speak for themselves: the average Dominican will live ten years longer than an Haitian;
44.5% of Haitians consume less than the minimum dietary sufficiency, as contrasted to 15.4% in
the Dominican Republic; there is a 76% chance that per 1,000 births, a child under five years of
age will die in Haiti, while in the Dominican Republic it is less than 38% (Lorri Bennar Research
Group). The average Dominican is more likely to be literate, have access to basic water, and to
live longer. Currently, Haiti is the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, most relying on
external revenue from international aid, while maintaining an annual trade deficit of $190 million
(Labrador and Roy).
In recent years, the Dominican Republic has seen an influx of Haitian immigrants fleeing
to the neighboring country in hopes of a better life, and they have been met with anti-immigrant
and anti-Black sentiments, while living on illegal exploitative low wages and having to flee
government officials. Dominicans of Haitian descent have been threatened with deportation, and
many have had their citizenship taken away despite being born and raised within the Dominican
culture and language (Kushner). It is observed that many Dominicans repudiate Haitians,
regarding themselves as superior, while Haitians are seen as per racialized stereotypes of

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bringing crime (Gates). These sentiments are all tied to their shared, yet diverging colonial
history, and respective developments with modern government structures.
Jared Diamond is a professor of geography and editor of the books, “Natural Experiments
of History”, “Collapse”, and “Gun, Germs, and Steel: The Fate of Human Societies”. On NPR’s
podcast Talk of the Nation, host Robecca Roberts discusses the factors driving Haiti’s poverty
rates with Diamond. Towards the end of the segment, Roberts and Diamond take questions,
many of which ask how Haiti can move forward. He makes recommendations from a top-down
approach. Diamond suggests that direct foreign intervention in rebuilding is not viable to Haiti’s
growth. Given Haiti’s past with occupation and colonization and hesitancy with foreign
intervention, Diamond suggests helping the country via aid, but not stepping in to rebuild the
country itself. In particular, he recommends the United States and France to supply aid, however,
he claims that the Dominican Republic is the most valuable ally Haiti has. Because the
Dominican Republic and Haiti share the same island, it is in their mutual interest to foster
relations despite a complicated history.
I believe that Diamond’s proposals have some merit, though some need to be further
developed. I agree that no one country should step in and dominate such rebuilding efforts, as
that is a violation of the democratic processes of Haiti and is more reminiscent of modern
colonization than anything else. Allowing Haiti to take lead in economic recovery would allow
the country to restore faith in its democratic institutions, one that has been tainted by decades of
corruption and has been known to leave its people to fend for themselves. Their aid must be
approached carefully given the history of the United States and France in Haiti. France has
recently fostered repairs in the relationship by providing relief post-2010 earthquake and
canceling the debts owed to the country in addition to promising money for development projects

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on the island. I think this approach is best for providing aid – promising funding in sectors where
it is needed while still respecting Haiti’s administrations. I strongly agree that the Dominican
Republic can gain much by rebuilding relationships with Haiti, given how intertwined their
economies are. Due to more recent and stronger anti-Haitian sentiments in the Dominican
Republic however – including the building of a border wall to prevent border crossing by
Haitians – this may be difficult.
Erin Taylor in her article Mobility, inequality and choice: Circulation on the border of
Haiti and the Dominican Republic, offers a perspective from a bottom-up approach, discussing
socioeconomic mobility for Haitians who live in poverty. Taylor emphasizes that the traditional
discussions of socioeconomic mobility do not account for the complexity of people’s lives,
highlighting that for Haitians, every choice each day has ramifications economically and socially.
In Taylor’s case studies, she interviews several Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent who
live in the bordering cities between the two countries. All of them express the difficulties of
being in such a limbo state – due to Dominican policies, even if a Haitian has children in the
Dominican Republic they will not be allowed to be citizens, attend universities, travel legally etc.
Taylor then implies that policies introduced need to take individuals into account first and
foremost. There are many immediate complexities that come into play when living between
countries that have such diverging economic conditions, and for a country so impoverished, any
policy might affect citizens now.
Taylor’s discussion of socioeconomic mobility as it relates to the Hispaniola border raises
an important perspective that is to be examined. Namely, the bottom-up approach to policy
making can be a valuable insight as many Haitians are facing health, job, and educational crises
due to outbreaks, natural disasters, and overwhelming poverty. I believe it worthwhile due to

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current circumstances in Haiti and given the distrust in government (as it relates to monetary aid
being given), the needs of the citizens should be taken into consideration first and foremost.
I believe that both Diamond and Taylor’s approaches can be adopted. Fostering mindful
international relations with Haiti, while keeping its most vulnerable citizens in mind is key. In
addition, I would like to propose investment in these integral areas so as to provide immediate
relief for Haitians: education, clean water, healthcare facilities, and infrastructure. All these areas
are where Haiti is lacking in comparison to the Dominican Republic and investing in these will
help contribute to a better quality of living. In addition, we ought to promote Haitian businesses
and products, fostering entrepreneurship opportunities within the country, and providing a varied
export portfolio. Finally, Haiti should also focus on paying back its numerous debts so that it
may gain money rather than lose it. If countries are willing, suspending such debts until Haiti is
in a better position to pay it back would be helpful in this endeavor.
Living conditions in Haiti and the Dominican Republic vary due to colonial history,
economic policies, and government development. The island of Hispaniola stands divided, and
the border represents not just the political boundary, but a divergence of language, culture,
economy, and people. When the French and Spanish had come to the island of Hispaniola, one
would not think that they would set the stage for the different paths the two countries would take
on. Because of said colonial history, we see distinctive developments of modern democratic
governments, and accordingly, economic policy. Experts have looked at the economic recovery
of Haiti from both a top-down and bottom-up approach, and I recommend that both perspectives
be looked at so as to expedite immediate relief to Haiti’s most vulnerable. While the Dominican
Republic is seeking to further accentuate the border with the building of a border wall, bridges
should be built instead.

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