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O R I G I N A L A R T I C L E
What satisfies younger versus older employees, and why? An
aging perspective on equity theory to explain interactive
effects of employee age, monetary rewards, and task
contributions on job satisfaction
Tobias Kollmann1
| Christoph Stöckmann2
| Julia M. Kensbock3
| Anika Peschl4
1
Department of Economics and Business
Administration, University of Duisburg-Essen,
Essen, Germany
2
Department of Business Administration,
Seeburg Castle University, Seekirchen am
Wallersee, Austria
3
Department of Organization, Strategy, and
Entrepreneurship, School of Business and
Economics, Maastricht University, Maastricht,
Netherlands
4
Institut für angewandte Arbeitswissenschaft
(Institute for Applied Work Science),
Düsseldorf, Germany
Correspondence
Julia M. Kensbock, Maastricht University,
School of Business and Economics,
Tongersestraat 53, 6200 Maastricht,
Netherlands.
Email: j.kensbock@maastrichtuniversity.nl
Abstract
In light of increasingly age-diverse workforces, organizations face the challenge of
fostering job satisfaction among both younger and older employees. Combining
equity theory with an aging perspective, we propose that due to age-related shifts in
motives and goals, younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction will depend dif-
ferently on monetary rewards (outcome side of equity theory), task contributions
(input side of equity theory), as well as on imbalances (inequity) in the relationship
between monetary rewards and task contributions. In a multisource study with
166 managers, we found that while younger employees were satisfied primarily by
monetary rewards, older employees were satisfied primarily by their task contribu-
tions. Most importantly, a three-way interaction indicated that younger versus older
employees react differently to two types of inequity: Being proportionally over-
rewarded (i.e., receiving high monetary rewards for low task contributions) reduced
older (but not of younger) employees’ job satisfaction. By contrast, under-reward
inequity (i.e., receiving low monetary rewards for high task contributions) decreased
younger (but not of older) employees’ job satisfaction. These age-dependent effects
of job features on job satisfaction reveal important theoretical as well as practical
implications.
K E Y W O R D S
age, equity theory, job satisfaction, monetary rewards, task contributions
1 | INTRODUCTION
Industrialized nations are increasingly challenged by demographic
change, which implies a dramatic shift in the age structure of societies
(Kluge, Zagheni, Loichinger, & Vogt, 2014; Tempest, Barnatt, &
Coupland, 2002). This pervasive transformation also critically affects
organizations, with workforces not only becoming older on average,
but also increasingly age-diverse (Kunze, Boehm, & Bruch, 2011;
Truxillo, Cadiz, & Hammer, 2015). The question how to deal with the
increasingly aging and age-diverse workforce has gained high rele-
vance for organizations (Bal, de Lange, Zacher, & Van der Heijden,
2013) and has been described as “one of the most pressing challenges
to arise in this decade” (Kooij, de Lange, Jansen, Kanfer, & Dikkers,
2011, p. 198). Particularly, the key challenge to keep all members of
the age-diverse workforce satisfied, engaged, and productive (cf.,
Avery, McKay, & Wilson, 2007) has led to recent scholarly advice rec-
DOI: 10.1002/hrm.21981
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any
medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.
© 2019 The Authors Human Resource Management Published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Hum Resour Manage. 2020;59:101–115. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/hrm 101
ommending organizations to address their employees in a more age-
differentiated way (Li, Chu, Lam, & Liao, 2011; Thielgen, Krumm,
Rauschenbach, & Hertel, 2015). That is, organizations need to find
ways to create work environments that satisfy the specific needs of
employees of different age groups (Bal & De Lange, 2015). However,
as a first step before being able to develop age-differentiated practices
to enhance job satisfaction, research needs to address the fundamen-
tal, but largely unanswered question “what exactly satisfies younger
versus older employees?”
This study combines equity theory (as a classic job satisfaction
theory) with socioemotional selectivity theory (as a life-span aging
theory) to explain younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction.
According to equity theory (Adams, 1963, 1965), employees’ job satis-
faction depends on the ratio between outcomes received for and
inputs invested into their work. In other words, employees are satis-
fied when they feel that what they receive from their organization is
deserved in proportion to what they give to the organization. Apart
from this, socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1991, 1992)
suggests that aging goes along with shifts in individuals’ motives and
goals. We argue that younger and older employees will have different
priorities or preferences relating to the key elements of equity theory,
that is, the “receiving” (outcome) side and the “giving” (input) side.
Consequently, we examine whether younger versus older employees’
job satisfaction will be affected differently by (a) monetary rewards
(outcome side) and by (b) task contributions (input side). Over and
above, we suggest that (c) inequities in the relationship between mone-
tary rewards and task contributions—i.e., being proportionally under-
rewarded or over-rewarded—will affect younger and older employees’
job satisfaction differently.
In examining what satisfies younger versus older employees and
why, this study contributes to the job satisfaction literature as well as
to the literature dealing with aging at work—each of which have
mostly remained silent about this question to date. In particular, while
job satisfaction theories fall short of considering the age factor, life-
span aging theories fall short of considering job satisfaction as an
important work-related outcome. We suggest that equity theory and
socioemotional selectivity theory can stimulate each other and jointly
provide a more comprehensive understanding of different factors
affecting younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction.
Contributing to job satisfaction theories and particularly equity
theory, we suggest that taking into account employee age significantly
enhances the understanding of job (dis-)satisfaction among
employees. Aging does not only go along with easily observable
changes, such as those related to physical constitution (cf., Kanfer &
Ackerman, 2004). Instead, aging implies fundamental changes to the
motives and goals that individuals pursue (Carstensen, 1992). These
psychological changes are also likely to affect how younger and older
employees will react to traditionally discussed antecedents of job sat-
isfaction (e.g., pay). Giving employee age a more prominent position
within theories of job satisfaction might also help to shed light on
existing unresolved issues in the literature. One of these still unre-
solved issues relates to the role of monetary rewards in employees’
job satisfaction, that is, the question if pay promotes or hinders job
satisfaction (cf., Judge, Piccolo, Podsakoff, Shaw, & Rich, 2010).
Another area of mixed findings relates to equity theory’s assumption
that over-reward situations (i.e., receiving high rewards for low contri-
butions) cause individuals to experience dissonance and dissatisfac-
tion (cf., Miles, Hatfield, & Huseman, 1994). Our study suggests that a
key reason for these inconsistent findings lies in the neglect of
employee age as an important moderating factor in classic models of
job satisfaction.
Contributing to life-span aging theories and the aging at work lit-
erature, we advance a field of research that has mostly focused on
how overall levels of job satisfaction develop over individuals’ life-
span (e.g., Clark, Oswald, & Warr, 1996), but has not gone into detail
about differential antecedents of job satisfaction for younger versus
older employees. However, there is good reason to believe that youn-
ger and older employees derive satisfaction from different aspects of
their jobs, given initial empirical evidence that younger versus older
employees rate the attractiveness of certain job features differently
(Inceoglu, Segers, & Bartram, 2012; Kooij et al., 2011). Combining
these insights with an equity theory perspective, we suggest that
employees not only react differently to single job features (e.g., pay
level), but especially toward situations of inequity, that is, when out-
comes are not in balance with inputs. Given that the organizational
reality is complex, considering these interactive effects seems particu-
larly important.
2 | THEORY
Job satisfaction—“a pleasurable or emotional state resulting from the
appraisal of one’s job or job experiences” (Locke 1976, p. 1304)—is
one of the most critical employee outcomes (Harter, Schmidt, &
Hayes, 2002). Fostering job satisfaction among employees (across all
age groups) is a key challenge for organizations, as it directly relates to
a myriad of important quantifiable outcomes such as job performance,
employee turnover, profitability, customer satisfaction, and employee
health (Harter et al., 2002; Judge, Thoresen, Bono, & Patton, 2001;
Thielgen et al., 2015). Equity theory (Adams, 1963, 1965) as a classic
theory to explain job satisfaction (Klein, 1973) views any employment
relationship as an exchange relationship between employee and orga-
nization. In that exchange relationship, an employee’s job satisfaction
results from the ratio between outcomes and inputs (Lawler, 1973).
Outcomes are rewards that employees receive from their organizations
(e.g., pay). Inputs are contributions that employees give to their organi-
zations (e.g., work effort). Employees feel satisfied when there is
equity (i.e., balance) between what they receive for what they give to
the organization (Huseman & Hatfield, 1990). However, when out-
comes do not match inputs, this inequity leads to dissonance and job
dissatisfaction (Pritchard, 1969). Equity theory has, however, not
taken into account employee age as an individual difference that
might affect these relationships.
