Sample_The_Primitive_MInd_and_Modern_Man

The Primitive Mind and Modern Man
By
John Alan Cohan

CONTENTS
Preface i
CHAPTERS
PART I: Primitive Societies and Cultural Frameworks
1. Why Study Primitive Cultures? 01
2. Cultural Relativism 22
3. Apollinian and Dionysian Cultures 29
PART II: Primitive Beliefs, Practices and Rituals
4. Mana 37
5. Animism 49
6. Totemism 76
7. Hunting and Cultivation Rituals 83
8. Shamanism: The “Wounded Healer” 95
9. Envy and the Evil Eye 114
PART III: Consciousness and Magical Powers
10. Altered States of Consciousness 127
11. Trance and Possession States 133
12. Magic, Sorcery and Witchcraft 150
PART IV: Conflict and Death
13. Death by Suggestion: Voodoo Death, Taboo Death, and Bone-Pointing 167
14. The Placebo Effect 172
15. Dealing with Conflicts, Aggressive Impulses, Enemies and War 175
16. Treatment of the Dead 192
PART V: Status and Wealth
17. Potlatches 201
18. Status, Prestige, Recognition--the Need for Social Approval 207
PART VI: Cultural Phenomena and Folk Medicine
19. Culture-Bound Syndromes 212
20. Mass Hysteria, Mass Possession 230
21. Folk Medicine 236

i
PREFACE
Cultural anthropology is a relatively new discipline, having its origins in 19th century ethnology, which involves the
organized comparison of human cultures. It was not until the 1920s that anthropologists started to actually live
among primitive people for a considerable period of time, to participate in and observe the social and cultural life of
the group. Up until then, an understanding of other people was important mainly to diplomats, military personnel,
colonial officials, missionaries, and traders. In fact, once anthropology got going as a discipline, scholars gathered
materials from these very groups. Anthropology became a recognized academic discipline in the 1890s. The first
department of anthropology was established by the University of California in 1902, and the first course pertained to
North American ethnology.
The use of the word “primitive” in the title of this book has no derogatory implications whatsoever. “Primitive” does
not mean “inferior,” but is derived from the Latin primitivus, meaning “Of or belonging to the first age, period, or
stage.” It connotes traits that are simple, fundamental, and of ancient origins, unadulterated by exposure to trends of
the industrialized world. “Modern” is also a controversial term, but I use it to refer to industrialized cultures and, to
some degree, a materialistic, mechanistic, unnatural, highly commercialized and dehumanized pattern of living.
The anthropologist is bound to consider to what extent, if any, the primitive mind differs from the modern mind or is
somewhat similar. In this book we will explore the fundamental complexities of human cultures, often replete with
rich organization, resilient traditions, clarity of roles and taboos, dynamic interdependence on the natural
environment, and the idea that all beings exist in relation to one another.
A fundamental principle in anthropology is that cultures should be studied as a whole, and that customs and beliefs
can be properly understood only in the context in which they operate. This does not arbitrarily carve out from human
culture a segment such as the economy, political systems, law, personality structure, or social relations, but rather
focuses on human societies as an interrelated whole.
Cultural anthropology seeks to describe and explain the variety of behaviors, customs and beliefs among people of
the world, their forms of social organization, the manifold connections between various aspects of human life, and
the shared ways of doing, thinking and making things.
As we will see throughout this book, characteristics that seem to be most rigorous and distinctive in these cultures
are, in many ways, found in the same thought processes and motivations of people in developed cultures. Perhaps
the greatest lesson driven home by modern anthropology is the remarkable adaptability of human beings as revealed
through the enormous diversity of behavior that anthropologists have discovered among cultures of the world.
This book seeks to instill respect for the belief systems of other cultures. We might disagree with what other people
regard as “science,” and find their logic to be perplexing, but when we put aside our cultural prejudices and try to
understand these beliefs and practices from the perspective of those who engage in them-we can gain new insights
about our own practices.
Anthropology is of interest because human nature is of interest. Human nature is expressed in fundamentally similar
patterns throughout the ages. We see, for instance in Old Testament literature, that human beings display a stream of
emotions and tendencies then as they do now-envy, anger, treachery, warlike tendencies, greed, love, lust, hate,
cooperation, courage, faith, doubt, generosity, and so on.
In the best of circumstances it is impossible to put together a completely representative book about cultural
anthropology, given the ever-changing patterns of culture. Though there is a great deal of continuity and stability
within cultures from generation to generation, there is no such thing as unchanging traditions. Cultures are subject to
constant change by such factors as invention, outside contact, and adaptive drift from within. In an era of

PART I: PRIMITIVE SOCIETIES AND CULTURAL
FRAMEWORKS

The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 01-21 1
CHAPTER 1
Why Study Primitive Cultures?
Abstract. In this chapter we discuss a number of interlinked topics about what we can gain from a study of
primitive cultures. What are their patterns of behavior or ways of thinking about life? A principle theme is that
the modern mind is fundamentally primitive. We will compare the “primitive” world view with our “modern”
counterpart, and come to understand the fundamental richness of primitive cultures. Explanation of the term
“primitive.” Primitive mentality sheds light on how our minds work. Many of the practices are still current and
can help us understand our own, parallel patterns of living. Discussion of what is meant by “culture,” and “human
nature.” Discussion of prevalence of communal lifestyle and social cooperation, conformity to norms, non-market
economies, food-sharing, ancestral worship, social atomism of some primitive cultures (i.e., lack of central
leadership), prevalence of custom over law, reliance on myths and magical thinking, animistic connection to the
environment. We will discuss the trend toward acculturation, the tendency of some indigenous populations to
exist side-by-side with the dominant culture, the tension between the pressure to adopt new customs and the pull
to retain the old. The desire to resist assimilation into the dominant group, and the inevitability of cultures
changing within themselves. We will discuss the downside of acculturation: colonial imperialism, imposition of
paternalistic laws outlawing traditional practices, dispossession of lands, deprivation of political power,
resettlement, resulting in a demoralized population, trend of making amends for mistreatment of indigenous
people in the past. We will discuss the prevalence of nativistic movements to revive and preserve traditional
cultural practices.
WHAT WE CAN GAIN FROM A STUDY OF PRIMITIVE CULTURES
One of the best ways to understand ourselves is to understand other people.
What are the customs and traditions that others hold dear to their hearts? What are their patterns of behavior or ways
of thinking about life? What sort of meaning, wisdom, power and other gifts do people preserve in their culture? We
can better understand ourselves by a “detour” to other cultures, even if we don’t care to adopt strange patterns of
behavior or ways of thinking.
At first blush, the way people of other cultures carry on their lives may stand in stark contrast to our “modern” ways.
One of the main aims of anthropologists is to discover parallels between primitive lifestyles and our own “modern”
way of life. Anthropologists are attracted to this discipline in part because “The opportunity to document, study, and
gain insight first hand, from living tradition, is momentous” (Howard, 2002, p. 62).
In this book I will compare the “primitive” world view with our “modern” counterpart, and show how we can gain a
deeper perspective of our own processes by studying people with different world views than our own. As we will
see, despite the apparent contrasts, in many respects there is not really a very wide gulf between primitive and
modern ways of thinking.
Often enough, we in modern cultures feel a peculiar nostalgia for the richness of simpler, primitive lifestyles. We
frequently hear of people who want to replace their lifestyle with something basic and more authentically human. To
“downsize” or “return to the sources” seem to be popular new maxims.
From the experiences of primitive cultures we can rediscover an inner reality that resonates with new patterns in the
industrial world. For instance, many indigenous people have a harmonious, reverential relationship with the natural
world around them, and this is something that modern environmentalists find to be a comforting ideal. They tend to
see unity in the world of nature, and are quick to discern traces of the sacred everywhere about them. Their
cosmology embraces a connection to spirits of the land and ancestors.
Perhaps somewhat romanticized, but with some measure of truth, primitive people tend to be happy and for the most
part live idyllic lives. Their lives are often (but not always) free of stress or worry, despite a paucity of creature
comforts. This was observed particularly in the South Pacific by early explorers reporting of the “natural happiness
John Alan Cohan
All rights reserved - © 2010 Bentham Science Publishers

22 The Primitive Mind and Modern Man, 2010, 22-28
CHAPTER 2
Cultural Relativism
Abstract. There are tremendous variations in how people carry on their lives across cultures. All cultures have
some sort of system of “public morals” or norms or rules that provide a structure that guides behavior. Cultural
relativism holds that moral principles are relative, so that there is no such thing as a “one-size-fits-all” morality.
The forms under which good and evil appear are different. By coming to know the presuppositions of people, we
can better understand their moral perspective. We will discuss idea that, despite variations in behavior patterns
among cultures, there are certain basic moral concepts recognized by all peoples-e.g., respect for life and
property, some form of religious faith. All societies have some means of dealing with social outcasts, criminals,
cheats and the like. The dilemma of cultural relativism is whether it is appropriate to interfere with practices of
other cultures that we regard as morally repugnant. Today the activities within one culture can affect people in
other cultures-most notably in the arena of environmental pollution. People have a limit as to what sort of things
they will tolerate in other cultures. All nations condemn genocide, slave trade, torture, the use of human subjects
for experimentation, and summary execution. In studying diverse cultures we should keep an open mind in taking
in the practices that we might find offensive or repugnant or even barbaric. Change is particularly difficult when
cultures sincerely believe, as they do, that their moral practices are sound, well-founded and of fundamental
importance to their very identity as people.
THE DIVERSITY OF NORMS ACROSS CULTURES
Anthropology has learned that there are tremendous variations in how people carry on their lives across cultures.
