This cultural case study examines the phenomenon of "Notq" or remembering past lives among Druze in Israel. Specifically, it focuses on "solved" stories where the person identifies their past incarnation. Through in-depth interviews with 23 Israeli Druze adults who experienced Notq, the study finds that Notq provides psychological resources that shape a symbolic identity reflecting Druze cultural values. It also finds that Notq is experienced naturally throughout one's life and allows the transition from a private self to a representative of Druze culture. The discussion considers Notq as a cultural concept that provides unique psychological and social functions for the Druze community.

1. CULTURAL CASE STUDY
The Phenomenology of ‘Solved’ Reincarnation Stories
Among Druze in Israel: Private Self, Symbolic Type
and Daily Life
Maha Natoor1 • Avihu Shoshana1
Accepted: 21 February 2021
The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer
Nature 2021
Abstract This article examines the self-concept of the person who experienced
Notq -the Druze phenomenon of remembering and talking about previous life. We
focus on ‘solved’ stories- ones in which the person identifies his/her previous
incarnation. The central question of this study is: What is the phenomenological
experience of a person who has had Notq? In-depth semi-structured interviews were
conducted with twenty-three Israeli Druze adults. The findings expose the Notq’s
experience and its manifestations throughout ‘Notq’s life career’. The findings also
show that Notq provides psychological resources which create a symbolic type who
represents the central ethos of the Druze. In the discussion we argue that Notq can
be perceived as a cultural idiom providing unique psychological and cultural
resources. This study contributes to the research of psychology and culture by
examining the Druze belief in reincarnation, the interpretation of cultural idioms
and cautions against treating them as idioms of distress.
Keywords Druze Reincarnation Notq Cultural idioms Symbolic type
Maha Natoor
Maha_natoor@yahoo.com
Avihu Shoshana
avihush@gmail.com
1
Department of Special Education, Faculty of Education, University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel
123
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https://doi.org/10.1007/s11013-021-09711-y

2. Introduction
On your first birthday Mom, I wish you all the best and congratulate your new
family… I hope on your coming birthdays you will come to visit us and we
can bless you here.
This quotation was a greeting sent from a Druze daughter, via the family’s
WhatsApp group, on the first anniversary of her mother’s death. This greeting
captures the essence of the belief in reincarnation among the Druze. It conveys the
sense of loss for the beloved mother, with the acknowledgment that she belongs to a
new family and the hope that she will experience Notq and return to visit her past
family. With these words we introduce the subject of this paper- the Druze
phenomenon of Notq - remembering and talking about a previous life, the life story
of the person who has experienced it, the self-concept of the Nateq1
and the relation
between the self and culture.
The main question of this study is: What is the phenomenological experience of a
person who has had Notq? In order to answer this question, we focused on the emic
perspective of those who have experienced Notq.
The findings reveal the Notq’s experience, its manifestations at different life
stages and the ‘natural’ experience of Notq. Furthermore, the findings emphasize the
experience of coherence and self-knowledge that the Notq gives to the Nateq and
the transformation from a private self to a symbolic type (Grathoff 1970; Kidron and
Handelman 2016) thus providing the Nateqa with psychological and cultural capital
(Bourdieu 1984). The discussion of these reincarnation stories contributes to the
discourse about cultural phenomena and cultural idioms, their intersection with the
psychological and psychiatric discourse and cautions against interpreting them as
idioms of distress.
Belief in Reincarnation in the Psychological and Cultural Discourse
Scholars have noted the need for psychotherapists to take greater account of clients’
cultural context and belief systems including the belief in reincarnation due to its
worldwide prevalence and how individuals perceive and cope with psychological
difficulties (Peres 2012). Belief in reincarnation exists in various countries around
the world, including in the West (Haraldsson 2006). However, in Western cultures,
the choice to adopt this belief is mainly personal and is not integrated into a cultural
or religious system (Walter and Waterhouse 2001).
Walter (2001) examined the meanings of the belief in reincarnation in the West
and found that this idea is related to modern perceptions of identity, is used to
expand self-coherence and reflects a continuous search for the origins of self. Walter
and Waterhouse (2001) examined how the adoption of this belief affects the
1
Nateq: the person who had Notq. Nateq- masculine; Nateqa- feminine. We use these terms
interchangeably in reference to a person who has experienced Notq. Notq is part of the Druze discourse
and may be considered a cultural idiom.
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3. practical morality and daily life of adults in England. They concluded that personal
interest in reincarnation outside a culture or formal religion can relate to thoughts
about difficulties or suffering but without a significant impact on morality and daily
life. Furthermore, this belief had only a limited effect on helping the participants to
deal with illness and bereavement.
While individuals in the West may be interested in the idea of reincarnation or
choose to embrace it (Walter and Waterhouse 2001), in many other cultures it is an
integral part of the belief system. In these cultures, such belief affects the individual,
the community and the relationship between them. It is an important element in the
cultural discourse and impact the way in which people interpret their world.