In the present study, we argue that to fully understand job satis-
faction of younger versus older employees, the notions of equity the-
ory need to be broadened by an aging perspective. Drawing on
102 KOLLMANN ET AL.
socioemotional selectivity theory as a seminal life-span aging theory,
we suggest that along with a shift in goals and motives that younger
and older individuals pursue at work (cf., Kooij et al., 2011), there will
also be a shift in the relative importance of the “receiving part” (out-
comes) and the “giving part” (inputs) of equity theory. Thus, we sug-
gest that younger and older employees’ job satisfaction will depend
differently on (a) the monetary rewards they receive for their work
(i.e., outcomes), (b) the task contributions they put into work
(i.e., inputs), and (c) their joint impact, resulting in (in)equity in the rela-
tionship between monetary rewards and task contributions. In other
words, we introduce employee age as an important moderator for the
relationships between monetary rewards, task contributions, and their
joint impact on job satisfaction. Figure 1 shows the overall research
model.
2.1 | Age-related shifts in individuals’ motives and
goals
As people get older, they experience significant changes in a wide
variety of domains that also affect their work outcomes (see Kanfer &
Ackerman, 2004 for a comprehensive review). Among others, with
increasing age, individuals lose fluid intellectual abilities (Wechsler,
1944), but gain knowledge and experience (Ackerman, 1996). More-
over, gradual changes in personality (Jones & Meredith, 1996), affect,
and emotion (Charles, Reynolds, & Gatz, 2001) can be observed. At
work, overall, older individuals report more positive job attitudes,
experience fewer negative emotions, and describe their job environ-
ment more favorably than their younger counterparts do (N. Kim &
Kang, 2017; Luchman, Kaplan, & Dalal, 2012).
Building upon socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1991,
1992), we posit that employee age moderates the impact of monetary
rewards and task contributions on job satisfaction. This seminal life-
span aging theory states that, as individuals age, their time horizons
change such that they gradually perceive time (i.e., the time until the
end of their life) to be more constrained or finite (Carstensen, 1998).
This changing time perspective has important implications for individ-
uals’ motivation, interpersonal interactions, goal-setting, and emotion
regulation (Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004; Rudolph, 2016). At a young
age, when time horizons are perceived as unconstrained, individuals
tend to focus on long-term goals such as expanding their resources,
acquiring new skills, knowledge, and experiences (Carstensen, 1998;
Carstensen, Fung, & Charles, 2003). By contrast, at an older age, when
individuals perceive their time horizons to be constrained, they start
to focus more on short-term goals directed at maintaining positive
emotions and psychological well-being (Carstensen, 1998). Instead of
expanding their horizons, older individuals focus on a reduced number
of important life domains and seek to extract deeper meaning and sat-
isfaction from these (Carstensen et al., 2003). Along with that age-
related shift in values, goals, and motives of individuals (Kooij & Van
de Voorde, 2011; Luchman et al., 2012; Thielgen et al., 2015), we sug-
gest that employees will place different value on the outcome side
(monetary rewards) and the input side (task contributions) of their
work relationships. Consequently, we suggest that the impact of mon-
etary rewards, task contributions, and the inequity in the relationship
between monetary rewards and task contributions will affect younger
versus older employees more or less strongly.
2.2 | The outcome side: Relevance of monetary
rewards for the job satisfaction of younger versus
older employees
In the public perception in most Western societies and in large-scale
surveys in the academic literature, money and income are often seen
as important facilitators of life satisfaction (Boyce, Brown, & Moore,
2010). Similarly, in the working context, many scholars argue that
monetary rewards given to employees should contribute to positive
feelings about their jobs, including job satisfaction (Gerhart, Mil-
kovich, & Murray, 1992; Rynes, Gerhart, & Minette, 2004). This is
because individuals interpret monetary rewards as indicative of their
competence, value, or worth to their organization (Gardner, Dyne, &
Pierce, 2004; Kuvaas, 2006). Monetary rewards are thus thought to
signal appreciation and recognition, thereby leading to job satisfaction
(Gardner et al., 2004). In contrast to this prevailing image of pay level
as a facilitator of job satisfaction, empirical studies find only marginal
or mixed results for the pay level–job satisfaction relationship (see a
meta-analysis by Judge et al., 2010). Moreover, there is even evidence
that financial rewards can sometimes be detrimental to the satisfaction
of individuals—a phenomenon known as the undermining effect of
rewards (Deci, 1973; Grandey, Chi, & Diamond, 2013).
Shedding light on these mixed findings, we posit that monetary
rewards (representing the outcome side of equity theory) will not
affect the job satisfaction of all employees equally. Drawing on socio-
emotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1991, 1992), we posit that
monetary rewards are perceived as more valuable by younger than by
older employees and thus contribute more strongly to younger
employees’ job satisfaction. This is because younger individuals with
their long-term time perspective have more salient concerns about
the future than older individuals (Carstensen et al., 2003). Their
future-oriented concerns also include financial concerns—conse-
quently, young individuals more frequently express apprehension
FIGURE 1 Overall research model: Interactive effects of
employee age, monetary rewards, and task contributions on job
satisfaction
KOLLMANN ET AL. 103
about their future financial situation (Powers, Wisocki, & Whitbourne,
1992). Thus, monetary rewards effectively reduce younger
employees’ concerns about possible financial insecurity in the future
(Mehta, Anderson, & Dubinsky, 2000). By contrast, older employees
with their short-term time perspective focus more strongly on imme-
diate feelings experienced in the here and now and thus worry less
about their future in general and about their future financial situation
in particular (Powers et al., 1992). Moreover, money itself has a differ-
ent value for younger and older individuals. On average, younger indi-
viduals are more materialistic than older ones (Dittmar, 2005).
Spending money to afford material goods is more important to youn-
ger individuals and is often seen as a key to self-definition and happi-
ness by them (Dittmar, 2005; Richins, 2004). Consequently, younger
people tend to see money as a means to express power and prestige
to a greater extent than older people do (Furnham, 1984). In contrast,
older individuals emphasize the importance of having enough money
to make a living and to cover unexpected expenses (Gabriel & Bowl-
ing, 2004) and focus more on the instrumental value of money as a
means “to do the things they [like] doing” (Gabriel & Bowling,
2004, p. 686).
Supporting these assumptions, when asked to rate the attractive-
ness of different job features, younger employees particularly stress
the importance of pay and benefits (Kooij et al., 2011). By contrast,
the salience and attractiveness of monetary rewards is less pro-
nounced for older individuals (Inceoglu et al., 2012; Kanfer &
Ackerman, 2004; Kooij et al., 2011). Thus, relating to equity theory,
the “receiving part” (i.e., outcomes of the work exchange relationship)
should be more relevant for the job satisfaction of younger as com-
pared to older individuals. Taken together, we thus hypothesize that:
Hypothesis 1 There will be a negative moderating effect of employee
age on the relationship between monetary rewards and job satisfaction,
such that this relationship will be stronger for younger employees.
2.3 | The input side: Relevance of task contributions
for the job satisfaction of younger versus older
employees
Besides the potential to obtain job satisfaction from the rewards
received for working, individuals can also obtain job satisfaction by
giving something to their organizations (Kahn, 1990; Lawler & Porter,
1967). The feeling of making meaningful contributions at work, that is,
performing well, is rewarding in its own right, leading to job satisfac-
tion and well-being (K. A. Arnold, Turner, Barling, Kelloway, & McKee,
2007; Judge et al., 2001). Making significant contributions at work ful-
fills individuals’ basic need to demonstrate competence at work (Van
den Broeck, Vansteenkiste, Witte, Soenens, & Lens, 2010). By con-
trast, feeling that one’s work input does not make a meaningful contri-
bution for the organization leads to feelings of rejection and isolation
(Shuck, Reio Jr, & Rocco, 2011). We suggest that the extent to which
employees’ job satisfaction is dependent upon their task contributions
at work (and thus the input side in equity theory) is a matter of age.
Specifically, we theorize that the positive experiences surrounding
task contributions are particularly critical for the satisfaction of older
individuals for at least two central reasons.
First, following socioemotional selectivity theory, older individ-
uals are more aware of their own mortality. Consequently, older
individuals have a growing desire to make meaningful contributions
to their environment, which can—in the best case—outlive them-
selves (symbolic immortality; Grant & Wade-Benzoni, 2009; Wade-
Benzoni, 2006). In addition, with older age, individuals tend to focus
on generativity motives—defined as the wish to guide and promote
the next generation (Erikson, 1963; McAdams & de St Aubin, 1992).
Therefore, older individuals value the opportunity to demonstrate
their experience and transfer their knowledge and skills to younger
generations (J. Arnold & Clark, 2015; Mor-Barak, 1995). In line with
that, Kooij et al. (2011) showed that for older workers, accomplish-
ment and achievement at work become more and more important.