This is one of the big things anthropology has “discovered” in the past century or so-that people often live with
unique or distinct norms that are at odds with those of other cultures.
All cultures have some sort of system of “public morals” which arise from standards developed by the people over
time. All of us share a common orientation and understanding of the “rules of the game.” These rules provide a
structure that guides our behavior, and which most of us do not easily question. These rules involve what a society
has come to deem appropriate for its flourishing and survival, and are handed down so that we learn what is
approved of by our community in early childhood. Any society that lacks a value system can easily break down.
We not only guide our own action with reference to these rules, but we learn that praise or blame is based on
compliance or deviation from those norms. If there is confusion in a community as to what norms of behavior apply,
this can lead to the disorganization, disintegration, and breakdown of values, leading to a transition and
establishment of a revised value system.
The term moral relativism (or ethical relativism) holds that moral principles are relative, so that there is no such
thing as a “one-size-fits-all” morality. Moral principles are not self-evident propositions that are truth assessable,
final or certain. Terms such as “right” and “good” are relative terms so that if I say “X is good,” that simply means
“My culture regards X as good.” A different culture might claim that “X is bad,” and this inconsistency is explained
simply by the idea that there is no objective truth in the matter.
Here is the essence of cultural relativism: The fact that diverse cultures have different solutions to moral dilemmas
makes it inappropriate to argue that a particular norm is good or bad for everyone. There is a wide diversity among
cultures in how human beings carry on in their relations with one another. While people of one culture might
disapprove of certain practices, in another culture these same practices might be morally approved. Jung (1933)
commented that
Primitive man is no less prompt than we are to value an ethical attitude. His good is just as good as ours,
and his evil is just as bad as ours. Only the forms under which good and evil appear are different; the
process of ethical judgement is the same (p. 147).
Jung (1933) further observed:
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 3
Apollonian and Dionysian Cultures
Abstract. Ruth Benedict (1934) opened up a whole line of thinking regarding two types of culture: Apollinian
and Dionysian. Dionysian cultures exhibit certain extremes in behavior, and there is importance ascribed to
dreams and visions, also to self-fulfillment, self-expression, rights, liberties and individual accomplishment.
Moreover, the idea of escape from the five senses through altered states of consciousness, intoxication, torture,
self-mutilation, deprivation, etc. Dionysian cultures are imbued with magical thinking, i.e., the belief that
thoughts, words or actions have causal power. Dreams and visions are very important because they are thought to
contain messages from the spirit realm or direct visitations from ancestors. The contradiction in Dionysian
cultures is that they tend to be tenaciously tradition-bound-yet at the same time they seek to escape from
limitations through supernatural experiences, ecstatic trances, orgiastic ceremonies, and other excessive behavior
that, at least under everyday circumstances, would be frowned upon. Paradoxically Dionysian cultures celebrate
harmony and cooperation, and yet individuality, which at times can be a threat to unity.
Apollinian cultures, in contrast, embrace moderation, steadfastness, conservatism, conformity, measured
attitudes, precedent and tradition. There is distrust of individualism and emotionalism. Power comes from cult
membership, verbatim ritual, conformity, sobriety, suffering, self-denial, introvertism, and moderation.
INTRODUCTION
In her best selling book, Patterns of Culture (1934) Ruth Benedict introduced an idea that has had a profound impact
in the study of cultures. She opened up a whole line of analysis that, for the most part, divides cultures into two
camps: Dionysian and Apollonian.
DIONYSIAN EXTREMES
The majority of cultures, including much of the industrialized West, seem to be Dionysian. Personal, subjective
experiences, unlimited personal freedom, self-reliance, individualism, initiative, power and the tossing aside of
tradition are hallmarks of Dionysian cultures. A Dionysian seeks both an uninhibited, extravagant, passionate pursuit
of pleasure, even to excess, and at the same time, paradoxically, a transcendence of sensate experience into a higher
order of experience. Self-fulfillment, self-expression, rights, liberties and individual accomplishment are the
hallmark of a Dionysian culture. As we will see, there are paradoxes and contradictions among Dionysian people:
for instance, many primitive cultures are tenaciously tradition-bound, and the people do not deviate from norms that
have been around since time immemorial-yet at the same time they will engage in ceremonies in an effort to
transcend the here and now and behave in extravagant ways that, at least under everyday circumstances, would be
frowned upon.
America itself seems to be a Dionysian culture, with the emphasis on rugged individualism. According to Kirmayer
(2007),
To be a person is to be a unique individual. Each individual is autonomous and uniquely deserving of the
free pursuit of his or her own private goals. People are valued for how richly developed and articulated
their inner sense of self is and how strong and coherent their self-direction (p. 240).
In her discussion of Dionysian culture, Ruth Benedict (1934) borrows Nietzsche’s description, “the annihilation of
the ordinary bounds and limits of existence” (pp. 78-79). The Dionysian seeks to escape from the limitations
imposed upon by our five senses, to break through into a different order of experience, perhaps to attain supernatural
experiences such as ecstatic trances or union with god. Or the goal might be simply to gain a certain psychological
state of excess. The philosophy is, as William Blake described, that “the path of excess leads to the palace of
wisdom” (as quoted in Benedict, 1934, p. 79).
This breaking into supernatural experiences might be accomplished by excessive behavior such as drunkenness,
drug induced euphoria, frenzy in dance, or through the opposite of excess-self-denial, fasting, self-mutilation,
John Alan Cohan

PART II. PRIMITIVE BELIEFS, PRACTICES AND RITUALS

CHAPTER 4
Mana
Abstract. The idea of mana permeates the customs of many cultures, including modern cultures. Mana provides
the theoretical basis for such beliefs as animism, totemism, witchcraft, and sorcery. Mana is the means by which
power is transmitted from one being to another. It means, roughly speaking, power, but a force altogether distinct
from physical power-a power associated with a spirit, a totemic ancestor, or other supernatural agency. All things
are thought to possess a “vital essence” that can be transferred by contact. Mana is thought to be expressed most
notably through thoughts and words, and this is evident in shamanic healing, folk medicine, or simply prayer
intended for healing. The conviction of a person uttering an incantation is thought to be an element relating to the
efficacy of a prayer, curse or ritual. There is widespread belief that mana subsists in names, as well as in artifacts,
tools and weapons. A club or spear of a great warrior, for example, is the abode of powerful mana. Objects such
as amulets and charms are thought to be imbued with mana, either intrinsically, or after being consecrated for
certain purposes, usually for the purpose of averting evil or to secure good fortune.
WHAT IS MANA?
The mystical orientation of primitive cultures attributes the success or failure of things to unseen powers. In order to
understand primitive ways of thinking, a good starting point is the concept of mana. The idea of mana permeates the
customs and practices of many cultures, in many ways, and as we will see it is is evident in modern cultures as well.
Mana provides the theoretical basis for such beliefs as animism, totemism, witchcraft, and sorcery. Mana is the
means by which power is transmitted from one being to another, from one soul to another, from a sacred space to the
people around it, and so forth. Mana is the means in which magic has causal efficacy.
Mana means melesian psysis or phyo, “to bring forth.” It is also thought to be derived from a Maori term. It is
difficult to find English equivalents. It means, roughly speaking, power. It is equivalent to the New Testament
pneuma, or Holy Spirit or Holy Ghost.
The term “manna” in the Bible is a different word, but some like to link the two terms. “Manna” was the miraculous
food that God gave the Israelites. Psalm 78:24 begins, “And he rained down on them manna to eat” (English
Standard Version).
The anthropologist R. H. Codrington (1891) has this description of mana:
There is a belief in a force altogether distinct from physical power, which acts in all kinds of ways for
good and evil, and which it is of the greatest advantage to possess or control. This is mana... It is a power
or influence, not physical, and in a way supernatural; but it shows itself in physical force, or in any kind
of power or excellence which a man possesses (pp. 118-120).
Further, mana is
not fixed in anything, and can be conveyed in almost anything. It works to affect everything which is
beyond the ordinary power of men, outside the common processes of nature, it is present in the
atmosphere of life, attaches itself to persons and to things, and is manifested by results which can only be
ascribed to its operation (Codrington, 1891, p. 119).
Codrington (1891) also describes mana as
that invisible power which is believed by the natives to cause all such effects as transcend the regular
course of nature, and to reside in spiritual beings, whether in the spiritual part of living men or in the
ghosts of the dead, being imparted by them to their names and to various things that belong to them (p.
191).
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 5
Animism
Abstract. The idea behind animism takes mana one step further and proposes that all of nature is animated, that
is, imbued with consciousness, or with life, that all phenomena of nature, including rocks, caves, mountains rain,
thunder, lightning, stars, etc., are imbued with a life essence or soul. Animism is a kind of environmental
philosophy-that not only are people to be respected, but all of creation must be respected. A good deal of the
ceremonies as well as practical guidance in primitive cultures pertain to communication with the spirits of
animals, of plants, and of objects of nature. Many modern day superstitions are animistic in orientation (e.g., if a
black cat crosses your path, this means bad luck). Soothsayers, medicine men, and fortune-tellers use animistic
means to forecast the future (e.g., interpreting signs from the clouds or the cries of animals). Animism accounts
for the reverence accorded animals in many cultures (e.g., tuna reverence, bear reverence, totemic protection of
certain animal species). People of all cultures will talk to their plants to influence their growth. Indigenous
populations have great attachment and reverence to their land, which they believe have sacred properties and
healing energies. Even idols and figureheads on ships are thought to possess protective and communicative
powers (e.g., touching or kissing the statute will impart a certain blessing). Sacred ceremonial objects, such as the
shaman’s drum, are thought to be potent vehicles for connecting between the human and spirit worlds. Children
of all cultures are particularly prone towards animistic beliefs and practices (e.g., endowing personality to dolls,
attributing consciousness to other inanimate objects). The idea of artificial intelligence borrows animistic ideas.