Empson (2007), in her study of reincarnation among the Buryat in Mongolia,
pointed out the importance of this belief in maintaining the memory of the dead and
strengthening family relationships. This belief and the accompanying practices
enable a legitimate discourse about the dead. According to the Tundra Yukaghir
reincarnation cosmology in Siberia, the ancestors are believed to maintain the
continuity of the community. For parents, it is important to know the identity of the
reborn, they try to confirm identification according to the child’s behaviors,
memories or certain birthmarks and so forth. For the community elders, the return of
ancestors can guide the next generation in protecting the ethnic group from
disappearance (Vallikivi and Sidorova 2017).
These examples involve practices for identifying the reborn which can strengthen
faith, meet diverse emotional and social needs, and create a unique conception of
the self. Researchers have described the challenges that arise when religious/
spiritual conceptions (Brown, Elkonin and Naicker 2013) or supernaturalism (Gadit
2009) meet Western psychological concepts. This issue is highly significant in view
of the dominance of Western psychology and psychiatry and raises concerns about
translating local concepts into Western clinical terminology (Kidron and Kirmayer
2019). The Notq phenomenon can expand our knowledge about the phenomenology
of the self and the relation between culture, religion and psychology in a traditional
collective society.
The Druze Community
The worldwide Druze population is about two million (Dana 2009) and live mainly
in four countries: Israel, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan (Halabi 2015). The Druze in
Israel is a religious ethnic minority in the Arab society (ibid). Most Druze live in
homogenous villages, their lifestyle is traditional and the extended family is
paramount. The community is organized around a collective patrilineal and
patriarchal family structure (Israelashvili, Taubman-Ben-Ari and Hochdorf 2011).
Halabi (2014), who studied the Druze identity in Israel, described it as complex and
multifaceted. Despite the Israeli Druze ties with the Druze community in Syria and
Lebanon, a different national identity has developed among the Druze in Israel over
the years. The military service of the Druze in Israel was a significant turning point
in shaping this identity. This service is regarded negatively by the Arabs and is
economically significant, as military service has become an occupation for many
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4. Druze. In Halabi’s study, the most dominant identity among the interviewees was
Druze which was experienced in terms of family bonds. This creates a ‘‘primordial
identity’’ based on biological and family ties which connect the individual to his/her
group, and to its past and future. For the Druze, the belief in reincarnation is a
significant factor in shaping this identity (ibid).
The Druze religion emerged in Egypt as a branch of Islam in 1017 (Halabi 2015).
Later, the religion became a closed system where community members were
obligated to marry within the group- intermarriage was and continues to be
prohibited (Oppenheimer 1980). A person is considered Druze only if born to
parents who are both Druze; conversion of religion is not permitted. The Druze
community consists mainly of two groups: Uqqal- the ‘knowledgeable’ religious
and Juhhal- the ‘ignorant’ secular. Only the religious have access to the holy books
and adhere to strict laws of morality and behavior (Yehya and Dutta 2010). The
Druze belief is based on seven religious precepts which include safeguarding and
helping one another, recognizing the oneness of God and total acquiescence to
God’s decrees (Makarem 1974). A major characteristic of the Druze is their strong
and widely shared belief in reincarnation- Taqammus.
The Cultural and Psychological Aspects of the Belief in Reincarnation
and Notq
The Druze believe that all souls were created at once, and their numbers remain
fixed. With the death of the body, the soul immediately enters a newborn for another
life. The incarnations allow the soul to pass through all possible experiences of life
leading to divine justice. The reincarnations continue until the ‘day of judgment’
when the soul will be judged by its actions (Firro 1992). According to the belief, the
Druze soul passes only to another Druze (Halabi 2014). The belief in reincarnation
has fundamental importance and affects different aspects of the Druze life.
Kastrinou and Layton (2016) studied the Druze in Syria and noted that
reincarnation constitutes a discourse through which social, economic and political
claims are discussed. Through this discourse, Druze argue that they have always
existed and will always return. Bennett (2006), in her field work of the Druze in
Syria, highlighted the social importance of reincarnation for enhancing relationships
between Druze living in different areas. Halabi and Horenczyk (2020) interviewed
Druze young adults in Israel and concluded that belief in reincarnation serves as the
most prominent element in defining Druze identity. They argued that this belief
allows the Druze to maintain its unity throughout history and beyond geographical
boundaries. Druze believe that they all are potential siblings or in Oppenheimer’s
(1980) words, who interviewed Druze in Israel – ‘‘We are born in each other’s
houses’’. Another focus of this study is the cultural manifestations of the Druze
belief in reincarnation in Israel which will be discussed later on.