Further supporting this, N. Kim and Kang (2017) showed that older
workers demonstrate stronger career identity and job engagement
than younger workers. Taken together, in terms of equity theory,
the “giving part” (i.e., inputs into the work exchange relationship)
should thus be more important for older employees’ job
satisfaction.
Second, task contributions should more strongly affect older
employees’ job satisfaction when considering the role of stereotyping
against older individuals, that is, ageism. The stereotype content model
classifies stereotypes along the two dimensions warmth and compe-
tence (Cuddy et al., 2009). The dominant stereotype of elderly people
is that they are high in warmth, but low in competence, as demon-
strated in multiple studies across different cultures (e.g., Cuddy &
Fiske, 2002; Cuddy, Norton, & Fiske, 2005). The negative stereotype
of low competence and poor job performance among older people
persists, even though numerous studies have shown that age is gener-
ally unrelated to job performance (e.g., Ng & Feldman, 2008). Stereo-
type threat—the threat of confirming or being reduced to negative
stereotypes about the own group—significantly decreases psychologi-
cal well-being (Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002). Thus, making only
little valuable contributions to one’s organization should feel particu-
larly dissatisfying for older employees, as their low contributions
would “confirm” the stereotype of the poorly performing older
employee. By contrast, older employees who make many meaningful
contributions in their jobs should be more satisfied, as they success-
fully overcame the negative performance-related stereotypes held
about their demographic group (cf., Guillén & Kunze, 2019; Von Hip-
pel, Kalokerinos, & Henry, 2013). Taken together, older employees’
job satisfaction should more strongly depend on their task contribu-
tions, that is, the inputs that they invest into the work exchange rela-
tionships. We, therefore, posit that:
Hypothesis 2 There will be a positive moderating effect of employee
age on the relationship between task contributions and job satisfaction,
such that this relationship will be stronger for older employees.
104 KOLLMANN ET AL.
2.4 | The (in)equity perspective: Interactive effects
between age, monetary rewards, and task
contributions
According to equity theory (Adams, 1963, 1965), individuals closely
examine the outcome/input ratio in the exchange relationship with
their organization. They evaluate if the amount of monetary rewards
they receive is “deserved” in relation to the task contributions they
invested (T.-Y. Kim, Wang, Chen, Zhu, & Sun, 2018). In that compari-
son process, outcomes (monetary rewards) and inputs (task contribu-
tions) can be consistent with each other (e.g., employee contributes
highly and is highly paid)—a state of equitable reward that should lead
to satisfaction (King Jr, Miles, & Day, 1993). However, the out-
come/input ratio can also result in two types of inequity: Either
(a) monetary rewards are high while task contributions are low, that is,
individuals are over-rewarded, or (b) monetary rewards are low while
task contributions are high, that is, individuals are under-rewarded
(Sweeney, 1990). Traditionally, equity theorists assumed that both
types of inequity—under-reward and over-reward—cause dissonance
and thus feel uncomfortable and aversive (Festinger, 1957; Thau &
Mitchell, 2010). While under-reward was thought to go along with
feelings of frustration, over-reward was thought to go along with feel-
ings of guilt, both being associated with lower satisfaction in the job
(Miles et al., 1994; Sweeney, 1990).
Again, we introduce employee age as an important moderator
here, suggesting that younger versus older employees will react differ-
ently to the two distinct types of inequities described here. In other
words, we posit that being over-rewarded or being under-rewarded is
not equally dissatisfying for employees of all age groups. In doing so,
we are leaving behind equity theorists’ traditionally held assumption
that both over-reward and under-reward always lead to dissonance
(Adams, 1965; Sweeney, 1990). Instead, we follow subsequent
research (Huseman, Hatfield, & Miles, 1987; King Jr et al., 1993) dem-
onstrating that individuals can vary in their sensitivity to the two
types of inequity, such that they find either over-reward or under-
reward inequity more or less (dis)satisfying. Depending on their sensi-
tivity to over-reward or under-reward inequity, individuals can be
described as benevolents or entitleds (Huseman et al., 1987). For
benevolents, over-reward situations create the strongest dissonance
and thus dissatisfaction. At the same time, benevolents have a higher
tolerance (albeit not a preference) for under-reward situations (Miles
et al., 1994). For entitleds, under-reward situations cause the strongest
dissonance and thus dissatisfaction. At the same time, entitleds have a
higher tolerance for over-reward situations (Huseman et al., 1987).
Due to the age-related differences in motives and goals intro-
duced here, we suggest that older employees will react in a more
benevolent way to inequity situations. Benevolent individuals focus
most strongly on the input side, that is, on making valuable contribu-
tions to the exchange relationship with their organizations. In the
same manner, we expect older employees to place higher value the
“giving part” over the “receiving part.” Following that benevolent pat-
tern, for older employees, over-reward situations (high monetary
rewards for little task contributions) will create a particularly strong
dissonance. Over-reward will make older employees painfully aware
of the fact that they have been unable to fulfill their deep desire to
make a meaningful impact (Kooij et al., 2011) and their need for gen-
erativity (McAdams & de St Aubin, 1992). Instead, “receiving without
giving” will reinforce the feeling of having failed to achieve personal
meaning at work, posing a serious threat to their self-concept
(Krause & Shaw, 2003; Scott, Shaw, & Duffy, 2008). Moreover, over-
reward should reinforce older employees’ fear that negative age-
related stereotypes (“highly paid, but low performer”) are justified,
which should be strongly dissatisfying and trigger serious self-doubt
(Kulik, Perera, & Cregan, 2016; Scott et al., 2008). By contrast, follow-
ing the benevolent pattern, older individuals should have a higher tol-
erance for under-reward situations. That way, receiving low monetary
rewards for high task contributions should not create such a strong
dissonance for them. As older employees strongly value the “giving
part” of their jobs, high task contributions should offset the negative
feelings associated with the low monetary rewards received.
For the group of younger employees, we suggest that they will
react in a more entitled pattern to inequity situations. Entitled individ-
uals focus most on the outcome side, that is, what they receive from
the organization (Huseman et al., 1987). Likewise, we expect younger
employees to place higher value on the “receiving part” than on the
“giving part” of the employment relationship. Thus, for the group of
younger employees, we posit that under-reward situations, that is, the
feeling that contributions invested in the workplace do not “pay off”
in terms of monetary rewards, will create a stronger dissonance.
Younger employees will perceive low monetary rewards for high con-
tributions as a signal indicating that the organization does not appreci-
ate their efforts at work, threatening their self-concept (Dittmar,
2005) and leading to insecurity and concerns for their future (Mehta
et al., 2000). Moreover, in that under-reward situation, younger
employees might critically question whether their jobs provide them
with appropriate opportunities to grow and to develop, which is very
important at that stage in life (Carstensen, 1998). In contrast, younger
individuals should be less concerned when being over-rewarded for
their task contributions. Following an entitled pattern, they will tend
to feel that high monetary rewards are well deserved, irrespective of
their contributions (Huseman et al., 1987).
Taken together, we hypothesize a three-way interaction between
employee age, monetary rewards, and task contributions. Under
equity theory’s traditional assumption, both over-reward and under-
reward inequities are associated with dissatisfaction (Sweeney, 1990).
For individuals who show only low task contributions, increasingly high
monetary rewards imply increasing over-reward inequity and thus less
job satisfaction. However, following the argument that older
employees have a lower tolerance (i.e., higher sensitivity) for over-
reward inequity, we expect this negative monetary rewards—job satis-
faction relationship to be stronger for older and weaker for younger
employees. For individuals who show high task contributions, low mon-
etary rewards imply under-reward inequity. Thus, equity theory would
state that increasingly high monetary rewards are associated with less
under-reward inequity and thus lead to more job satisfaction. How-
ever, following the argument that younger employees have a lower
KOLLMANN ET AL. 105
tolerance (i.e., higher sensitivity) for under-reward inequity, we expect
this positive monetary rewards—job satisfaction relationship to be
stronger for younger and weaker for older employees. Taken together,
we hypothesize that:
Hypothesis 3 There will be a three-way interaction between employee
age, monetary rewards, and task contributions. Under (a) low task contri-
butions, the monetary rewards—job satisfaction relationship will be more
negative for older than for younger employees and under (b) high task
contributions, the monetary rewards—job satisfaction relationship will be
more positive for younger than for older employees.