INTRODUCTION
Primitive cultures all over the world have one main thing in common: They believe that there is a mutual
involvement of God and nature. “Sky and god, rain and deity are somehow together, aspects of the same thing”
(Redfield, 1953, p. 102).
The idea behind animism is that a “vital force” or mana permeates all nature, a topic we discussed in chapter 4.
Animism is associated with mana but goes one step further. It holds that everything is animated, that is, imbued with
consciousness, or with life. The concept of mana, standing alone, simply pertains to the idea that everything emits
energy.
Animism takes the view that all things are conscious-living beings in their own right-whether human, animal, plant
or mineral-they are all qualitatively equivalent. All phenomena of nature, including rocks, caves, mountains rain,
thunder, lightning, stars, etc. are imbued with a life essence or soul. The word “animism” is used because of the idea
that all reality is animate, or alive.
In animistic cultures human traits are attributed to all types of phenomena. These traits include self-consciousness,
language, imagination, thinking, symbolic thought, feelings, and other features that in the West we think are unique
to human beings.
Animism is a kind of environmental philosophy-that not only are people to be respected, but all of creation must be
respected because all things are connected or engaged with one another, and there is a shared content, or
commonality, of experience among all things.
Animism holds that people are informed or communicated to by animals, plants, objects and places by spirits that
are capable of separate existence. This is referred to as hyperphysical animism (Read, 1915, p. 7). A good deal of the
ceremonies in primitive cultures pertain to communication with the spirits of animals, of plants, and of objects of
nature. According to Telban (1991):
Almost any unusual event may be attributed to spirits, such as the creaking of a house floor, the sound of
unknown voices or unfamiliar noises, the shaking of a canoe, or a glimmer of light in the bush at night. If men
are fishing at night and a torch bulb burns out they will say it is because a spirit looked at the torch (p. 172).
Even comets, lightning and other occurrences are thought to bear messages to the people-some sort of divine
communication or prophesy. In modern society we, too, often regard comets and other unusual occurrences in nature
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 6
Totemism
Abstract. In this chapter we discuss the concept of totemism. Totems are animals, plants or natural phenomena (a
mountain, stream, volcano, etc.) which which a group will identify. Tribes often believe they are literally
descended from their totems. The totem might be regarded as a guardian, helpmate, or a source of strength to the
people. Often a people’s mythology will attribute special qualities to totemic animals-e.g., that they possessed
remarkable powers which transformed chaos of the universe into order. Some totems reflect the economic and
social importance of the objects concerned-e.g., the sea might be the totem. Totems are objects of reverence and
fear-the totem is subject to rituals and taboos, violation of which has dire and immediate consequences. Usually
the totemic species cannot be killed or eaten, except for communion-type ceremonies. For instance, for many
aborigines in Australia, the kangaroo or iguana is their totem. Totemic beliefs reveal a peoples’ philosophy of
life, their morals, their spirituality. In modern cultures totems are seen in flags and mascots. Modern society
embraces totemism in many ways-e.g., national flags, mascots for sports teams, and the tendency of people to
think of their homeland in endearing, reverential terms.
TOTEMS AND ANIMISTIC CULTURES
Totems are prevalent in animistic cultures, and are a particular expression of the people’s kinship with the
environment. A totem is usually an important animal, plant, natural phenomenon (such as lightning or fire), a natural
resource (such as a lake or a mountain) or even some artifact (such as a canoe) that people in a given culture believe
has a special effect on the people’s economic dependency and spiritual wellbeing.
For instance, for many aborigines in Australia, the kangaroo or iguana is their totem. For others, the digging stick,
the spear, or fire constitutes their totem. For others, antithetical forces of nature, such as lightning, evil spirits, or
even mosquitoes constitute totems.
Totemism provides a means of preserving continuity with the past and providing confidence for the future.
Understanding the totem of a culture is important because it is thoroughly intertwined with the people’s lives. A
totemic institution reveals the people’s philosophy of life, their nature and morals, and what spiritually controls their
outlook and action.
The totem might be regarded as a guardian, helpmate, or a source of strength to the people. It could be a cultural
hero of the people, or might be associated with a definite area of tribal territory (such as a stream that marks the
boundary of the tribe).
A totem could get established when people, united by blood or by a community of traditions, start to identify
themselves with some animal, plant or thing. This develops over time as a culture hands down mythological stories
about its origins. Individuals in the village might come to be identified with certain animals in the neighborhood.
Here is how Jung (1933) illustrates the role totems play in various cultures:
A white man shoots a crocodile. At once a crowd of people come running from the nearest village and
excitedly demand compensation. They explain that the crocodile was a certain old woman in their village
who had died at the moment when the shot was fired. The crocodile was obviously her bush-soul.
Another man shot a leopard that was lying in wait for his cattle. Just then a woman died in a neighbouring
village. She and the leopard were one and the same (p. 162).
Of course, in our culture we might refer to someone as an “ass” or some other animal, but we mean this as metaphor.
But in primitive cultures this is not a figure of speech, but really means that the person is in every respect the animal
in question.
Often a people’s mythology will attribute special qualities to totemic animals-that they possessed remarkable powers
which transformed chaos of the universe into order; or that they performed other superhuman feats. For instance,
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 7
Hunting and Cultivation Rituals
Abstract. Primitive cultures have a striking relationship with animals, and remarkable rituals associated with
hunting. Animals not only provide meat, but also hides and fur, and bones for fashioning into artifacts and
ceremonial objects. Two broad areas of hunting rituals are one pertaining to “bribing” or coaxing animals to
present themselves to the hunters; and the other involves appeasing the spirits of the animals once they have been
slain. When animals are hunted, they are usually treated in a distinctive, reverent manner, partly to propitiate the
ghosts of the animals, so as not to be harmed by them. Many cultures also show great respect to plants grown for
food: In Papua New Guinea, for example, yams, a major food staple, are carefully attended to, and people talk to
a yam as if it were human. The practice of reciting magical spells on traps, in order to attract game, is practiced in
many cultures. In numerous cultures, ceremonies take place in preparation for the whaling season, including
ceremonial launching of the boats, singing of whaling songs, donning of new clothes, and performing a ritual of
“spearing” the woman whom they designated to represent a whale. Bears seem to be more venerated than any
other hunted animal in the world. Elaborate ceremonies surround bear hunting. Bears have high intelligence, they
walk in a human-like manner, they sit down against a tree with their paws, like arms, at their sides and perhaps
one leg drawn up under their body. They exhibit a wide range of emotions that are very humanlike. The Nivkh
people celebrate the Bear Festival, which involves a ritual sacrifice of a bear to was to commemorate deceased
ancestors, or on special occasions. In the disposal of the bear’s remains, there is great respect accorded the bones,
which are ceremoniously and carefully buried intact in proper position. The Motu in Papua New Guinea treat tuna
with great reverence, and have elaborate preparations for the fishing season, including fasting, ritual bathing,
singing, and dancing. They bless the fish before killing them. If a tuna is accidentally knocked against the side of
the canoe, the fisherman must go down on his knees and kiss the fish; otherwise no more will enter the nets that
day. Cattle and other livestock are treated with reverence in India, Northeast Africa, and other regions. Native
Americans in the North Pacific have revitalized the First Salmon Ceremony, an aboriginal “first fruits” ritual,
involving elaborate preparation and ceremonies to welcome the salmon. Protocols carefully prescribe the manner
of fishing, cooking, eating, and disposal of fish bones. Reindeer breeders in Siberia practice a communal reindeer
sacrifice in order to insure food, happiness, health and prosperity.
INTRODUCTION
In primitive cultures, as we have seen, there is an intricate relationship between the human and natural worlds, and
this is most strikingly seen in how they relate to animals in their environment. For untold millions of people, wild
animals are the chief or sole source of protein in their diets, so that hunting and fishing are fundamental activities in
their lives. The people hunt animals and eat them. Animals not only provide meat, but also hides and fur, and bones
for fashioning into artifacts and ceremonial objects.
Many cultures also raise domesticated animals such as cattle or pigs, which are prized as food items, or traded or
gifted. Ownership of livestock in pastoral cultures is a matter of prestige, and livestock usually make up a good part
of payments to the bride’s family. If livestock are raised, the animals relate to the material and productive basis of
the people.
Along with this economic dependency and exploitation there is an animistic relationship-a reverence for the animals,
a belief that human and animal life are intricately connected, and a need to maintain balance in nature. This takes
into account the idea that “human beings are an integral part of a greater system, and that the health of this system
requires sustainable and mutually nurturing relationships, not only among its parts, but also between the parts and
the whole” (Krippner, 2002, p. 973).
Many of us in modern cultures are not used to seeing wild animals at all, although we have an abundance of dogs
and cats in our homes, and we experience a special bond with our domesticated animals. Domestic pets are quite
common in primitive cultures too. In addition to dogs and cats, a wide array of exotic animals are sometimes kept as
pets. Fuentes (2006) claims that Guaja foragers of the Amazon have an intense attachment to primates and include
them in their social fabric. Orphaned monkeys, for instance, are “adopted” by the people, and women will bathe,
breastfeed and carry them about. Little girls will be allowed to join as primary caretakers of these infant monkeys. In
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 8
Shamanism: The “Wounded Healer”
Abstract. Shamanism is a widespread healing discipline, grounded in animism. Healing, divination, rain-making
and settling disputes are among the shaman’s duties. Many people rely on shamans for primary health care and
spiritual guidance. The mind, body and spirit are treated as a unit by shamans. The shaman will seek to determine
the supernatural cause of an illness. This can be anything from the violation of a taboo or some other
transgression against the supernatural world, possession by an evil spirit, sorcery practiced by an enemy, or the
actions of an offended ancestral ghost.