Littlewood (2001) conducted a study after the Lebanese civil war examining the
belief in reincarnation and its role as a psychological resource in the mourning
process. In Western psychology, the reality of the loss should be accepted first and
only then can the emotional pain be processed. Druze concepts contradict the first
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5. stage by ‘denial’ of the death and hold that the soul has immediately moved into a
new life. Such denial, supported by a set of shared beliefs and values, can be
effective and adaptive for the individual (ibid.). Coping with loss and grief was also
the interest of Somer, Klein-Sela and Or-Chen (2011) who compared the emotional
adjustment of Druze and Jewish parents of fallen soldiers in Israel. In their research,
the former showed stronger belief in fate and reincarnation. Although both groups
expressed feelings of sorrow and longing, Druze parents expressed less feelings of
helplessness, guilt and anger. Acceptance of traumatic death can become more
tolerable when the loss occurs within a coherent set of beliefs of final separation and
rebirth, along with the hope of meeting the deceased in the new incarnation (ibid).
The belief in reincarnation among the Druze is accompanied by a common
phenomenon called Notq- the remembrance and talking about the former life. This
does not appear in the religious books and it is unclear how or when it became
widely accepted (Halabi and Horenczyk 2020). Stevenson (1990) looked for
‘remembrance’ stories worldwide including those among the Druze. He categorized
stories as ‘‘solved’’ – where the deceased person was identified and ‘‘unsolved’’
when not. He collected children’s statements and found that they usually included a
reference to the cause of death. He also found that these children may show, inter
alia, unexplained fears or phobias, unlearned talents or birthmarks that are related to
the previous life.
Nigst (2018) wrote about the impact of Notq on the singularity of human beings.
He relied on the conceptual framework of Luc Boltanski who holds that human
distinctness and uniqueness should be addressed. Among the Druze, in solved Notq
stories, questions may arise regarding personal identity and belonging. According to
Nigst, these issues are present in the Druze discourse, and are reflected in feelings of
double belonging or other difficulties which may lead to silencing the Notq.
Dwairy (2006) studied the psychosocial function of reincarnation among the
Druze in Israel using a socio-cognitive approach. His research included interviews
with 9 Druze males who had Notq stories and current family members. He found
that Notq stories began around 2–5 years of age. Five of the nine participants
experienced childhood psychological distress that stopped after Notq. According to
Dwairy, as soon as the child begins to mention details that the family believes to be
related to the previous incarnation, the family actively searches for a corresponding
previous family with a story of a tragic death. The search and the found matching
story create a new order in the life of the child, his/her family and the family from
the previous incarnation, which can lead to positive adjustments (ibid).
The belief in reincarnation and Notq have also been discussed in psychiatry. Daie
et al. (1992) described a treatment for an Israeli Druze soldier suffering from
extreme anxiety. The patient related his anxiety to a violent death in his previous
incarnation. According to the authors, the Druze accept the belief that people’s
behaviors can be influenced by a previous incarnation which decreases the deviance
of those suffering from mental or neurological pathology and may even be used as a
positive labeling. Iancu et al. (1998) argued that in rare cases this belief can relate to
psychopathology. They presented five case studies of Druze patients who were
preoccupied by the belief in reincarnation which appeared to be the root of their
clinical symptoms. Based on these cases the authors illustrated the relation between
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6. culture, religion and psychopathology and stressed the importance of applying a
culture-specific psychiatric approach.
The belief in reincarnation and the Notq phenomenon have been studied in
different disciplines which have yielded diverse findings. However, there is a
paucity of research on the phenomenological experience of the self in Notq stories.
The present study strives to address this lacuna and seeks to examine the self of the
person who experienced Notq by focusing on ‘solved’ stories- ones in which the
person knows who he/she was in the previous incarnation. Furthermore, it deals
with the relation between the self and the community in Notq stories in Israel. The
questions of this study are: What is the phenomenological experience of a person
who has had Notq? How do people who have experienced Notq describe the
experience throughout their life stages? How is the transition between the personal
and the social reflected in the stories of people who have experienced Notq?
Methods
This study is phenomenological and seeks to understand Notq from the standpoint
of the people who have experienced it. It adopts the principles of interpretative
phenomenology analysis, which guide researchers to relate to the different contexts
in which the phenomenon exists (Wojnar and Swanson 2007).
The current paper is based on the stories of 23 Israeli Druze aged 18–75. Fifteen
were women and 8 were men. Nineteen stories involved a reunion with the previous
incarnation family and 4 stories without because the previous family lives outside
Israel. Participants were recruited through snowball sampling (Noy 2008) and from
personal relationships of the first author.
The interviews took place at the interviewees’ choice of location and lasted
between 30 and 105 min. In some cases, current family members were present. The
interviews were conducted in Arabic, recorded and transcribed into Hebrew.
Participants were given an explanation about the study, signed an informed consent
which assured confidentiality and anonymity. Because Notq stories can be
emotionally overwhelming, participants were offered a meeting with a Druze
therapist if participation in the research caused any distress. It is important to note
that the first author is Druze, while the second is not, enabling them to discuss the
phenomenon from different perspectives. In order to increase the researchers’
awareness of their opinions and thoughts regarding the phenomenon, they held
ongoing discussions about the interviews and the results. Additionally, a reflexive
field journal was maintained throughout the research stages (Morrow 2005).