3 | METHODS
3.1 | Sample and data collection
The participants of this study were German employees working for a
global logistics company. All participants were members of the comp-
any’s management teams, that is, branch managers, supervisors, or
specialists (business developers, human resource (HR), or safety and
security specialists). Overall, 377 potential participants were con-
tacted via e-mail and invited to participate in the study. A total of
166 participants completed the survey, resulting in a very satisfying
response rate of 44%. The study was conducted online. Participation
in the research was voluntary and withdrawing from the survey was
possible at any time. Participants were provided with a written confir-
mation stating that individual survey responses would remain confi-
dential and that the company would only receive reports using
aggregated data. The final sample included 148 (89.2%) male and
18 (10.8%) female participants, which aligns with the general propor-
tion of women in management positions in Germany in general
(German Federal Statistical Office, 2014) and in the German logistics
industry (Statista, 2013). On average, participants were 46.6 years old
(SD = 9.0; minimum = 25 years; maximum = 61 years). The average
tenure was 12.4 years (SD = 8.9). The sample consisted of 45.8%
supervisors, 19.3% business development managers, 19.3% branch
managers, 10.8% HR managers, and 4.8% safety/security managers.
3.2 | Measures
To address potential issues of single-source and common-method
bias, we used a multisource approach to address our research ques-
tion. While job satisfaction was assessed with a self-report measure,
the level of monetary rewards was an objective measure of pay level,
and ratings of task contributions were provided by coworkers. There-
fore, our study follows the call of Rudolph (2016) to apply multisource
methodologies to research on aging and work.
3.2.1 | Job satisfaction
Participants indicated their level of job satisfaction using a three-item
measure by Cammann, Fichman, Jenkins, and Klesh (1983) on a Likert
scale anchored with totally disagree (1) and totally agree (7). A sample
item is “All in all, I’m satisfied with my job.” Cronbach’s alpha for this
scale was appropriate (α = .83).
3.2.2 | Monetary rewards (pay level)
An objective measure of participants’ monthly pay level in euro (€)
was obtained from the company’s HR system. We promised the orga-
nization that we would keep the pay level data confidential, so we do
not report descriptive statistics about pay levels here. These data are
available upon request from the authors.
3.2.3 | Task contributions
In assessing employees’ task contributions, we used a peer-rating
approach. Given that employees’ task contributions are persistently
evaluated by their social environment, especially by fellow coworkers
(Bunderson, 2003; B. P. Cohen & Zhou, 1991), we deemed peer rat-
ings appropriate in providing us with an adequate measurement for
individuals’ task contributions. In addition, that approach enabled us
to reduce common source and common method bias (Podsakoff, Mac-
Kenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff, 2003). Thus, we asked each participant to
rate the task contributions of their fellow managers with whom they
were regularly interacting in their daily jobs. Branch managers and
supervisors, who worked closely together, evaluated each other’s task
contributions. The specialists (business developers, HR, and safety
and security specialists) were mostly responsible for several branches
at the same time and thus interacted with the respective branch man-
agers as well as with the other specialists. Specialists thus provided
task contribution ratings for the other specialists and for the respec-
tive branch managers. The branch managers also evaluated the task
contributions of the specialists working for their branches. To assess
task contributions, we used the single-item measure (“This person
makes valuable work-related contributions to the team”) applied and
validated by Joshi and Knight (2015), which builds upon measures
used by Bunderson (2003) and B. P. Cohen and Zhou (1991). Overall,
on average, each participant was rated by 4.8 fellow managers. To jus-
tify the approach of aggregating the peer ratings for each employee,
two intraclass correlations were computed. ICC(1), indicating the ratio
of between-group variance to total variance was 0.21, indicating a
high score (Bliese, 2000; James, 1982). ICC(2), indicating the reliability
of average peer perceptions, was 0.81, also representing a high value
(Glick, 1985). Thus, our approach to aggregate the peer ratings can be
justified.
3.2.4 | Controls
As prior research shows that gender and tenure might affect individ-
uals’ job satisfaction (Bedeian, Ferris, & Kacmar, 1992; Hunt & Saul,
1975), we incorporated these characteristics as control variables into
our study. Furthermore, we controlled for the position that the
employees hold in the organization (cf., Chen & Aryee, 2007), i.e., if
106 KOLLMANN ET AL.
the participant works as a branch manager, supervisor, business devel-
opment manager, HR manager, or safety/security manager.
4 | RESULTS
4.1 | Descriptive statistics
Descriptive statistics and correlations among the study’s variables are
displayed in Table 1.
4.2 | Tests of hypotheses
To test our hypotheses, we conducted hierarchical multiple regression
analyses. Age, monetary rewards, and task contributions were stan-
dardized before the interaction terms were calculated. Job satisfaction
as the dependent variable was then regressed on the six control vari-
ables in a first step, the main effects of the independent variables in a
second step, the two-way interactions in a third step, and the three-
way interactions in a fourth step. Table 2 summarizes the standard-
ized betas (β) and the (incremental) explained variance for each step.
Moreover, simple slopes and differences between slopes were tested
by using Dawson and Richter’s (2006) methodological approach.
First, in Hypothesis 1, we predicted that employee age would
moderate the relationship between monetary rewards (pay level) and
job satisfaction. Model 1 shows that, after accounting for the control
variables and the main effects of age and monetary rewards, the two-
way interaction between age and monetary rewards had a significant
negative effect on job satisfaction (β = −.21, p < .01), which indicates
support for Hypothesis 1. To further examine this interaction, we
plotted the moderating effect for high (1 SD above the mean) and low
(1 SD below the mean) monetary rewards in Figure 2, following
J. Cohen, Cohen, West, and Aiken’s (2003) approach. In line with our
hypothesis, younger employees showed a positive relationship
between monetary rewards and job satisfaction (simple slope: β = .30,
p < .10). For older employees, the simple slope was not statistically
significant (β = −.20, ns), indicating that monetary rewards did not sig-
nificantly affect their job satisfaction.
Second, we examined the moderating effect of age on the rela-
tionship between task contributions and job satisfaction, as stated in
Hypothesis 2. As shown in Model 2, there was a significant interaction
effect of employee age and task contributions on job satisfaction
(β = .20, p < .01). The moderating effect of age and task contributions
on job satisfaction is plotted in Figure 3. In line with Hypothesis 2,
task contributions related positively to job satisfaction for older
employees (simple slope: β = .59, p < .001), while there was no signifi-
cant effect among younger employees (simple slope: β = .13, ns).
Third and finally, we tested the hypothesized three-way interac-
tions between age, monetary rewards, and task contributions. Consis-
tent with Hypothesis 3, the three-way interaction had a significant
effect on job satisfaction (β = .16, p < .05). To further examine the sig-
nificant three-way interaction, we plotted the effects in Figure 4. In
line with our hypothesis, under low task contributions, older
employees’ job satisfaction was more negatively related to job satis-
faction than that of younger employees. Supporting the idea that
older employees have a higher sensitivity for over-reward inequity,
we found a strong negative impact of monetary rewards on older
employees’ job satisfaction under low task contributions (simple slope:
β = −.53; p < .01). For younger employees, we expected that due to
their higher tolerance for over-reward inequity, the negative mone-
tary rewards—job satisfaction relationship would be weaker. Exceed-
ing our prediction, we even found a marginally significant positive
relationship of monetary rewards on younger employees’ job satisfac-
tion under low task contributions (simple slope: β = .37; p < .10).
Further in line with our hypothesis, we found that under high task
contributions, monetary rewards were more strongly positively related
to younger than to older employees’ job satisfaction. Indicating youn-
ger employees’ stronger sensitivity for under-reward inequity, they
are dissatisfied when their high task contributions go along with low
TABLE 1 Means, SDs, and correlations among variables
M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
1. Tenure (position) 12.35 8.87
2. Gendera
0.11 0.31 −.17*
3. Positionb
(BD) 0.19 0.40 −.06 .17*
4. Position (BM) 0.19 0.40 −.01 .03 −.24**
5. Position (HR) 0.11 0.31 .01 .00 −.17* −.17*
6. Position (SUP) 0.46 0.50 .00 −.13 −.45*** −.45*** −.32***
7. Age 46.61 8.99 .68*** −.13 −.13 .14 .02 −.09
8. Monetary rewards .31*** −.17* −.49*** .72*** −.09 −.11 .42***
9. Task contributions 5.16 1.10 −.08 .14 .00 −.08 .15 −.04 −.04 −.15
10. Job satisfaction 5.83 1.13 .04 .06 −.12 .01 .13 .00 .11 .07 .33***
Note: N = 166.
a
For gender, 0 = male, 1 = female.
b
For position, dummies were coded; five categories: Business Development Manager (BD), Branch Manager (BM), Human Resources Manager (HR),
Supervisor (SUP), and Safety/Security Manager (= baseline category).
KOLLMANN ET AL. 107
monetary rewards, but increasingly satisfied with higher amounts of
pay (simple slope: β = .54; p < .01). By contrast, supporting the idea
that older employees have a higher tolerance for under-reward ineq-
uity, their monetary rewards—job satisfaction relationship is weaker
under high task contributions (simple slope: β = .40; p < .10).