INTRODUCTION
Shamanic calling is usually hereditary or by initiatory dreams; there may also be illness, suffering and temporary
derangement during which souls of dead shamans are said to come and teach the candidates. Shamans may derive
their powers from animal spirit helpers, and sometimes in rituals the shaman will employ shapeshifting and change
into an animal. Often healing sessions involve a “shamanic performance” in which the shaman will act in dramatic
ways, e.g., sucking “evil darts” or other foreign objects out of the patient’s body. Shamans are often revered, but
some regard them as charlatans, or even psychopathic individuals who trick their clients with sleight-of-hand and
other gimmicks. Shamans are said to go into an altered state of consciousness at will (“soul flight”) during rituals,
usually to communicate with spirits and learn the cause of the patient’s ailment, to obtain visions, or to fight hostile
spirits and recover the patient’s soul in order to effect a cure. Music, including singing, dancing and drumming, is
important, for music “activates” clothing, ornaments, amulets, drums, staff and other ritual equipment, and music
mediates the inner and outer worlds of the shaman. The percussive sounds of the shaman’s drum, bells and rattles
are said to provide a “sound bridge” for the transmission of information from spirits. In addition to drums, shamans
may use hallucinogenic mushrooms to help push them into trance states. The shaman’s supernatural powers can be
dangerous: They have power to harm just as they have power to help, and some shamans practice sorcery against
enemies.
A significant portion of the world’s population relies on shamans for primary health care, rather than doctors. This is
not only because in certain regions modern medical personnel are scarce, but has to do with long-standing beliefs the
people have in the efficacy of shamanic healing, the topic of this chapter. The shaman is a privileged individual to
whom people turn mainly for illness, but also for spiritual advice or communication with spirits. Shamans are first
and foremost healers in their community, but they are also spiritual leaders, guides of the souls, reciters of songs,
sacrificers, and dramatic actors. Shamans today often occupy a central role in upholding indigenous traditions,
ethnic identity and cultural survival.
Shamans are found all over the world in both modern and primitive cultures. The Foundation for Shamanic Studies,
which is a kind of college for training shamans, has a program for psychotherapists, physicians and psychiatrists in
which techniques are taught for treating clinically defined psychosis and other syndromes that involve extreme
behaviors (Foundation for Shamanic Studies, 2006). In urban communities where seminars on various New Age
topics flourish, one easily can sign up for shamanic training, although purists will claim that many of these
purported shamans are charlatans.
In modern times perhaps the most well-known book about shamanism is by the Romanian anthropologist, Mircea
Eliade (1972) entitled Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy.
The shaman is probably the oldest profession in the history of humanity. Shamanism seems to have its earliest
appearance in Paleolithic hunting and gathering groups that migrated from Asia to the Americas 10,000 to 50,000
years ago (Winkelman, 1990, p. 320). Krippner (2002) claimed:
Shamans appear to have been humankind’s first psychotherapists, first physicians, first magicians, first
performing artists, first storytellers, and even the first timekeepers and weather forecasters (p. 970).
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 9
Envy and the Evil Eye
Abstract. The evil eye is a widespread belief in the world, and is thought to be associated with a human
propensity towards envy. The objects of envy in primitive cultures are mainly crops, food, livestock, children, and
good health. In evil eye cultures people tend to keep a watchful eye on one another. The evil eye takes into
account the ability of an onlooker to project psychic energy through the eyes. The evil eye causes the victim to be
helpless-dominated, gripped by an overpowering occult power. Often infliction of the evil eye is unintentional
and unconscious; it occurs during a moment of coveting something belonging to another. Evil eye cultures are
those in which people regard goods to be limited, so that if one person possesses more than others, it is thought to
have been obtained at everyone else’s expense. People in these cultures are wary of compliments, as these can be
disguised expressions of envy, and hence occasions for infliction of the evil eye. In many cultures where there is
scarcity of food, people will conceal food or try and conceal a prosperous harvest from the gaze of others so as to
avoid the problem of envy. Envy is widespread in modern society, but is almost a taboo topic, and one will rarely
admit to it. Throughout the world people use talismans, charms, religious symbols and other devices to ward off
the evil eye-wearing them, putting them on doorposts, on automobile rearview mirrors. In some cultures there is a
high incidence of paranoia-with people fearing that others might poison them, for instance, or that malice is the
source of every ailment or misfortune; in Western cultures paranoia takes expression in conspiracy theories and
the belief that semi-secret groups control the economy of the world.
INTRODUCTION
Can you feel it if someone stares at you? Do you get uncomfortable at unpleasant looks people might send your
way? Do you feel more secure wearing sun glasses when out in public so as to deflect the glances of others? Perhaps
you are sensitive to the evil eye-a strongly held belief in a great many cultures of the world. As we will see, the evil
eye is thought to be associated with a human propensity towards envy. Envy, abundantly present in all cultures, is
universally thought to be an unseemly and hostile emotion. Foster et al. (1972) claim that it is “a particularly
dangerous and destructive emotion, since it implies hostility, which leads to aggression and violence capable of
destroying societies” (p. 165). The authors go on to say that man
fears the consequences of his own envy, and he fears the consequences of the envy of others. As a result, in
every society people use symbolic and nonsymbolic cultural forms whose function is to neutralize, or reduce,
or otherwise control the dangers they see stemming from envy, and especially their fear of envy (p. 165).
The objects of envy in primitive cultures are mainly crops, food, livestock, children, and good health. In our culture
the objects of envy are more complex: wealth, power, fame, good looks, fine homes, clothing, cars, and travel.
In primitive cultures, fear of the evil eye and of witchcraft in general have a certain social utility by promoting
harmony. The successful person fears the evil eye, or worse, an act of witchcraft, because envious others will hold
grudges. To avert ostracism or misfortune, people will distribute part of their goods to others, or avoid the
accumulation of goods altogether. Those who value their membership in the group follow its norms and capitulate to
this leveling mechanism.
In evil eye cultures people tend to keep a watchful eye on one another. News spreads rapidly. Secrets are impossible
to keep. People have a well-developed attunement to the feelings and demeanor of other people. There tends to be a
good deal of gossip in order to tear down others who gain. Of course, gossiping and backbiting are not the exclusive
domain of these cultures. We see a significant dose of this in American society where, for example, popular culture
fuels an unsatiable appetite for sensational news about the wrongdoings of rich and famous people. And for many
people, gossip is the chief content of conversation with friends and co-workers alike.
Evil eye cultures are imbued with animism. The people believe that the environment harbors unknowable and
dangerous spirits, beings and guardians of natural phenomena that constantly threaten people. These dark forces of
nature make for a hostile world, in which people live an anxious life enfolded with a tenuous security.
John Alan Cohan

PART III: CONSCIOUSNESS AND MAGICAL POWERS

CHAPTER 10
Altered States of Consciousness
Abstract. Altered states of consciousness are sought after for religious and spiritual purposes in cultures
throughout the world. An altered state of consciousness is a kind of disassociation from ordinary consciousness,
and can take on many different forms. Attaining altered states of consciousness is a hallmark of rites in primitive
cultures, as well as urban charismatic churches. Altered states of consciousness can be induced in many different
ways, from drugs to shamanic drumming to fasting, to dancing in discos with strobe lights. Substances used by
various cultures to induce altered states of consciousness are: ayahuasca, tobacco, peyote, kava, alcohol, mead,
qat, psychedelic drugs. There is extensive literature on the ceremonial use of peyote among Indians in the United
States and Mexico, where its use extends back about 2000 years. Kava, a mild narcotic that has been a stimulant-
relaxant-social drink throughout Oceania for at least a thousand years. Alcohol is a culturally accepted intoxicant
used worldwide. The amphetamine-like drug, qat, is commonly chewed in Yemen on social occasions.
Psychedelic states, induced by LSD and other drugs, have well known effects in terms of alteration of
consciousness.
INTRODUCTION
As we saw in chapter 8, shamans often enter altered states of consciousness in healing rituals as a means towards
accessing the spirit world. Shamans may or may not use mind-altering substances to induce a trance, depending on
local cultural practices. As we will see in the next chapter, trance and possession states-which are a type of altered
state of consciousness-are not the exclusive province of shamans, but extend into many other areas, including
religious ceremonies, mediumship in which other entities are channeled, and is a component found in many types of
community ceremonies, festivals and dances all over the world.
Here our focus is the general concept of altered states of consciousness. Just what constitutes an altered state of
consciousness? An altered state of consciousness is a kind of disassociation from ordinary consciousness. It can take
on many different forms. Sleep, for example, is an altered state of consciousness. Being in love often carries with it
a heightened sense of unity and connectedness to the world that is a kind of altered state of consciousness. Attaining
altered states of consciousness is a hallmark of rites in primitive cultures, but also finds its expression in a variety of
situations in modern cultures. To some, it finds its expression in religious practices, such as in Pentecostal or other
charismatic churches. To science, altered states of consciousness are partly chemical and partly an energetic
processes. To the shaman, attaining an altered state is usually part and parcel of the healing ritual.