In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted by the first author. The
interviews consisted of questions about the impact of the Notq on the lives of the
participants. Interview analyses followed Wojnar and Swanson (2007) and included:
reading transcribed interviews to obtain an overall understanding; writing interpretive
summaries; analyzing selected transcripts to identify themes; reexamining the texts;
and comparing texts to find common meanings and patterns which link the themes.
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7. Findings
Notq is a rich experience with significant socio-cultural and personal implications
and the stories are full of feelings, memories, events, places, and time periods. The
person who experiences Notq simultaneously holds many perspectives and moves
between different contexts. In the present study, adults were interviewed about their
experience of Notq which mainly occurred in childhood. This is a complex and
multi-dimensional experience. In childhood, it is expressed in the remembrance of
events or names from the previous incarnation and talking about them to present
family members, who in turn conceptualize the experience as Notq. Furthermore,
the Notq is expressed in unique feelings and behaviors. When the interviewees
talked about the Notq it was evident that they were reliving the experience, sharing
emotions beyond just information. They showed the interviewer photo albums,
objects and letters related to the previous incarnation. Some expressed intense
feelings through crying or described visual images which they remember from the
previous incarnation.
According to the interviewees, the Notq usually started in childhood (1.5–5 years
of age), when they began to mention names and talk about events that were
unrelated to their current surroundings, many stated that they were restless and
distressed, some had specific fears and anxieties, unusual play patterns, skills not
acquired in the current incarnation, unexplained pain or birthmarks that they related
to the previous life and preoccupation with children from the former life. In some
instances, the previous incarnation family was found after the child clearly
identified people or places from the previous incarnation. In other cases, the current
family tried to find out who the child could be according to birth date and details
that the child recalled. In some cases, a Druze, non-family member helped to find
the previous family. In almost half of the cases the previous family attempted to
confirm the Notq by inquiring of the child, for example, if he/she could identify
oneself in pictures from the previous incarnation, recognize people or remember
special events. In some cases, doubts were raised by members of the previous
incarnation family.
Unlike previously reported findings (e.g., Dwairy 2006) sudden or traumatic
death was not reported by all of the interviewees- 9 of 23 described death by natural
causes. Eight participants had Taqanous- an intermediate incarnation, usually of
short duration, between the present incarnation and the one that was remembered.
Taqanous is a culturally plausible explanation for any discrepancy between the date
of death and birth as well as the forgetfulness of details of the remembered life. In
some cases, there was an attempt to silence the child to prevent him/her from living
in two ‘worlds’ or from having a strong connection to the previous family. Most
often, positive and lasting relationships were established with the previous family.
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8. Notq’s Life Career
Notq in Childhood
Many interviewees described difficulties in childhood: nervousness, discontent,
crying and fears. SQ2
shared: ‘‘I was a tough and nervous kid… I carry a story
within me that I cannot tell so they can understand me.’’ SQ attributed his child
restlessness to his difficulty explaining his story to his current family. Similarly, AM
shared: ‘‘I was very nervous, constantly crying, I always interrupted my parents,
made it difficult for my mother… for me it was very hard and for my parents even
harder’’. In addition, longing for the children from the previous incarnation emerged
as indicated by MO: ‘‘I was upset, I wanted my children, I wanted to live with
them’’. SH described her childhood play and linked it to the longing for her
children: ‘‘I used to make dolls for my children… make them with eyes and
everything, sew clothes and dress them and write this is X and Y and Z and cry’’.
In many cases, the restlessness and longing were accompanied by the feeling that
the Nateq was an adult in the body of a child which made the childhood even more
complex. As LA described: ‘‘I sometimes felt that I had difficulty and awareness
that interfered with childhood. I did not feel like a kid… I felt mature when I was
still little’’. LE talked about how this was expressed in the interaction with her
parents: ‘‘I would always tell my mother, no - I am not your daughter, I am big, I
make decisions and why do you dictate to me?’’. These challenges were
accompanied by a sense of relief and closure when the Nateqa met the previous
family. HN’s mother described this as follows: ‘‘She was always not calm, until they
started coming to us… she was relieved, everything about her calmed down, she
became very happy’’. Childhood experience with Notq can involve restlessness,
longing, age incongruity along with relief that comes from the closure of the Notq.
Notq in Adolescence
The interviewees did not discuss Notq in adolescence in-depth. They mainly
described ongoing relationships with the previous family and social obligations, as
expressed by SQ: ‘‘[the ongoing meetings with the previous family] created a social
commitment for my parents and for them too’’. LE described this as a wedding ‘‘It
becomes like a friendship between two families, two villages. It’s not just X and his
mom, [its] all around, like a wedding’’. In the collective Druze community, one is
expected to meet these social obligations. This age period also involved a conflict of
familial belonging as expressed by AM: ‘‘When I was with my parents here, I cried
all the time and wanted to go to my kids… but, nevertheless, when I went there,
after a few days, I would tell them- I miss my parents, I want to go back’’. The
social obligations, in many cases, led the Nateq to seek separation from the previous
incarnation and focus on the current one.