To shed more light on the differential role that monetary rewards
and task contributions played in younger versus older employees’ job
satisfaction, we additionally performed two slope difference tests for
the two different age groups. For younger employees, we observed
that monetary rewards positively related to their job satisfaction
under conditions of both low task and high task contributions. The
slope difference test was insignificant (t = 0.72, ns), supporting the
impression that for younger employees, the positive effect of mone-
tary rewards on job satisfaction was comparable in magnitude,
TABLE 2 Hierarchical multiple regression analyses predicting job satisfaction from age, monetary rewards (pay level), and task contributions
Model 1 (H1) Model 2 (H2) Model 3 (H3)
Job satisfaction ΔR2
β ΔR2
β ΔR2
β
Controls .04 .04 .04
Tenure (position) .00 .05 .10
Gender .08 .10 .10
Position (BD) −.07 −.08 −.02
Position (BM) .02 .02 −.03
Position (HR) .13 .12 .12
Position (SUP) .02 .06 .04
Main effects .01 .10*** .11**
Age .02 .07 −.10
Monetary rewards .04 .16
Task contributions .32*** .26**
Two-way interactions .04** .04** .07**
Age × monetary rewards −.21** −.21**
Age × task contributions .20** .23**
Monetary rewards × task contributions .02
Three-way interaction .02*
Age × monetary rewards × task contributions .16*
Total R2
.08 .17 .23
Note: N = 166. Standardized betas are reported.
*p < .05;; **p < .01;; ***p < .001.
FIGURE 2 Plot of the two-way interaction effect among age and
monetary rewards on job satisfaction
FIGURE 3 Plot of the two-way interaction effect among age and
task contributions on job satisfaction
108 KOLLMANN ET AL.
regardless of their simultaneous level of task contributions. By con-
trast, the slope difference test for older employees was significant
(t = 14.67; p < .001), indicating that for older employees, the relation-
ship between monetary rewards and job satisfaction is dependent on
the level of task contributions (negative when task contributions are
low, but marginally positive when task contributions are high).
5 | DISCUSSION
Employee age has become a key factor in management research (Bal,
de Lange, Ybema, Jansen, & van der Velde, 2011). Maintaining and
enhancing the job satisfaction of younger and older employees is
highly relevant if organizations want to harness the benefits of an
age-diverse workforce (cf., Backes-Gellner & Veen, 2013; Stone &
Deadrick, 2015). However, neither classic job satisfaction theories nor
life-span aging theories go into detail about the question of what sat-
isfies younger versus older employees and why, which is why in-depth
insights about how to develop age-differentiated human resource
management solutions are currently lacking (Schalk et al., 2010). We
suggest that this shortcoming can be addressed by combining equity
theory as a traditional job satisfaction theory with an aging perspec-
tive. We argued that the age-related shifts in motives and goals
described in socioemotional selectivity theory (as a seminal life-span
aging theory) would also go along with a shift in the priorities or pref-
erences relating to the “receiving” (outcome) versus “giving” (input)
sides of equity theory. That way, this study introduced employee age
as an important moderator of the impact of monetary rewards (pay
level) and task contributions on job satisfaction.
We found support for the two-way and three-way interactions
proposed. The findings supported our assumption that the “receiving
part” (outcome side) of equity theory would play a stronger role in
younger employees’ job satisfaction, while the “giving part” (input
side) would play a stronger role in older employees’ job satisfaction.
That is, monetary rewards positively contributed to younger (but not
to older) employees’ job satisfaction, while task contributions
enhanced older (but not younger) employees’ job satisfaction. Over
and above, we found a three-way interaction indicating that inequity
between monetary rewards and task contributions affected younger
versus older employees’ job satisfaction differently. Our findings
supported our reasoning that older employees would react to inequity
in a more benevolent pattern, while younger employees would react
in a more entitled pattern (cf., Huseman et al., 1987). That is,
supporting the notion that older employees would react more nega-
tively to over-reward inequity, we observed an undermining effect of
monetary rewards on older employees’ job satisfaction, but only when
task contributions were low. When task contributions were high,
however, this negative effect disappeared and monetary rewards even
turned into a facilitator of older employees’ job satisfaction.
Supporting the idea that younger employees would react more nega-
tively to under-reward inequity, low monetary rewards for high task
contributions were associated with low job satisfaction for them. The
assumption that younger employees would have a higher tolerance
for over-reward inequity was not only supported, but exceeded, as
monetary rewards even marginally positively affected job satisfaction
under conditions of low task contributions. Thus, monetary rewards
seem to play an even stronger role in younger employees’ job satisfac-
tion than expected, while task contributions seem to play a surpris-
ingly minor role for them. In identifying these complex moderating
effects of employee age, the present study provides important and
novel findings with theoretical and practical implications.
5.1 | Theoretical implications
The present study puts a spotlight on the importance of the “aging
factor” for the job satisfaction literature and, vice versa, on the impor-
tance of job satisfaction as an outcome for the aging literature,
thereby offering insights for both streams of research. First,
FIGURE 4 Plot of the three-way interaction effect among age, monetary rewards, and task contributions on job satisfaction
KOLLMANN ET AL. 109
contributing to the job satisfaction literature, our study once more
confirms that employee age is “more than just a control variable [and]
a topic worthy of examination in its own right” (Truxillo et al., 2015,
p. 373). In particular, our findings show that even long-standing,
established theories of job satisfaction such as equity theory can ben-
efit from an aging perspective, as it helps to understand the emer-
gence of job satisfaction within different demographic groups in a
more fine-grained and differentiated way. Even more, our findings
suggest that an aging perspective can help to resolve inconsistencies
and mixed findings that have persisted within the job satisfaction
literature.
One of these unresolved issues concerns the role of monetary
rewards in individuals’ job satisfaction. Contrary to the commonly held
positive view that higher pay facilitates job satisfaction, meta-analytic
findings indicate the role of pay in employee job satisfaction is only
marginal. In addition, a potentially undermining effect of pay “has
been controversial from the time it first appeared in the literature”
(Gagné & Deci, 2005, p. 332) and is still intensively discussed among
scholars and practitioners alike (Fang & Gerhart, 2012; Grandey et al.,
2013; Hewett & Conway, 2016). In our sample, the main effect of pay
level on job satisfaction is close to zero and insignificant. However,
the interactive effects reveal that monetary rewards can both foster
or undermine job satisfaction—depending on employees’ age. In a
broader sense, this finding is also in line with prior studies offering ini-
tial evidence for the idea that job rewards are not equally attractive
for all employees and thus do not affect all employees in the same
way (e.g., De Gieter & Hofmans, 2015; Hofmans, De Gieter, &
Pepermans, 2013; Vandenberghe, St-Onge, & Robineau, 2008). While
these studies have mainly focused on between-person differences in
dimensions such as individuals’ personality, we suggest that examining
the impact of (monetary) rewards in light of individuals’ age might be
a fruitful avenue for future research.
Another unresolved issue stems immediately from equity theory.
While the idea of under-reward inequity leading to dissonance and
dissatisfaction has found wide empirical support, scholars often failed
to demonstrate the dissatisfying nature of over-reward situations (cf.,
Cosier & Dalton, 1983; Mowday, 1991). These ambiguous findings
have even brought some researchers to cast doubt on the overall use-
fulness of equity theory (Miles et al., 1994; Miner, 1984). T.-Y. Kim
et al. (2018) recently criticized that these prior findings were mainly
based on experiments in which under-reward and over-reward sce-
narios were artificially manipulated. Following their call to examine
these effects in real-life organizational settings, we find that both
under-reward and over-reward can lead to dissatisfaction—however,
again, highly depending on employee age. That way, our research also
supports the idea that individuals are not equally sensitive to situa-
tions of inequity (Huseman et al., 1987). Taken together, we would
not doubt the validity of equity theory’s main statements. Instead, our
research calls for future studies to carry forward research about indi-
viduals’ reactions to inequity, while taking into account the moderat-
ing role of individual differences, especially employee age.
Finally, in unraveling the (dis-)satisfying effects of monetary
rewards and task contributions depending on employee age, this
study also sheds light on the specific needs and requirements of older
employees in organizations. In demonstrating that their job satisfaction
emerges from different factors than the satisfaction among their
younger coworkers, our findings concur with recent calls to develop
and design HR solutions that specifically target older employees
(Kooij, Jansen, Dikkers, & De Lange, 2010; Oostrom, Pennings, & Bal,
2016). Given the different goals and values that older employees pur-
sue in their jobs, our findings support the notion that more customized
instead of standardized HR practices might be effective in fostering
satisfaction of older employees in organizations (cf., Bal & Dore-
nbosch, 2015; Hornung, Rousseau, Weigl, Mueller, & Glaser, 2014).