Endorphins are a natural opiate of the brain that produces euphoria. Euphoria overcomes psychological chaos, fear,
or panic. Stress in battle or any kind of overexertion stimulates endorphin production. Exertion to a person’s limits
can lead to an altered state of consciousness. We see this with high performance athletes who get into a trance that
resembles what we see in tribal cultures. White and Murphy (1998) argue that attaining a “flow” in athletic
performance is a peak experience state of well-being, a letting go, a sense of freedom, composure, calm-in the midst
of competition. One has a sensation of floating and flying, of weightlessness, ecstasy and power, total control over
oneself. There is a feeling of being totally present in the now, a sense of great awe toward the mystery of life, a
feeling of union with everything; time seems to pass more slowly. There can be an effortlessness in the matter at
hand. One attains extraordinary feats of strength, speed and balance. One even gets a perception of inner body
structures on the cellular level. White and Murphy also found that athletes in this state even get the sense of
expanding their bodies, or being able to manipulate other players psychokinetically or by suggestion (either to
empower or disable them), or breaking the spell of a hostile crowd (a curse).
Altered states of consciousness can be induced in many different ways. Shamans often use drumming to induce an
altered state. People in India engage in chanting, which induces an altered state. Welsh hymn-singing induces trance
with the strength of its rhythmic sound. Music is something we feel with our bodies as well as our ears. Perhaps
modern dancing in discos is a similar inducement, enhanced with strobe lights.
Fasting, self-mutilization, and self-torture, practices we noted among the Indian tribes in our discussion of
Dionysean cultures, are known to induce an altered state of consciousness. One might surmise that in sado-
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 11
Trance and Possession States
Abstract. Trance and possession states are a worldwide phenomena, usually voluntarily induced. Practically
everyone has at one time or another fallen into a trance or possession state, either spontaneously or induced by
drugs or by circumstances such as extreme stress, physical exertion or deprivation. In the West, trance and
possession phenomena are for the most part associated with bad things-demonic possession, madness, insanity.
But in many cultures trance and possession states are customary in religious ceremonies, rites to cure illness,
rituals to attain communion with ancestral spirits, totemic guardians, and a means of practicing mediumship and
prophesy-and are even regarded as a social responsibility. For instance, after a successful pig hunt, hunters in
Papua New Guinea will seek to enter a trance to fulfill a social responsibility of giving what the spirits ask as a
reward for providing a successful hunt. In many cultures, mediums and other channelers are thought to have a
heightened perception of spiritual truths. There is a continuum of sorts, a trance being a slight alteration of
consciousness, whereas possession is a “deep trance” in which the individual seems to be somewhat taken over
by a supernatural agency. Some possession states are hysterical in nature in that the individual might lose control
over equilibrium, and may tend to strike out threateningly towards others, engage in self-inflicted violence, or
become blind, deaf, and entirely unresponsive during the episode. In many cultures trance and possession states
are normal and empowering features of everyday human life, while psychiatrists in the West often regard such
states, for the most part, as a mental disorder. In any event, all cultures regard an involuntary, uninvited trance or
possession state to be undesirable and dysfunctional. Trance dances are known in many cultures and function to
release emotional tension, to escape everyday worries, to provide a catharsis for primal instincts and patterns, or
to provide a profound religious and spiritual experience. In many parts of the world it is normative for women to
occasionally fall into a trance or possession state as a kind of protest or a way of seeking redress for their feelings
of powerlessness and low status. Trance and possession states are quite common and widespread in charismatic
Christian healing services. Extreme involuntary possession-demonic possession-is indicated by violent,
aggressive behavior, a distinct experience of being controlled by an alien force, a change of voice, convulsions,
intermittent states of unconsciousness, superhuman strength, and obscene behavior. Its emergence is usually
gradually, and many believe is prompted by either witchcraft or by the victim’s conscious or unconscious inviting
of evil spirits. In chronic cases rituals in the form of exorcism will be performed by a priest, shaman, or medicine-
man.
INTRODUCTION
Trance and possession states are altered states of consciousness. Practically everyone has at one time or another
fallen into a trance or possession state, either spontaneously or induced by drugs or by circumstances such as
extreme stress, physical exertion or deprivation. Hughes (1991) estimates that there are institutionalized forms of
altered states of consciousness in fully 90 percent of cultures. In our Western culture trance and possession
phenomena are for the most part associated with bad things-demonic possession, madness, insanity. But a
comparative perspective offers a very different picture of these states. In many parts of the world, trance and
possession states are customary in religions ceremonies, rites to cure illness, rituals to attain communion with
ancestral spirits, totemic guardians, and a means of practicing mediumship and prophesy. Shamans and people who
have the power of mediumship or the gift of prophesy are able to will themselves into trance or possession states in
service of the community, and these people occupy an honored status in their cultures.
According to Wedenoja (1990), the potential for trance-which is a milder state than possession-appears to be
genetically hardwired in the human species (p. 284). In principle, anyone has the capacity to enter into a trance-
through hypnosis, auto-suggestion, meditation or, for vulnerable individuals this could happen spontaneously when
undergoing stressful experiences or childhood trauma. One can fall into a trance state while driving, being unaware
what you are doing, being on “automatic pilot.” When you reach your destination you have a kind of amnesia of
what happened.
PREVALENCE IN PRIMITIVE CULTURES
In many cultures, trance and possession states are viewed as a social responsibility. People will consciously seek out
and induce these states, or they might desire them subconsciously. Trance and possession states are revered because
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 12
Magic, Sorcery and Witchcraft
Abstract. Magic, sorcery and witchcraft-terms often used interchangeably-fulfill many emotional and practical
needs in many cultures. Chiefly, magical thinking is a way of coping with uncertainty-to help abate anxiety by
seeking the aid of supernatural forces to help solve problems. Magical ceremonies-for healing, to alter the
weather, to produce good crops or a successful hunt, to punish wrongdoers, and so on-are part and parcel of the
work of shamans, medicine-men and other healing practitioners. When illness strikes, shamans or other healers
will invariably determine, before anything else, whether the patient has been subjected to witchcraft. Magical
techniques are omnipresent in conventional religions of the world-gifts, offerings, or sacrifices, lighting candles,
kissing icons. Magic is rightly feared because it can be used for antisocial or disruptive purposes-to cause illness,
death, accidents or misfortune in others. Often the mere threat of sorcery or making known that sorcery has been
practiced makes it surprisingly easy to settle a quarrel. A magical spell is said to work through the law of
contagion-involving some “essence” or bodily residue of the victim, such as nail clippings, hair, food leavings, an
article of clothing, etc. The spell works through the particular medium utilized so as to affect the victim. In many
cultures people take great care not to leave nail clippings, hair or food leftovers where any enemy might utilize
them for sorcery. It is commonly thought that the victim of witchcraft may well “deserve” the hex as just desserts
for some transgression, such as refusal to pay a legitimate debt, unprovoked aggression, or a breach of charity or
neighborliness. Accusations of witchcraft in cases of death or illness, may lead to a feud between the victim and
the sorcerer, resulting in countermeasures or blood revenge. During the witchcraft trials of Europe, England and
the American colonies, people believed that witches were in liege with the Devil, who in turn granted them
powers to harm others. In many cultures, vampires and zombies are thought to be real entities. The belief in
witchcraft is widespread in modern cultures-people will seek potions, candles and spells to help produce financial
success, jobs or other good luck, or one can hire a witch or sorcerer for various intentions such as to attract love,
to mend family problems, to cure addictions, to offer help in business, etc. Occult supply stores are found in every
urban center selling magical robes, potions, herbs, books, incense, and talismans. In the Southern United States a
“hexing culture” is widely prevalent.
THE NEED FOR MAGIC: THE UTILITY OF MAGIC IN ABATING ANXIETY
Magical thinking is quite widespread not only in primitive cultures, including many that have adopted Christianity,
but also in the industrialized world. Magical thinking is a way of coping with uncertainty. In life, chance and
circumstance play a prominent role, we often seem to have little control over events, our destiny, or the
environment. Anxiety occurs when we have a desire or goal and don’t quite know how to insure its fulfillment or
avert failure. In an uncertain world, when we are engaged in risky activities, when we face a difficult trial or extreme
uncertainty, we want to take whatever action is appropriate under the circumstances, but we often think that is not
enough-so we will seek the aid of supernatural forces that we believe, whether correctly or superstitiously, can help
us along. Thomas (1971) argues:
[Magic] lessens anxiety, relieves pent-up frustration, and makes the practitioner feel that he is doing
something positive towards the solution of his problem. By its agency he is converted from a helpless
bystander into an active agent (p. 775).
To shamans, tribal leaders, medicine-men, healers and “big-men” of many different cultures, there is a body of
knowledge, comparable to modern scientific knowledge, that people utilize to control circumstances-whether to
change the course of bad weather, to cure an illness or insure a safe and successful hunting expedition. When the
people believe that a magical ritual will produce a practical result, this relieves their anxiety. A magical ceremony
that everyone believes has efficacy insures good luck and bolsters confidence. While magical techniques have been
around for thousands of years, and continue to flourish in many cultures-no one can really prove whether the
techniques have sound metaphysical basis or whether they are effective as a kind of group autosuggestion.
People of all religions pray and make offerings to their gods for good luck, good health, and for other hopes, but
often there is some “doubt” as to whether the gods will come to their aid. Coupled with a pervasive sense of being
unable to control certain events in life on our own, resort to other means such as magic can become an attraction.
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 13
Death by Suggestion: Voodoo Death, Taboo Death, and Pointing the Bone
Abstract. A phenomenon seen in primitive cultures is the occurrence of death by suggestion, in which strong
cultural beliefs-in the violation of a taboo, for instance-cause people to believe that they will suffer imminent
death or serious illness. The efficacy of these beliefs might best be explained by the phenomenon of auto-
suggestion whereby the subject has become convinced that death is inevitable, and for all intents and purposes
gives up hope. A similar phenomenon has been reported in combat zones whereby soldiers may die of a
combination of anguish, confusion and severe mental and physical shock. In communities that experienced the
black plague in previous centuries many people died simply of fear of contracting an otherwise innocuous illness.