2
The Druze community in Israel is small and to ensure the privacy and anonymity of the participants
pseudonym initials have been used.
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9. Another theme that characterized women’s stories was a sense of embarrassment
and preoccupation with socio-religious norms. SN described the transition from
childhood to adolescence and her feelings toward teenage boys from her previous
incarnation: ‘‘Then I grew up a little, and it started to get a little awkward for me,
they started to grow… and I visit them while I am an adolescent myself, I started…
You know…[to] feel that it was inappropriate’’. Similarly, SD said: ‘‘When I was
growing up, I started to be ashamed. My mother would tell me - don’t let anyone
criticize you, you are a girl now and they are guys… and I understood that’’. Males
from the previous incarnation become, on some level, strangers with whom contact
requires the expected modesty in male–female relationships, irrespective of the
Notq. These adolescent experiences along with current life demands seem to lead
the Nateq to create distance from the previous incarnation family.
Notq in Adulthood
Interviewees described two main aspects in adulthood - forgetfulness and
separation. With respect to forgetfulness, LA stated: ‘‘The thing is I don’t
remember today the Notq, the whole memory went away, I said everything at age of
a year and a half, two, three… then I could not remember’’. AO described the role of
the Druze in memory retention: ‘‘You remember it more in your heart because over
time the person forgets… I forgot and my mother would remind me’’. Notq is held
and preserved by the surroundings, even when one’s memory fades.
Forgetfulness is sometimes accompanied by separation from the previous family.
Twelve interviewees shared that they chose partial or full separation in their
adulthood. This mainly happened when the person began their own family. LE
described the transition from single to married life: ‘‘The relation was much stronger
until… you know, I was single… But today I have my life, my children and my
home. I cannot keep the same connection or the essence of the relationship that used
to be in the past’’. NF described the reduction in meetings over time: ‘‘Look, we
started, for example, we would go every week, two weeks… then we started going
once a month…today I haven’t been there for a while’’. Nigst (2019) refers to this
separation in terms of the hierarchy between the two incarnations with emphasis on
the current one.
LE sums up the Notq journey: ‘‘At a young age, I see that the previous
incarnation is the dominant one, until a certain age, then not, that is, you must either
live in two incarnations and get tired and those around you get tired… or you… you
have something new so you have to move on’’. In other words, the focus on the
present life eases both the conflict of belonging that arose before and the social
obligations that accompany Notq. Alongside the focus on the present, many
interviewees mentioned that they still visit the previous incarnation family at
significant events such as funerals or weddings.
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10. The Daily Self of the Nateq: Private and Public Self
Notq as a ‘Natural Experience’
The person who holds a Notq story describes two selves, families and life times.
Such a story can appear, from an etic perspective, as one that may create dissonance
and conflicts between different aspects of the self. Despite this, the emic-
phenomenological experience of the self is natural and flowing. This was expressed
in a spontaneous transition between different times, environments and previous/
current self.
The social world, according to Schutz and Luckmann (1974), is accessible to
individuals in the form of typical biographies. They define the ‘‘lifeworld’’ as a
reality which is experienced as a given state - the same fixed and basic reality of the
person which is unquestioned. People internalize ‘‘natural attitudes’’ by adopting a
typical biography and accompanying cognitive schemas in their culture. The
lifeworld is described in pragmatic terms - through the mundane characteristics of
daily life. Following this logic, being Nateq is one of the defined and available
biographies in the Druze community. The adoption of this biography allows a clear
frame of reference for oneself and for the world.
Notq for the Druze is a natural, taken-for-granted experience, it provides order to
the world and constitutes a basic reality. This natural experience is reflected in LE’s
words: ‘‘It was obvious… that this is Notq… as in Oneal’s story3
- you saw how
many professionals… now for us it’s so simple, really, it’s okay, [we] understood
where his English came from’’. LE’s remark about Oneal’s story was in reference to
an Israeli television program about a Druze child who spoke English with a British
accent before he began to speak his native Arabic. The show attempted to
understand the phenomenon by inviting non-Druze professionals to provide possible
explanations. For LE, as for many other Druze, Oneal acquired this ability from his
previous incarnation. She continued: ‘‘There is almost no Druze family that you do
not hear stories like this… now for example, if my son starts mentioning strange
names, I will immediately say – [this is] probably from his previous incarnation…
The explanation is so simple for us’’. This experience was accompanied by a sense
of self-knowledge.
Self-Knowledge and Coherent Self
The participants described a coherent self that brought a sense of calmness and
certitude. Self-identity according to Erickson (1968) includes sense of sameness and
continuity or in other words, the feeling and recognition of the person that, in
various situations and times, he/she is the same person and has a stable self. The
answer for the question what unites a person beyond different situations and times
links the present with the past by explaining how the past leads to the present and
gives the person directions for the future (ibid).
3
Link for the program (in Hebrew) https://www.facebook.com/300889989946881/videos/
1711146225587910/?redirect=false.