Whether or not customized HR practices (such as idiosyncratic deals;
Rousseau, 2005) directed to older employees will be able to foster
their long-term retention and productivity should thus be addressed
in future research.
5.2 | Practical implications
The current research has important implications for practitioners deal-
ing with the challenge of demographic change. The findings provide
managers and HR professionals with practical insights into how jobs
in general and job rewards in particular should be designed to satisfy
an increasingly aging and age-diverse workforce. Our study shows
that there can be no “one size fits all” approach to satisfy both youn-
ger and older employees (cf., Hornung et al., 2014). Instead, our find-
ings support the idea that employers should devise and implement
appropriately tailored and age-differentiated HR practices (cf., Dello
Russo, Miraglia, & Borgogni, 2017; Xavier, 2014). First and foremost,
this pertains to the monetary compensation of employees: Our results
indicate job satisfaction among younger employees can be effectively
increased by providing them with monetary rewards. By contrast,
increasing older employees’ job satisfaction is much more complex
and might not be achieved simply by giving pay raises. Instead, high
pay levels can even have a negative impact on older employees’ job
satisfaction when task contributions in the job are low, because being
over-rewarded in proportion to their contributions to the organization
triggers aversive feelings of dissonance. Given the differential value
that younger and older employees place on monetary rewards, we fol-
low the claim made by Stone and Deadrick (2015) that “aligning
reward and compensation systems with the values of multiple genera-
tions” (p. 142) can be an effective way for organizations to attract,
motivate, and retain an age-diverse workforce. In designing such indi-
vidualized reward systems, practitioners should carefully consider that
rewards should be allocated in ways that employees perceive as fair
and transparent from a procedural and distributive justice perspective
(Folger & Konovsky, 1989). In addition, such reward systems must of
course be in compliance with national legal regulations against age-
related discrimination (e.g., the Age Discrimination in Employment Act
in the U.S.; cf., Neumark, 2009). Against this background, flexible cafe-
teria reward systems that compensate employees with a total sum, but
allow them to make an individualized selection out of different (mone-
tary or nonmonetary) benefits and rewards could be an effective and
110 KOLLMANN ET AL.
fair solution (Benders, Delsen, & Smits, 2006; Stone &
Deadrick, 2015).
Apart from the monetary aspects of work, our results also show
that the task contributions employees experience at the workplace
are a powerful predictor of job satisfaction. This is especially true for
employees of older age groups who have a strong need to make
meaningful contributions in their jobs (Kooij et al., 2011). Given the
growing focus on the retention and employability of older workers
(Armstrong-Stassen & Schlosser, 2011; Oostrom, Pennings, & Bal,
2016), organizations should thus create a working environment or
atmosphere that encourages particularly older employees to engage
in meaningful task contributions. Especially an organizational climate
for inclusion in which every individual feels appreciated and as an
important part of the team (Boehm, Kunze, & Bruch, 2014; Nishii,
2013) should not only set the ground for making valuable contribu-
tions to the organization, but also for giving employees feedback on
their contributions. Finally, organizations should give older employees
the opportunity to fulfill their generativity motives and to make mean-
ingful contributions to their social environment. One way to achieve
that could be to offer older employees expert or mentoring roles
(Kooij et al., 2011; Patrickson & Hartmann, 1995) that provide them
with the opportunity to share their knowledge and experiences with
other employees.
5.3 | Limitations of the study
The present study has various strengths that enhance our confidence
in its findings, including the use of an objective pay level measure and
peer ratings of task contributions. However, several limitations should
be considered. First, the present study is cross-sectional and thus
does not allow drawing conclusions about aging effects over time.
This also means that we cannot rule out the possibility that the differ-
ences observed between younger and older individuals might reflect
generation effects. In other words, the younger and older employees
in our study might have reacted differently because they were born
into different decades and thus grew up in different social contexts
(Smola & Sutton, 2002). However, also this generational perspective
has not been without criticism, as little or no empirical evidence for
the existence of generational differences or their effects on individ-
uals at work could be demonstrated (Costanza, Badger, Fraser,
Severt, & Gade, 2012; Costanza & Finkelstein, 2015). Scholars have
thus recently recommended life-span aging perspectives over genera-
tional perspectives (Rudolph, Rauvola, & Zacher, 2018; Rudolph &
Zacher, 2017). Taken together, while we cannot empirically disentan-
gle whether our findings are a result of aging processes over time
(as suggested) or due to generation effects, our life-span aging
approach reflects a “more sophisticated toolkit for thinking about age-
related differences” (Rudolph et al., 2018, p. 52).
The second point refers to the generalizability of our findings. Our
data were gathered in just one company in only one country
(Germany), a method that has both its advantages and disadvantages.
On the one hand, this focused research setting helps to control for
industry-specific or company-specific differences that might mask
significant effects (Jansen, Van Den Bosch, & Volberda, 2006). More-
over, Germany generally offers a favorable environment in which to
conduct aging studies as the age structure in German organizations
can serve as a future projection for other industrialized nations
(Kunze & Menges, 2017). On the other hand, specific characteristics
of the organizational culture or the general cultural background in
Germany might have an impact on how monetary rewards and task
contributions are perceived and valued. Moreover, differences in
national social security and retirement systems might particularly
affect the relevance of monetary rewards for individuals’ job satisfac-
tion. Consequently, we suggest that the present findings should be
replicated within further international contexts.
Moreover, the participants in our study all worked on the manage-
ment level, thereby representing a group of individuals with a rela-
tively high income and socioeconomic status. Our findings might thus
not hold for employees working in other professions associated with
different labor conditions. Especially in cases of precarious employ-
ment (Benach et al., 2014) or very low overall household income,
monetary rewards might have an overall higher relevance for individ-
uals’ job satisfaction, irrespective of their age (cf., Layard, Mayraz, &
Nickell, 2008). In addition, not all jobs might enable individuals to
make valuable task contributions (Grant, 2008). Future studies should,
therefore, consider expanding our insights to employees at other
levels of the organizational hierarchy, including blue-collar workers.
Over and above, it has not been the aim of this study to make specific
statements about employees belonging to “extreme” age groups, that
is, very young and very old workers, and our data do not allow for such
comparisons. To examine job satisfaction among employees in their
first jobs or employees working beyond retirement age, we advise to
address these target groups specifically (cf., Bal, De Jong, Jansen, &
Bakker, 2012).
Finally, our sample was predominantly male. Given that there
might be gender differences relating to the antecedents of job satis-
faction (Mottaz, 1986), work values (Rowe & Snizek, 1995), and over-
all pay level (Blau & Kahn, 2007), future research should consider both
male and female, younger and older employees’ job satisfaction.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
All authors contributed equally to this research.
ORCID
Julia M. Kensbock https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8642-1938
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AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES
Tobias Kollmann holds the Chair of E-Business and E-
Entrepreneurship at the University of Duisburg-Essen, Germany.
His research interests include digitalization, digital transformation,
and entrepreneurship with a focus on digital startups. His research
appeared in leading international journals such as Entrepreneurship
Theory and Practice, Journal of Business Venturing, and Small Busi-
ness Economics. In 2018, he has been named as one of the
100 most influential economists in Germany.
Christoph Stöckmann is a Full Professor of innovation and entre-
preneurship at Seeburg Castle University, Austria. His research
focuses on behavior of individuals and teams, with a special focus
on entrepreneurial contexts. His research has been published in
journals such as Journal of Business Venturing, Entrepreneurship
Theory and Practice, Journal of Small Business Management, Small
Business Economics, and Journal of Business Research.
Julia M. Kensbock is an Assistant Professor at Maastricht Univer-
sity, Netherlands. Her research is located at the interface between
psychology and management and focuses on employee well-being
against the backdrop of economic and societal challenges such as
demographic and digital change. She has published in leading
international journals such as Journal of Business Venturing, Inter-
national Journal of Human Resource Management, and Small Busi-
ness Economics.
Anika Peschl is a Research Associate at the Institut für
angewandte Arbeitswissenschaft (Institute for Applied Work Sci-
ence) in Düsseldorf, Germany. She completed her PhD at the Uni-
versity of Duisburg-Essen, Germany, in 2017. In her dissertation,
she explored the role of individuals for innovation phenomena in
organizations.