Cancer patients informed of their condition are known to die, as if hexed, before the malignancy develops to the
point where it could cause death. Voodoo is both a folk medical system and a means of casting spells. “Taboo
death” is a phenomenon whereby people will die as a consequence of violating some taboo: People of many
cultures believe that taboo violation carries automatic repercussions, even if inadvertent or accidental. The
individual may well undergo a sense of panic, hopelessness and stress resulting in death in a few hours upon
learning he has violated the taboo (e.g., eating a tabooed food, accidentally eating out of the chief’s bowl).
Another form of death by suggestion is “pointing the bone,” whereby someone with evil designs literally points a
bone at a targeted victim. Pointing the bone is thought to be so potent that the victim will be literally scared to
death, gripped by paralyzing fear, and may start to get extremely weak and die.
INTRODUCTION
Witchcraft in various forms, coupled with powerful beliefs on the victim’s part, can cause a sense of entrapment,
helplessness and hopelessness, resulting in death.
At least, that is what seems to be the case in communities where the belief in witchcraft is normative. To many in
the modern world the belief in witchcraft is a ridiculous superstition. Even in Europe, where the fear of witchcraft
became a mania that obsessed the population for centuries-initially with persecutions by the Church and later by the
secular authorities-eventually witchcraft trials fell into disfavor, witchcraft laws were repealed and accusations of
witchcraft were no longer given credence.
Still, certain beliefs, however ridiculous they may seem to the modern mind, can have a searing grip on people. The
efficacy of these beliefs might best be explained by the phenomenon of auto-suggestion. If you believe strongly
enough that something is harmful, your mind may be so taken with the belief that you might become, literally
speaking, frightened to death.
Cannon (1942) reported this account given by A. G. Leonard of individuals in the Lower Niger region who had been
bewitched:
I have seen more than one hardened old Hausea soldier dying steadily and by inches because he believed
himself to be bewitched; no nourishment or medicines that were given to him had the slightest effect
either to check the mischief or to improve his condition in any way, and nothing was able to divert him
from a fate which he considered inevitable. In the same way, and under very similar conditions, I have
seen Kru-men and others die in spite of every effort that was made to save them, simply because they had
made up their minds, not (as we thought at the time) to die, but that being in the clutch of malignant
demons they were bound to die (p. 169).
The accounts we will examine seem to be cases of “death by suggestion,” a situation in which the subject has
become convinced that death is inevitable, and for all intents and purposes gives up hope. This phenomenon has
been well documented in modern cultures. It is well known that fear and anxiety can have severe adverse effects on
surgical patients. A psychiatrist in the Spanish Civil War used the term, “malignant anxiety” (Gomez, 1982, p. 76) to
describe soldiers who died of a combination of anguish, confusion and severe mental and physical shock. The
outpouring of adrenalin with accompanying rapid pulse-the heart beating faster and faster-can push one into cardiac
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 14
The Placebo Effect
Abstract. The phenomenon of death by suggestion, so often seen in primitive cultures, is linked to the modern
notion of the placebo effect. The role of suggestion in treatment-whether it is folk healing, shamanism, or other
practices-cannot be underestimated. In the placebo effect, almost any treatment will work, though medically inert,
so long as the patient is convinced that it has efficacy. The idea that a placebo pill will cure patients of illness is
so well established a phenomenon that in clinical trials control groups receive a placebo to compare their outcome
with those receiving the trial drug. The success rate of the placebo is in some cases as good as that of the genuine
drug. Shamans, witch-doctors and folk healers often rely on the patient’s strong belief that the cure will be
effective. The placebo effect may be an explanation for the apparently miraculous healings that sometimes occur
through prayer or other religious practices.
INTRODUCTION
The role of suggestion in healing has been well documented in what modern medicine calls the “placebo effect.”
The placebo effect is a phenomenon known to make almost any treatment appear to work, so long as the patient
hopes and believes it will. Treatments that science says do not work are still able-even likely-to work for patients-
due to the placebo effect, which is essentially the belief in the efficacy of a cure. “The pill in which both patient and
doctor have faith may achieve remarkable results, however trivial its pharmacological content.... Indeed, the success
rate of the placebo is in some cases demonstrably as great as that of the genuine drug” (Thomas, 1971, p. 248).
We also have a phenomenon known as the reverse placebo effect (also called the nocebo effect), in which someone
who is cursed dies soon afterwards, as we saw in the previous chapter.
There are modern accounts of this in urban centers, primarily in the South, which is sometimes known as a “hexing
culture.” One documented case researched by Meador (1992) claims that a local man who had been hexed by a
voodoo priest and started to waste away, near death in the hospital. When his physician learned that the man had
been hexed, he concocted a “ceremony” in which he informed the patient that he, the doctor, had confronted the
voodoo priest, learned that the priest made the patient breathe in some lizard eggs that climbed down into his
stomach and hatched out some small lizards, and that he would extract them. The doctor gave the patient a powerful
emetic that caused him to vomit, then, with a lizard hidden in his hand, he slid the lizard into the basin into which
the patient had vomited, and called out in a loud voice: “Look what has come out of you! You are now cured. The
voodoo curse if lifted.” Meador reports that the patient quickly recovered.
Another documented case told of a patient who died believing he had widespread cancer, but an autopsy showed
only a 2 centimeter nodule of cancer, but that had caused no medical problems. The patient had believed,
incorrectly, that he had widespread cancer, a belief shared by his wife, family and his surgeons, but in fact he was
entirely free of anything organic that could have induced him to die. It is theorized that the physician, a figure or
authority and power, had persuaded the patient that he was soon going to die soon. Meador (1992), who was the
doctor who investigated this case, said:
If indeed we can cause something as drastic as death by what we say or how we act, then what lesser patterns of
behavior do we induce in our patients. How effectively do we persuade patients to get well or get sick? Is this
phenomenon operating whenever we talk to our patients? Is the ubiquitous placebo effect not just a strange trait of
the patient, but inducible by how the physician speaks and act? (p. 247)
This leads to the idea that suggestibility plays an important role in some deaths-based on the individual’s belief in
the authority and power of human persuasion.
Surgeons are often wary of operating on patients who believe they will die-because they often do. Under the nocebo
effect-nocebo meaning “I will harm”-dummy pills and negative expectations can produce harmful effects. It has also
been established that about 60 percent of patients who undergo chemotherapy start feeling sick before their
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 15
Dealing with Conflicts, Aggressive Impulses, Enemies and War
Abstract. This chapter discusses the importance of aggression, in its various modes, not only as a means of
resolving conflicts, but as something important for group cohesion. Humans beings are universally capable of
aggressive behavior. A common theme is that if a harm has been done, the injured party or group feel they must
seek vengeance-by ceremonial fighting, revenge by sorcery, open discussion and argument, apology and
forgiveness, settlement of disputes at ceremonial feasts, by the payment of compensation, or other means. Many
groups believe that it is important to sustain traditional enmities with other groups, to promote solidarity within
the clan. A mild form of conflict is known as petty wrangling, perhaps consisting of teasing or arguing over
various privileges or prerogatives. In some cultures people will openly engage in violent displays of emotion-e.g.,
fights between spouses out in the open-with the expectation that others will intervene and prevent the situation
from escalating. Adultery is a common source of conflict-and is remedied by monetary compensation in some
cases and death of the offending party. An ancient and widespread way of settling conflicts is wergild, or blood
money, presently operative in many regions. Retaliation for acts of sorcery is quite common: For example, the
victim will engage in countermeasures to cast a spell on the suspected sorcerer. A pervasive phenomenon is the
idea of collective responsibility: This entails that people are collectively responsible for the acts of others in their
clan-for the individual only functions as a member of the group, there is tremendous strength of bond, and group
consciousness is more important than individual consciousness. A man’s improper sexual advances against a girl
from another tribe, for instance, may embroil whole villages until vengeance is exacted. Collective responsibility
even entails the idea that revenge can be exacted against anyone in the wrongdoer’s tribe. Collective
responsibility is the philosophy of modern day terrorists: the indiscriminate targeting of civilians of the enemy is
justified because they are collectively responsible for the policies of their government. In many cultures the
expression of anger or conflict, particularly by women, is highly improper, and emotional outbursts must be kept
in check. In many of these cultures there are periodic “rituals of rebellion,” in which people will express their
pent up anger at rulers and chiefs, or women at the men, singing and dancing lewdly. Rather than being socially
disruptive, these rituals are ways of integrating groups and forming social balance. Dueling in the West was a
long-standing mode in which men would resolve insults and minor disputes that impugned their honor. Lynching
in America was also a method by which mobs would enforce a code of honor by taking the law into their own
hands. In modern cultures today conflicts often take the form of vehement and unpleasantly sharp verbal attacks
against adversaries-in politics and other contexts.
IMPORTANCE OF CONFLICT FOR INTERNAL COHESION
As we all know, humans beings are universally capable of aggressive behavior. In nature, boldness has obvious
payoffs: Fearless animals explore new territory. They fight their way to the top of the dominance hierarchy, and are
first to get the food-and to win a desirable mate.
People in all societies have hostile impulses toward other human beings. Some people seem to have a greater
propensity towards aggression than others within their culture, while some cultures as a whole seem to have a
greater or less propensity towards aggression than other cultures. Stevens (2003) argues:
... [A]gression is a fundamental and ineradicable characteristic of all social mammals including man:
without aggression survival would be impossible; but survival also demands that aggression be
constrained (p. 263).