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11. Notq stories contain these elements of sameness and continuity which may bring
relief and resolve inner struggles. This is the experience when the knowledge about
the previous self is positive, but does not apply in Notq stories where ‘conflictual
identity’ or ‘suspicious’ death are recounted. Although the interviewees did not tell
personal stories about ‘suspicious’ death (e.g., honor killing), such stories about
others were mentioned during the interviews. The Druze engage with these stories
to clarify proscriptions and social boundaries. Regarding self-knowledge, HS
referred to the positive and calming effect of being religious in his previous
incarnation: ‘‘Man calms down when he knows who he was… [I] am pleased to
know that I was one of the good people (religious)… It is a very comforting thing in
terms of faith’’.
RG talked about her love for art which continued from her previous life: ‘‘Every
free time I have, I would prefer to spend on embroidery or knitting or anything
artistic’’. RG described the continuity: ‘‘I have begun to see that there is continuity
especially in things that went through like a thread between (incarnations)’’. In the
context of Erickson (1968), sameness and continuity can also be seen in the fears
and anxieties related to the cause of death. These, too, seem to contribute to self-
knowledge and allow for integration and acceptance of these fears.
The Emotional Experience in Notq
Notq can create emotional dualities of conflict and relief, belonging together with
social obligations as well as doubt and certainty. Notq is often accompanied by
emotional difficulties such as longing for the children from the previous incarnation
and feelings of guilt for leaving them, emotional pain when someone doubts the
Notq and an uneasiness of living in two worlds.
These difficulties have been observed in previous studies (Dwairy 2006; Nigst
2019) and in particular the conflict from living in two worlds (Nigst 2018). Yet,
many interviewees opposed silencing Notq and when asked, most stated they would
allow their child to speak, believing that despite the difficulties that could arise,
‘speaking’ brings relief. MO stated that problems could be worse if Notq is silenced
‘‘because it remains like a pain in the heart’’. ND’s mother stated that Notq brings
relief: ‘‘ND before finding them [his previous family] and before they started to
come to us drove me crazy… [He was] like a bird in the sky looking for
something… when they came and [he] saw them, as if he was in the sky and
descended to earth’’. This description illustrates the restlessness and the search that
accompanies Notq together with the relief and sense of grounding resulting from
meeting the previous family.
In summary, as is evident from the interviewees’ stories, Notq is a meaningful
experience, which includes behavioral-emotional expressions in childhood, follows
social dictates in adolescence and in adulthood becomes an integral part of identity
despite any forgetfulness of previous life memories and distancing from the
previous incarnation family. The Notq also includes an experience of continuity and
self-knowledge, and a range of emotions. Notq stories are on two strata - the
personal level, but no less so than the social stratum. The Nateq tells a story that has
many meanings, not only for him but also for the different social circles in his life.
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12. The story becomes commonly known and transforms the Nateq into a ‘‘symbolic
type’’.
The Nateq as a Symbolic Type
The term ‘‘symbolic type’’ was first proposed by Richard Grathoff (1970), and was
further developed by Handelman (1998). Grathoff suggested that the concept
emerges from social inconsistencies or the failure of typified schemes to support the
stability of life spheres. According to Handelman, the symbolic type can serve as
social boundaries and enforce ‘normal’ management of the reality. Among the
characteristics of the symbolic type - its closure - the symbolic type is loyal to its
internal logic and does not negotiate with roles and context. The symbolic type has
an internal consistency that influences and shapes the social order instead of being
determined by it. Those who accept the symbolic type adopt its non-negotiable
perception of the world. The symbolic type is different from the ideas of symbol,
sign, and icon as it is a performative body and a living embodiment that projects its
worldview to those who accept it (Handelman 1994). The self-closure of the
symbolic type allows it to constitute a holistic vision of culture. When it has internal
homogeneity, it stabilizes the context. But when it is completely self-contradictory,
it transforms the context (Kidron and Handelman 2016).
The Nateq’s private identity represents the Druze social-religious identity. The
symbolic type in Notq includes different dimensional dualities (e.g., life and death,
past and present, distance and closeness). On the other hand, the symbolic type is
homogeneous in the sense that it embodies Druze ideals and their belief in
reincarnation (Druze reborn as Druze, gender is preserved in reincarnation) and thus
typically does not include stories of socio-religious deviation (e.g., religious
conversion or change in gender). The Notq as a cultural idiom, overcomes
contradictions between dualities and homogeneity and in doing so the Nateq
symbolic type preserves the context and once again draws the boundaries of the
community in the face of modernization and exposure to other cultures. In this
sense, the Nateq consistently preserves rather than transforms the social context.
Since the Notq is critical to the Druze identity, it becomes cultural and symbolic
capital of the person who holds such a story. The Notq is narrated in various social
contexts; it strengthens Druze ideals and is not affected by modernization or
processes of social change. This can be seen in our interviewees who ranged in age
and gender.