How to cite this article: Kollmann T, Stöckmann C,
Kensbock JM, Peschl A. What satisfies younger versus older
employees, and why? An aging perspective on equity theory
to explain interactive effects of employee age, monetary
rewards, and task contributions on job satisfaction. Hum
Resour Manage. 2020;59:101–115. https://doi.org/10.1002/
hrm.21981
KOLLMANN ET AL. 115

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Equity theory and monetary rewards

  • 1. O R I G I N A L A R T I C L E What satisfies younger versus older employees, and why? An aging perspective on equity theory to explain interactive effects of employee age, monetary rewards, and task contributions on job satisfaction Tobias Kollmann1 | Christoph Stöckmann2 | Julia M. Kensbock3 | Anika Peschl4 1 Department of Economics and Business Administration, University of Duisburg-Essen, Essen, Germany 2 Department of Business Administration, Seeburg Castle University, Seekirchen am Wallersee, Austria 3 Department of Organization, Strategy, and Entrepreneurship, School of Business and Economics, Maastricht University, Maastricht, Netherlands 4 Institut für angewandte Arbeitswissenschaft (Institute for Applied Work Science), Düsseldorf, Germany Correspondence Julia M. Kensbock, Maastricht University, School of Business and Economics, Tongersestraat 53, 6200 Maastricht, Netherlands. Email: j.kensbock@maastrichtuniversity.nl Abstract In light of increasingly age-diverse workforces, organizations face the challenge of fostering job satisfaction among both younger and older employees. Combining equity theory with an aging perspective, we propose that due to age-related shifts in motives and goals, younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction will depend dif- ferently on monetary rewards (outcome side of equity theory), task contributions (input side of equity theory), as well as on imbalances (inequity) in the relationship between monetary rewards and task contributions. In a multisource study with 166 managers, we found that while younger employees were satisfied primarily by monetary rewards, older employees were satisfied primarily by their task contribu- tions. Most importantly, a three-way interaction indicated that younger versus older employees react differently to two types of inequity: Being proportionally over- rewarded (i.e., receiving high monetary rewards for low task contributions) reduced older (but not of younger) employees’ job satisfaction. By contrast, under-reward inequity (i.e., receiving low monetary rewards for high task contributions) decreased younger (but not of older) employees’ job satisfaction. These age-dependent effects of job features on job satisfaction reveal important theoretical as well as practical implications. K E Y W O R D S age, equity theory, job satisfaction, monetary rewards, task contributions 1 | INTRODUCTION Industrialized nations are increasingly challenged by demographic change, which implies a dramatic shift in the age structure of societies (Kluge, Zagheni, Loichinger, & Vogt, 2014; Tempest, Barnatt, & Coupland, 2002). This pervasive transformation also critically affects organizations, with workforces not only becoming older on average, but also increasingly age-diverse (Kunze, Boehm, & Bruch, 2011; Truxillo, Cadiz, & Hammer, 2015). The question how to deal with the increasingly aging and age-diverse workforce has gained high rele- vance for organizations (Bal, de Lange, Zacher, & Van der Heijden, 2013) and has been described as “one of the most pressing challenges to arise in this decade” (Kooij, de Lange, Jansen, Kanfer, & Dikkers, 2011, p. 198). Particularly, the key challenge to keep all members of the age-diverse workforce satisfied, engaged, and productive (cf., Avery, McKay, & Wilson, 2007) has led to recent scholarly advice rec- DOI: 10.1002/hrm.21981 This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made. © 2019 The Authors Human Resource Management Published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Hum Resour Manage. 2020;59:101–115. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/hrm 101
  • 2. ommending organizations to address their employees in a more age- differentiated way (Li, Chu, Lam, & Liao, 2011; Thielgen, Krumm, Rauschenbach, & Hertel, 2015). That is, organizations need to find ways to create work environments that satisfy the specific needs of employees of different age groups (Bal & De Lange, 2015). However, as a first step before being able to develop age-differentiated practices to enhance job satisfaction, research needs to address the fundamen- tal, but largely unanswered question “what exactly satisfies younger versus older employees?” This study combines equity theory (as a classic job satisfaction theory) with socioemotional selectivity theory (as a life-span aging theory) to explain younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction. According to equity theory (Adams, 1963, 1965), employees’ job satis- faction depends on the ratio between outcomes received for and inputs invested into their work. In other words, employees are satis- fied when they feel that what they receive from their organization is deserved in proportion to what they give to the organization. Apart from this, socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1991, 1992) suggests that aging goes along with shifts in individuals’ motives and goals. We argue that younger and older employees will have different priorities or preferences relating to the key elements of equity theory, that is, the “receiving” (outcome) side and the “giving” (input) side. Consequently, we examine whether younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction will be affected differently by (a) monetary rewards (outcome side) and by (b) task contributions (input side). Over and above, we suggest that (c) inequities in the relationship between mone- tary rewards and task contributions—i.e., being proportionally under- rewarded or over-rewarded—will affect younger and older employees’ job satisfaction differently. In examining what satisfies younger versus older employees and why, this study contributes to the job satisfaction literature as well as to the literature dealing with aging at work—each of which have mostly remained silent about this question to date. In particular, while job satisfaction theories fall short of considering the age factor, life- span aging theories fall short of considering job satisfaction as an important work-related outcome. We suggest that equity theory and socioemotional selectivity theory can stimulate each other and jointly provide a more comprehensive understanding of different factors affecting younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction. Contributing to job satisfaction theories and particularly equity theory, we suggest that taking into account employee age significantly enhances the understanding of job (dis-)satisfaction among employees. Aging does not only go along with easily observable changes, such as those related to physical constitution (cf., Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004). Instead, aging implies fundamental changes to the motives and goals that individuals pursue (Carstensen, 1992). These psychological changes are also likely to affect how younger and older employees will react to traditionally discussed antecedents of job sat- isfaction (e.g., pay). Giving employee age a more prominent position within theories of job satisfaction might also help to shed light on existing unresolved issues in the literature. One of these still unre- solved issues relates to the role of monetary rewards in employees’ job satisfaction, that is, the question if pay promotes or hinders job satisfaction (cf., Judge, Piccolo, Podsakoff, Shaw, & Rich, 2010). Another area of mixed findings relates to equity theory’s assumption that over-reward situations (i.e., receiving high rewards for low contri- butions) cause individuals to experience dissonance and dissatisfac- tion (cf., Miles, Hatfield, & Huseman, 1994). Our study suggests that a key reason for these inconsistent findings lies in the neglect of employee age as an important moderating factor in classic models of job satisfaction. Contributing to life-span aging theories and the aging at work lit- erature, we advance a field of research that has mostly focused on how overall levels of job satisfaction develop over individuals’ life- span (e.g., Clark, Oswald, & Warr, 1996), but has not gone into detail about differential antecedents of job satisfaction for younger versus older employees. However, there is good reason to believe that youn- ger and older employees derive satisfaction from different aspects of their jobs, given initial empirical evidence that younger versus older employees rate the attractiveness of certain job features differently (Inceoglu, Segers, & Bartram, 2012; Kooij et al., 2011). Combining these insights with an equity theory perspective, we suggest that employees not only react differently to single job features (e.g., pay level), but especially toward situations of inequity, that is, when out- comes are not in balance with inputs. Given that the organizational reality is complex, considering these interactive effects seems particu- larly important. 2 | THEORY Job satisfaction—“a pleasurable or emotional state resulting from the appraisal of one’s job or job experiences” (Locke 1976, p. 1304)—is one of the most critical employee outcomes (Harter, Schmidt, & Hayes, 2002). Fostering job satisfaction among employees (across all age groups) is a key challenge for organizations, as it directly relates to a myriad of important quantifiable outcomes such as job performance, employee turnover, profitability, customer satisfaction, and employee health (Harter et al., 2002; Judge, Thoresen, Bono, & Patton, 2001; Thielgen et al., 2015). Equity theory (Adams, 1963, 1965) as a classic theory to explain job satisfaction (Klein, 1973) views any employment relationship as an exchange relationship between employee and orga- nization. In that exchange relationship, an employee’s job satisfaction results from the ratio between outcomes and inputs (Lawler, 1973). Outcomes are rewards that employees receive from their organizations (e.g., pay). Inputs are contributions that employees give to their organi- zations (e.g., work effort). Employees feel satisfied when there is equity (i.e., balance) between what they receive for what they give to the organization (Huseman & Hatfield, 1990). However, when out- comes do not match inputs, this inequity leads to dissonance and job dissatisfaction (Pritchard, 1969). Equity theory has, however, not taken into account employee age as an individual difference that might affect these relationships. In the present study, we argue that to fully understand job satis- faction of younger versus older employees, the notions of equity the- ory need to be broadened by an aging perspective. Drawing on 102 KOLLMANN ET AL.