Even after laws are agreed upon to govern civil life, the brutish traits that Hobbes mentioned (see discussion, chapter
1) can manifest under pressure. The vicious traits of human beings may be restrained, or lie dormant, but they will
be unfurled in all their fury, sometimes quite easily, particularly in the face of an outrage to one’s honor or imminent
danger to life and limb. Stevens goes on to say:
Readiness to do battle is one of the less appealing characteristics of our species, but it is unfortunately
universal. Although some apparently peace-loving tribes have been described, they are invariably timid
peoples who have been driven into inhospitable enclaves by their more aggressive neighbours where they
have adapted to their circumstances by adopting a strategy of collective submissiveness (p. 269).
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 16
Treatment of the Dead
Abstract. There are diverse cultural and religious values concerning how people show respect for the dead, and
in beliefs about what happens to the soul after death. All cultures apparently believe that the body of the deceased
has a certain status that needs to be respected, as well as grave sites. In many cultures anyone’s death, except
perhaps for the very old, is attributed to sorcery. This may entail a revenge expedition or demand for
compensation. Ancestral worship is both an ancient and modern practice. The belief that the soul continues to live
after one dies extends to the idea that dead ancestors interact with the living in one way or another, that they take
an interest in the lives of loved ones, that they appreciate the prayers of the living. Ancestral shrines are often
built as a place to worship ancestors. Ancestors to whom obligations have not been discharged are liable not only
to withhold their guidance, but can be potentially dangerous by sending illness and disaster. The belief in ghosts
is widespread in primitive and modern cultures alike, and it is not uncommon for people to believe that they are
being harassed by ghosts in their homes. In honoring the dead, all cultures, now as in ancient times, have customs
regarding funeral rites and mourning, each unique in its own way, ranging from rock burial, cremation,
mummification, embalming, or feeding the corpse to carnivorous animals. A famous cremation ritual in Bali
involves a dance with strong emotional outbursts and the outright abuse of the corpses, and it is expected that
people will engage in the overt expression of hostility towards the deceased. Where practiced, mortuary
cannibalism is motivated by the belief was that by consuming another’s flesh, one acquires some characteristic of
the person eaten. In some cultures it is the custom to burn a dead person’s house and personal belongings, burn or
give away crops planted by the deceased, and avoid using the dead person’s name. In numerous cultures there is
great reverence shown for the skull of the deceased. Sometimes, after burial and the lapse of time, skulls are
unearthed in mortuary ceremonies, decorated and then given a secondary burial in caves or other sacred places. In
Madagascar there is a custom to open ancestral tombs for the purpose of rewrapping the corpses with new silk
shrouds every six or seven years.
CUSTOMARY RESPECT FOR DEAD BODIES AND GRAVESITES
There is great differences among cultures in how people show respect for the dead, and in beliefs about what happens
to the soul after death. There diverse cultural and religious values concerning the treatment of human remains, so that
different groups have different approaches to the treatment and disposition of dead bodies. All cultures apparently
believe that the body of the deceased has a certain status that needs to be respected. All cultures appear to treat dead
bodies with reverence-except in extreme cases where the deceased was an extraordinary public enemy.
The grave itself is everywhere regarded as a place of sanctity. Ancestral burial grounds are treated as sacred sites,
protected from desecration and looting. Interfering with a person’s buried remains is thought to be intrinsically bad-
harmful to the spirit of the deceased-just as if it were an assault on the person while alive. Virtually all religions
provide rituals and standards for the care, treatment and disposition of human remains. Proper observance of
funerary rites constitutes one of the most important aspects of of religious doctrines.
Author Robert Pogue Harrison (2003), in his book, The Dominion of the Dead, claims: “Human beings housed their
dead before they housed themselves” (p. 38). Harrison further states that many believe that the dead “perpetuate
their afterlives and promote the interests of the unborn” (p. 40), and protect and guide the living. Many believe that
the dead in effect give shelter to the living. According to Harrison, “It is impossible to overestimate how much
human culture owes, in principle and in origin, to the corpse-not the animal corpse in its sacrificial generosity but
the human corpse in its personification of loss” (p. 92).
The law in many countries strictly prohibits mistreatment of the dead and protects the sanctity of the grave from
unnecessary disturbance. The unauthorized disinterment of the human body has long been considered a crime under
common law. In the United States laws have long criminalized the desecration or interference with grave sites and
cemeteries. Many states recognize “[t]he right to have the body in the condition in which it was left by death,
without mutilation” (Infield v. Cope, 1954, p. 719). It is well established in the law that “[p]hysical mutilation of
remains may be expected to distress next of kin... [and] where they believe that the treatment will affect the afterlife
of the deceased, the impact inevitably is greater” (Kohn v. United States, 1984, p. 573).
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 17
Potlatches
Abstract. The social practice known as potlatches prevails to this day primarily among tribes of the North
American Indians and cultures of Melanesia. Potlatches are part of an economic system that is based on
compulsory gift-giving. Potlatches are given to display wealth of the host, to distribute gifts to mark a milestone-a
funeral, a wedding, initiation, the conferral of a title, the completion of a project, or as a means of addressing
grievances or announcing a vendetta. Potlatches involve feasting, dancing, giving of gifts by the host, and self-
glorifying speeches by the host and his cohorts. There tends to be a conspicuous display of wealth, and this may
involve the destruction of property as a way of validating rank or status. Gifts are such things as cloth, blankets,
pots and pans, clocks, sewing machines, tables, shawls, and consumables such as meat, fat and skins. The gifts
are supposed to be a demonstration of the excess or abundance that the host has available. Potlatches are
analogous to the practice of giving a lavish party is a means of displaying wealth and garnering the admiration
(and envy) that it invariably evokes. Potlatches are regarded by the people as crucial to gain prestige in the
community.
INTRODUCTION
Do you enjoy throwing a lavish party to impress your guests? If you attend a wedding are you mindful of the efforts
that went into making the occasion an impressive one for those in attendance? Have you ever gone into debt in order
to pay the costs of an expensive wedding or other event? If so, you can readily identify with a custom among Native
Americans and the Inuits that carries with it significant prestige, known as the potlatch. The practice of potlatch
arose initially in the Northwest Indian tribes around British Columbia and apparently spread from there. It is an
occasion, sometimes referred to as a “party, usually to mark a milestone or special occasion, and where there is
conspicuous giving by the host to guests.
The word “potlatch” is derived from Chinook trade jargon that was brought north by prospectors in the late 19th
century. A potlatch is any formal distribution of gifts connected to a particular event, such as a funeral, marriage or
to celebrate the completion of a building.
Potlatches are part of an economic system that is based on compulsory gift-giving. During these gatherings, there
will be feasting, dancing and giving away as well as conspicuous destruction of property-a bizarre phenomenon
discussed below. The host invites people from the community who, custom has it, are expected to be appreciative
and purposeful in attending the event. The host and his family acquire significant prestige, distinctions and
privileges from the public good will generated.
The greater the gift, the greater becomes the status of the giver in the community. Potlatching invariably generates
rivalry, as it is the unquestioned custom that each gift carries with it the obligation to reciprocate, mainly among the
big chiefs. Each one tries to outdo in giving what his rival has done.
When giving away of property seems inadequate to outdo one’s rival, the next step is to destroy property or, in past
times, to kill some of one’s slaves, in full view of his guests.
In primitive cultures that do not embrace potlatches, there is a counterpart of sorts in the custom of feasts. Feasts are
given to commemorate someone’s death or a successful recovery from illness, to pay for services rendered in house
building, to pay an ally for his assistance in battle, to celebrate initiation or marriage, to signal the termination of
minor disputes, or to seal the peace after a serious conflict. But feasts are not normally public displays of gift giving
as we see in potlatches. And in the West, the guests at weddings, birthdays, anniversaries, and other special
occasions are the ones who give gifts, not the other way around as in potlatches.
Potlatches are usually given to signal a transition from one stage of life to another, and thus is usually a festive
occasion-birth, marriage, initiation, reconciliation-to mark the transition from childhood to adult, to mark a young
boy’s or girl’s first successful harvest of food, or a girl’s first menses. Potlatches are not always festive occasions:
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 18
Status, Prestige, Recognition-the Need for Social Approval
Abstract. All people have the need for status, prestige and social approval, often expressed and manifested in
diverse ways, such as the potlatches discussed in the preceding chapter. The ways people seek acceptance in
one’s group and acquire esteem, prestige, and power in the community, take different forms-varying from merit
achieved after a successful fishing expedition, to performers of a dance carried out with exceptional skill, to
winning races, matches or sporting contests. The possession of certain goods will confer prestige on the owner,
although the item might be relatively insignificant to outsiders. For example, in parts of Papua New Guinea the
most highly prized item of prestige is a pair of rounded pig’s tusks, which are worn on ceremonial occasions only
by elderly. Prestige may come from the right to certain names, or the right to perform certain rituals. Prestige may
come from various honors, titles, or powers conferred by inheritance, such as the right to use certain songs and
dances, or to use particular kinds of magic. Prestige may come from membership in certain clubs or, in
Melanesia, the local secret men’s society. In Asian cultures social approval is associated with the concept of
“face.” Losing face, by committing a socially disapproved act, is so humiliating that people can be driven to
suicide.
INTRODUCTION
All cultures appear to display a group tendency to recognize that certain people or categories of people are socially
more important than others. Along with this, people in all cultures have a basic desire, if not an inherent need, for
social approval, to achieve prestige or social status-the “need for positive affect.”
Status seeking is something hard-wired in human nature, no matter how much people might strive to come across as
humble and modest or “egoless.” The highly-acclaimed book by Vance Packard, The Status Seekers, which was a
best seller in the 1960s, makes it clear how strong a drive status seeking is for practically everyone in American
society. It is extremely hard to be immune from the influence of the advertising industry, not to mention peer
pressure, to acquire those things that are thought to be status symbols in our particular time and place.