HS stated: ‘‘The reincarnation is the macro and the Notq is the micro which
confirms the macro, it is the living experience of this abstract idea’’. HS further
described how people turn to the Nateq: ‘‘You don’t know when the eyes are turned
to you… anyone who wants to strengthen his faith comes and asks you [about the
Notq]’’. In other words, the story of the Notq is one which illustrates the Druze faith
in reincarnation. SQ referred to the importance of the Nateq as the holder of the
Notq story: ‘‘this is very important [the story] it is like a message… I think a
message for us as a society, as customs and norms, that God sent me with a certain
message from my previous incarnation… the person who Nataq carries a divine
story’’. According to SQ, the story and the narrator have a significant role in
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13. preserving the Druze community, its norms and customs. SD added: ‘‘For the Druze,
because it is a cultural phenomenon, so there is always this question – Nateqa? not
Nateqa? Tell us your story’’. Notq stories arouse curiosity, are recounted among the
Druze defining the limits of what is allowed and forbidden. According to Dana
(2009), the cultural-traditional framework of the Druze in Israel is losing its grip. He
attributes this to the more liberal, open society in Israel and to the fact that most of
the Druze young men are conscripted into military service and thus are exposed to
external influences. This can lead to identity crisis and can be viewed in cases of
intermarriage although this is still a rather uncommon phenomenon. It is possible
that in light of this identity crisis, the findings of Halabi and Horenczyk (2020) can
explain the Druze’s attempt to hold a ‘‘hard primordial identity’’ which is reinforced
through the Notq and the belief in reincarnation.
The Nateqa cannot be understood as a symbolic type without understanding how
Druze describe the Notq’s life career. While this career reflects the accepted social
patterns in the Druze community, the symbolic type preserves these patterns and
converts the personal experience into a socio-ethnic narrative which is used by the
community members to reinforce and preserve the social structure. The represen-
tation of the Nateqa as a symbolic type has three main components. First, in the
Druze culture, religion has a fundamental status and Notq is related to religious
Druze ideals. Notq stories preserve the religious identity of the Druze in the midst of
secularism. Second, Notq maintains the social order by strengthening the Druze
identity and preserving the Druze’s separateness. The Nateq reinforces the notion
that the Druze continue to be reborn as Druze and preserves the brotherhood and
community closeness despite the Druze’s partial assimilation into the broader
society. Finally, the Notq stories serve as evidence of Druze eternity and the
transition from generation to generation. These stories, which are accepted in
excitement and esteem in the Druze community, reinforce the belief in reincarnation
and give special status to the Nateqa who proves and illustrates the belief.
Discussion
The solved Notq stories depict a unique ‘life career’ and self-concept. In this study,
feelings of coherence, naturalness, continuity and self-knowledge emerged.
Childhood experience with Notq can entail emotional and behavioral difficulties
which in most cases, did not continue to adulthood. In adolescence there are mainly
social obligations, while adulthood is characterized by forgetfulness and distance.
The socio-religious discourse of Notq is very dominant in the daily life of the Druze
and involves the transition from private to public self. Notq stories are narrated in
different social contexts within the Druze community where religion, society and
culture are intertwined. The enthusiasm with which Notq stories are conveyed
strengthens the Druze identity and the Nateq as a symbolic type, preserves the
boundaries of the community in the face of the globalization era and influences from
other cultures.
In discussing the results, it is important to take into account the socio-political
context in which the Druze identity management takes place. The present study was
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14. conducted among Druze living in Israel who deal with a complex conflict between
the Arab and Israeli identities. On the one hand, they face criticism from the Arab
nation due to their integration into Israeli military service, and on the other hand,
they are not fully accepted in Israeli society, because Israel is defined as a Jewish
state (Halabi 2014). Halabi and Horenczyk (2020) interviewed Druze students in
Israel and found that the belief in reincarnation was the most dominant element of
their identity creating a ‘primordial identity’. They argue that this belief allows the
Druze to maintain their unity throughout history and beyond geographical
boundaries. In contrast, Bennett (2006), who investigated reincarnation among the
Druze in Syria, found that it connects Druze and creates a sense of belonging, but at
the same time, she described some opposition to the belief. This opposition was
explained by Bennett as relating to the Druze need to maintain secrecy of their
religion and the fear of stigma due to the rejection of reincarnation in Islam.
Furthermore, she noted the political climate where the government promotes the
ideology that Syria is a unified Arab-Muslim country and discussing issues of
religion and ethnic differences is undesirable.
It can be hypothesized that these components influence the Nateqa self-concept
in Syria, especially regarding the social self. Thus, it seems that, despite a similar
Notq experience among the Druze in different countries (e.g., Littlewood 2001), the
phenomenological experience of the self is influenced by socio-political conditions.
For Druze in Israel, the status of Nateq as a symbolic type seems to be cultural
capital.
Regarding the inner dynamic of the symbolic type, Notq is able to bridge the
dualities and the homogeneity of the Nateqa. In doing so, the Notq allows the Druze
to deal with current conflicts in the Israeli Druze context (e.g., identity conflict).
Thus, in contrast to other symbolic types that include internal dualities and seek to
transform their context, the Notq resolves inner tensions and preserves the context.
The status of symbolic type empowers the person who holds a Notq story and can
contribute to the Druze personal and collective resilience.
In this study the Notq brought a feeling of self-knowledge, a sense of continuity
and an explanation for difficulties, anxieties and skills. Although participants
described conflicts or difficulties at certain times, they did not experience ongoing
distress or frustration arising from the Notq in adulthood. These findings are
consistent with Haraldsson and Abu-Izzedin (2012) who investigated Druze adults
in Lebanon with Notq stories and found no evidence that previous incarnations
impact them negatively, all were leading active and normal lives. On the other hand,
Nigst’s (2018, 2019) main argument emphasizes the conflictual belonging in the
Notq. Although the conflict does exist at different stages of life, Notq has other
qualities that contribute to the Nateq.
The present study points to the complexity of the Notq and its being a cultural
idiom which has conflicts and hardships as well as psychological and social
resources. In view of the fact that Notq can be a reason for seeking professional
help, due to these conflicts or as an explanation for children’s difficulties (Natoor
and Shoshana 2020), it is important to regard it with cultural sensitivity and to take
into account its various dimensions. The discussion of Notq in the psychological and
psychiatric literature has attempted to be done with cultural sensitivity and
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15. recognition of the belief in reincarnation. However, this discussion, using Western
concepts, may lead to treating Notq as an idiom of distress. For example, the link
between Notq, child abuse and dissociative experiences (Dwairy 2006), grandiose
delusion and pathological narcissistic defense (Iancu et al. 1998), or generalized
anxiety disorder (Spivak et al. 1995) may pathologize the Notq. The interpretation
of Notq from Western perspectives risks removing it from the local-cultural context
and transforming it into an idiom of distress (Abramowitz 2010) or other psychiatric
diagnoses (Kidron and Kirmayer 2019).
Based on our findings, we propose to treat Notq as a cultural idiom that provides
unique phenomenological and cultural resources. In this sense, it may be referred to
as an idiom of resilience (Lewis-Fernández and Kirmayer 2019). The Notq carries
within it a complex experience of resilience and hardships. This cannot be fully
understood without exploring the phenomenological experience of those who have
had Notq and the broader context in which it takes place. In this sense, this paper
joins recent research which challenges the pathologization of cultural idioms and
seeks a complex understanding of local interpretations and meaning-making
processes (Kidron, Kotliar and Kirmayer 2019).
The symbolic type has symbolic capital; a good reputation in terms of an ideal
Druze identity. The ability to connect to one’s Druze past is cultural capital because
the past has a special meaning for Druze as it allows them to maintain their identity
from generation to generation. Through this knowledge of the past, the Nateq
approaches the ideal of a positive Druze identity. The Nateq symbolizes the ideals
of religious closeness, group homogeneity, survival, lack of fear of death, and
confidence that the Druze continue to exist despite all the conditions that they have
faced including not having a homeland and living in different countries. This
cultural capital is a resource that strengthens the Nateq and is converted into
prestige, appreciation, and a sense of belonging to the Druze community, thus
making the Notq an idiom of resilience.
In clinical settings, the interpretation of symptoms and the diagnosis of mental
disorders require consideration of cultural, social and contextual factors (Alegrı́a
and McGuire 2003). If Notq arrives to the clinic, therapists should keep in mind that
self-concepts are rooted in an array of local-cultural and religious views and values
which require a thorough examination of Western therapeutic discourse when
applied to different cultures (Kirmayer 2007).
Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research
This study has some significant limitations: First, there were no ‘negative’ Notq
stories which may limit our understanding of the phenomenology of living with
Notq. Secondly, the article dealt only with ‘solved’ stories. There are ‘unsolved’ -
open - stories where the previous identity is unknown and therefore it is possible
that the self-concept and emotional experiences differ from those in the ‘solved’
stories, thus requiring further research. Moreover, the present study did not deal
with the linguistic aspects of Notq stories. Analyzing these aspects in Notq
narratives may reveal significant connections between the linguistic structure of the
stories and social practices, thereby leading to a deeper understanding of self-
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16. perception, social norms and beliefs and the ways in which these stories allow for a
sense of coherence (Linde 1993). Lastly, this research studied adults without
developmental difficulties but what about cases where the Nateq has a diagnosis
such as autism (Chandradasa and Champika 2018)? How can these be accurately
managed in the context of possible different explanatory models? Our paper does
not address this and hence it is of great importance to continue research individuals
who are experiencing Notq but are facing developmental difficulties. These
questions and our findings can serve therapists in clarifying the personal experience
with Notq in various life stages and may help in developing cultural appropriate
interventions.
Funding This study was independently conducted.
Compliance with Ethical Standards
Conflict of interest On behalf of all authors, the corresponding author states that there is no conflict of
interest.
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