For the most part this drive for status is in our everyday awareness. Plato in his Republic identified a part of the soul
called thymos, or spiritedness. This thymos demands that other people recognize our worth or dignity. Given we are
gregarious animals, we like to be in sight of our fellows and have an innate propensity to wish to be noticed, and
noticed favorably, by others. To remain absolutely unnoticed or to be treated as if we were non-existing things,
results in a kind of rage, despair, alienation.
The ways people seek acceptance in one’s group and, by extension, acquire esteem, prestige, and power in the
community, take different forms as laid down by the particular culture. In some cultures individual merit always is
attained after a successful fishing expedition; in others, performers of a dance carried out in unison with exceptional
skill and grace brings special prestige. And practically everywhere the winners of races, matches or sporting contests
attain significant public approval, not to mention the attentions of eligible young women.
Throughout history, wars are launched by rulers more as a demand for recognition of dominion or sovereignty rather
than for land or money. This seems to be an inherent need in animals as well as humans. Animals often sort
themselves into dominance hierarchies (pecking order), as a struggle for recognition.
In this chapter we will explore different elements of prestige and status across cultures, ranging from goods,
animals, prerogatives and other intangible rights, and titles. We will also explore the social concept of “face,” and
other related issues.
PRESTIGE GOODS AND ANIMALS
The possession of certain things that people in a culture hold to be prestigious confers prestige on the owner,
although the item might be relatively insignificant to outsiders. For instance, according to Groves (1934), in the
John Alan Cohan

PART VI: CULTURAL PHENOMENA AND FOLK MEDICINE

CHAPTER 19
Culture-Bound Syndromes
Abstract. Culture-bound syndromes are patterns of abnormal behavior that occur exclusively within certain
cultural groups. This topic brings into consideration the question, just what constitutes a mental disorder?
Culture-bound syndromes often involve bizarre behavior that in the West might defy categorization. It is
important to take into account an individual’s ethnic and cultural context in evaluating whether a mental disorder
really exists. Deviant behavior in one cultural setting might be acceptable, even praiseworthy, in another. For
example, for Native Americans it is normal to hear voices when alone, whereas this could be diagnosed as
schizophrenia by conventional psychiatrists. A widespread culture-bound syndrome is running amok, also known
as longlong, whereby the individual will become very agitated and run about, stealing things, trampling crops,
chasing people and demanding things to be given to him. In Papua New Guinea longlong is regarded as an
institutionalized means for reduction of tension, a temporary escape from unbearable situations. Another culture-
bound syndrome, lulu, is characterized by a generalized shaking of the body, distorted mental perceptions and
bizarre behavior. Arctic hysteria is similar to running amok, and is found mainly among the Inuits of North
America; it involves screaming, tearing off clothing and running naked into the snow. Bebainan is a type of
anxiety or hysteria characterized by feelings of confusion, dizziness, trembling, blurring of vision, a cold
sensation spreading through the body, a vacant feeling, and a loss of desire or will. Hwa-Byung seems localized
among Koreans and Korean-Americans and is similar in symptoms to bebainan, but may also include physical
symptoms such as there heart palpitations, headaches, chronic indigestion, poor appetite, and vomiting of blood.
Taijin-kyofu-sho, common in Japan where saving face is so important, is a kind of phobia in which people are
fearful of offending others in social situations through awkward behavior, imperfect body features, or imagined
shortcomings. Koro is prevalent in Asia and India and involves intense anxiety, for men, that the penis will recede
into the body and possibly cause death, and for women that the vulva and the nipples will recede. Susto or “soul
loss” is a highly prevalent among Mexicans and Latin Americans, and is a kind of nervous breakdown, perhaps
triggered by a frightening or traumatic event. The soul is said to literally be expelled from one’s body, and one
might immediately start to feel “ill from fright.” A related syndrome is ataques de nervos, accompanied by
weakness dizziness and disorientation. Similarly, saldero involves anxiety, depression, crying, poor
concentration, insomnia, etc. Latah, confined mainly to Malaysia, involves lewd, disorganized outburst in public.
Piot, a syndrome unique to Papua New Guinea, usually affects an entire family and occurs when a guest arrives
or leaves the home; symptoms include headaches and an unusual lassitude. Windigo psychosis, among the
Northern Algonkian Indians, was a compulsion to commit cannibalism, despite norms against it, and despite the
individual’s personal sense of repugnance in the act. Pica and geophagia are found in diverse cultures, and
involves a compulsion to eat unsuitable or unusual things, such as wood, clay, stones, ashes, hair, plaster or
laundry starch.
WHAT ARE CULTURE-BOUND SYNDROMES?
Culture-bound syndromes are patterns of abnormal behavior that occur exclusively among particular societies or
culture areas. Indigenous people consider these to be “illnesses” or “afflictions,” but we only rarely see these behavior
patterns in the West. Similarly, some disorders that are prevalent in the West are all but absent in other cultures. For
instance, anorexia and other eating disorders that have been prevalent in the West are rare or absent in other cultures
(DSM-IV-TR, p. 898). Many anthropologists and psychiatrists agree that “psychiatric illness tends to manifest itself in
forms that reflect the cultural expectations of the society in which it occurs” (Levack, 1995, p. 1621).
Anthropologists have been the chief source of information about culture-bound syndromes. Culture-bound
syndromes are defined as “aberrant forms of behavior often interpreted as mental disorder by Western-trained
observers, but nonetheless seemingly restricted to given cultural situations” (Kenny, 1985, p. 164). Thus, culture-
bound syndromes involve certain bizarre behavior patterns that are localized in certain cultures, and are seldom ever
found outside those cultures. These strange behaviors do not fit conventional, i.e., Western, diagnostic categories.
As Freud and others have observed, mental illness often stems from a person’s refusal to admit, even to himself,
certain bottled up impulses. Many of the culture-bound syndromes seem to have somaticized symptoms, and occur
in cultures where, as we will see, people tend to bottle up their emotions, particularly anger or hostility.
John Alan Cohan

CHAPTER 20
Mass Hysteria, Mass Possession
Abstract. Outbreaks of mass hysteria are not uncommon in primitive and modern cultures alike. A group of
people will exhibit bizarre behavior, including seizures, tremors, running amok, comatose-like trance or
possession states, or other sudden hysterical symptoms with no identifiable medical cause. Western psychiatrists
call this Mass Psychogenic Illness. Mass hysteria usually starts with a single individual, and this quickly spreads
to others, particularly in close settings such as schools, nunneries, or factories, particularly if individuals are
subject to intense anxiety of stress. Sometimes these states are voluntarily elicited in religious or healing
ceremonies, with incessant drumming, excitement and suggestibility as one person after another falls into a trance
or possession state. Sometimes the outbreak will pertain to a collective fear that is entirely false, for example a
collective delusion that there is a poisonous gas in the air-and many people will fall victim to symptoms of toxic
poisoning despite the fact that there is nothing in the air. A mass dancing mania emerged following the Black
Plague epidemic of the 14th century. People would hop, dance, clap hands and jump about in a frenzy, often
naked. How hysteria spreads from the initial case to a group is deeply mysterious. Perhaps hysteria can be
contagious much in the same way as a violent mood can spread in a mob and lead to a riot, or there is some sort
of decoupling of an individual’s personality in the context of group dynamics.
WHAT IS MASS HYSTERIA?
In many cultures we see episodes of mass hysteria, in which a group of people will exhibit bizarre behavior,
including seizures, tremors, running amok, comatose-like trance or possession states, or other sudden hysterical
symptoms-i.e., Conversion Disorder (as discussed in the preceding chapter). Mass hysteria usually starts with a
single individual exhibiting symptoms, and this quickly spreads to others, particularly in close settings such as
schools, nunneries, or factories.
Of course, sometimes these states are socially approved and voluntarily elicited by the group. An example of this is
the mass possession states that are not uncommon in religious or healing ceremonies, with incessant drumming,
excitement and suggestibility as one person after another falls into a trance or possession state. Or this response may
be deliberately fostered by preachers using the well-tried methods of creating anxiety and excitement in the group by
fiery preaching and rhythmic chanting and clapping. The members of the group usually invite this state, and it is
welcomed as a sign that the rituals are moving forward in a customary manner. A similar pattern is seen in
charismatic Christian congregations, as we discussed in chapter 11 (“Trance and Possession States”). People usually
attribute these states to possession by the Holy Spirit, with manifestations in holy laughter, holy rolling, holy
barking, speaking in tongues, spinning, shaking, quaking, convulsions, whirling and howling, running and leaping,
and shouting and crying.
But in this chapter our focus will be on mass hysteria states that occur in unwanted and involuntary circumstances.
Mass hysteria has been extensively discussed in psychiatric literature, and it is also known under the technical term,
Mass Psychogenic Illness (MPI) (Colligan, Pennebaker, & Murphy, 1982). This involves the collective occurrence
of physical symptoms and related beliefs among two or more persons, with no identifiable medical cause. The
disturbed behavior of one individual will trigger an outbreak of similar behavior in others. Episodes of mass hysteria
usually occur in settings where there is some tension or social strain common to the people involved.
In mass hysteria there is usually an “index” case, i.e., an individual who first exhibits symptoms such as fainting
attacks or screaming-and the outbreak fans out.
To understand “mass” hysteria, we should first understand “hysteria.” As mentioned at at the end of the preceding
chapter, the proper clinical term for hysteria is Conversion Disorder. As we saw, symptoms of Conversion Disorder
include the impairment or loss of sensory or motor function with no detectable organic cause. The loss of function
can manifest in a wide range of symptoms, such as running amok, screaming, or other acts that suggest an alarming
loss of control over one’s bodily movements. The symptoms under Conversion Disorder are not traced to any
John Alan Cohan

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