  • 3. socioemotional selectivity theory as a seminal life-span aging theory, we suggest that along with a shift in goals and motives that younger and older individuals pursue at work (cf., Kooij et al., 2011), there will also be a shift in the relative importance of the “receiving part” (out- comes) and the “giving part” (inputs) of equity theory. Thus, we sug- gest that younger and older employees’ job satisfaction will depend differently on (a) the monetary rewards they receive for their work (i.e., outcomes), (b) the task contributions they put into work (i.e., inputs), and (c) their joint impact, resulting in (in)equity in the rela- tionship between monetary rewards and task contributions. In other words, we introduce employee age as an important moderator for the relationships between monetary rewards, task contributions, and their joint impact on job satisfaction. Figure 1 shows the overall research model. 2.1 | Age-related shifts in individuals’ motives and goals As people get older, they experience significant changes in a wide variety of domains that also affect their work outcomes (see Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004 for a comprehensive review). Among others, with increasing age, individuals lose fluid intellectual abilities (Wechsler, 1944), but gain knowledge and experience (Ackerman, 1996). More- over, gradual changes in personality (Jones & Meredith, 1996), affect, and emotion (Charles, Reynolds, & Gatz, 2001) can be observed. At work, overall, older individuals report more positive job attitudes, experience fewer negative emotions, and describe their job environ- ment more favorably than their younger counterparts do (N. Kim & Kang, 2017; Luchman, Kaplan, & Dalal, 2012). Building upon socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1991, 1992), we posit that employee age moderates the impact of monetary rewards and task contributions on job satisfaction. This seminal life- span aging theory states that, as individuals age, their time horizons change such that they gradually perceive time (i.e., the time until the end of their life) to be more constrained or finite (Carstensen, 1998). This changing time perspective has important implications for individ- uals’ motivation, interpersonal interactions, goal-setting, and emotion regulation (Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004; Rudolph, 2016). At a young age, when time horizons are perceived as unconstrained, individuals tend to focus on long-term goals such as expanding their resources, acquiring new skills, knowledge, and experiences (Carstensen, 1998; Carstensen, Fung, & Charles, 2003). By contrast, at an older age, when individuals perceive their time horizons to be constrained, they start to focus more on short-term goals directed at maintaining positive emotions and psychological well-being (Carstensen, 1998). Instead of expanding their horizons, older individuals focus on a reduced number of important life domains and seek to extract deeper meaning and sat- isfaction from these (Carstensen et al., 2003). Along with that age- related shift in values, goals, and motives of individuals (Kooij & Van de Voorde, 2011; Luchman et al., 2012; Thielgen et al., 2015), we sug- gest that employees will place different value on the outcome side (monetary rewards) and the input side (task contributions) of their work relationships. Consequently, we suggest that the impact of mon- etary rewards, task contributions, and the inequity in the relationship between monetary rewards and task contributions will affect younger versus older employees more or less strongly. 2.2 | The outcome side: Relevance of monetary rewards for the job satisfaction of younger versus older employees In the public perception in most Western societies and in large-scale surveys in the academic literature, money and income are often seen as important facilitators of life satisfaction (Boyce, Brown, & Moore, 2010). Similarly, in the working context, many scholars argue that monetary rewards given to employees should contribute to positive feelings about their jobs, including job satisfaction (Gerhart, Mil- kovich, & Murray, 1992; Rynes, Gerhart, & Minette, 2004). This is because individuals interpret monetary rewards as indicative of their competence, value, or worth to their organization (Gardner, Dyne, & Pierce, 2004; Kuvaas, 2006). Monetary rewards are thus thought to signal appreciation and recognition, thereby leading to job satisfaction (Gardner et al., 2004). In contrast to this prevailing image of pay level as a facilitator of job satisfaction, empirical studies find only marginal or mixed results for the pay level–job satisfaction relationship (see a meta-analysis by Judge et al., 2010). Moreover, there is even evidence that financial rewards can sometimes be detrimental to the satisfaction of individuals—a phenomenon known as the undermining effect of rewards (Deci, 1973; Grandey, Chi, & Diamond, 2013). Shedding light on these mixed findings, we posit that monetary rewards (representing the outcome side of equity theory) will not affect the job satisfaction of all employees equally. Drawing on socio- emotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 1991, 1992), we posit that monetary rewards are perceived as more valuable by younger than by older employees and thus contribute more strongly to younger employees’ job satisfaction. This is because younger individuals with their long-term time perspective have more salient concerns about the future than older individuals (Carstensen et al., 2003). Their future-oriented concerns also include financial concerns—conse- quently, young individuals more frequently express apprehension FIGURE 1 Overall research model: Interactive effects of employee age, monetary rewards, and task contributions on job satisfaction KOLLMANN ET AL. 103
  • 4. about their future financial situation (Powers, Wisocki, & Whitbourne, 1992). Thus, monetary rewards effectively reduce younger employees’ concerns about possible financial insecurity in the future (Mehta, Anderson, & Dubinsky, 2000). By contrast, older employees with their short-term time perspective focus more strongly on imme- diate feelings experienced in the here and now and thus worry less about their future in general and about their future financial situation in particular (Powers et al., 1992). Moreover, money itself has a differ- ent value for younger and older individuals. On average, younger indi- viduals are more materialistic than older ones (Dittmar, 2005). Spending money to afford material goods is more important to youn- ger individuals and is often seen as a key to self-definition and happi- ness by them (Dittmar, 2005; Richins, 2004). Consequently, younger people tend to see money as a means to express power and prestige to a greater extent than older people do (Furnham, 1984). In contrast, older individuals emphasize the importance of having enough money to make a living and to cover unexpected expenses (Gabriel & Bowl- ing, 2004) and focus more on the instrumental value of money as a means “to do the things they [like] doing” (Gabriel & Bowling, 2004, p. 686). Supporting these assumptions, when asked to rate the attractive- ness of different job features, younger employees particularly stress the importance of pay and benefits (Kooij et al., 2011). By contrast, the salience and attractiveness of monetary rewards is less pro- nounced for older individuals (Inceoglu et al., 2012; Kanfer & Ackerman, 2004; Kooij et al., 2011). Thus, relating to equity theory, the “receiving part” (i.e., outcomes of the work exchange relationship) should be more relevant for the job satisfaction of younger as com- pared to older individuals. Taken together, we thus hypothesize that: Hypothesis 1 There will be a negative moderating effect of employee age on the relationship between monetary rewards and job satisfaction, such that this relationship will be stronger for younger employees. 2.3 | The input side: Relevance of task contributions for the job satisfaction of younger versus older employees Besides the potential to obtain job satisfaction from the rewards received for working, individuals can also obtain job satisfaction by giving something to their organizations (Kahn, 1990; Lawler & Porter, 1967). The feeling of making meaningful contributions at work, that is, performing well, is rewarding in its own right, leading to job satisfac- tion and well-being (K. A. Arnold, Turner, Barling, Kelloway, & McKee, 2007; Judge et al., 2001). Making significant contributions at work ful- fills individuals’ basic need to demonstrate competence at work (Van den Broeck, Vansteenkiste, Witte, Soenens, & Lens, 2010). By con- trast, feeling that one’s work input does not make a meaningful contri- bution for the organization leads to feelings of rejection and isolation (Shuck, Reio Jr, & Rocco, 2011). We suggest that the extent to which employees’ job satisfaction is dependent upon their task contributions at work (and thus the input side in equity theory) is a matter of age. Specifically, we theorize that the positive experiences surrounding task contributions are particularly critical for the satisfaction of older individuals for at least two central reasons. First, following socioemotional selectivity theory, older individ- uals are more aware of their own mortality. Consequently, older individuals have a growing desire to make meaningful contributions to their environment, which can—in the best case—outlive them- selves (symbolic immortality; Grant & Wade-Benzoni, 2009; Wade- Benzoni, 2006). In addition, with older age, individuals tend to focus on generativity motives—defined as the wish to guide and promote the next generation (Erikson, 1963; McAdams & de St Aubin, 1992). Therefore, older individuals value the opportunity to demonstrate their experience and transfer their knowledge and skills to younger generations (J. Arnold & Clark, 2015; Mor-Barak, 1995). In line with that, Kooij et al. (2011) showed that for older workers, accomplish- ment and achievement at work become more and more important. Further supporting this, N. Kim and Kang (2017) showed that older workers demonstrate stronger career identity and job engagement than younger workers. Taken together, in terms of equity theory, the “giving part” (i.e., inputs into the work exchange relationship) should thus be more important for older employees’ job satisfaction. Second, task contributions should more strongly affect older employees’ job satisfaction when considering the role of stereotyping against older individuals, that is, ageism. The stereotype content model classifies stereotypes along the two dimensions warmth and compe- tence (Cuddy et al., 2009). The dominant stereotype of elderly people is that they are high in warmth, but low in competence, as demon- strated in multiple studies across different cultures (e.g., Cuddy & Fiske, 2002; Cuddy, Norton, & Fiske, 2005). The negative stereotype of low competence and poor job performance among older people persists, even though numerous studies have shown that age is gener- ally unrelated to job performance (e.g., Ng & Feldman, 2008). Stereo- type threat—the threat of confirming or being reduced to negative stereotypes about the own group—significantly decreases psychologi- cal well-being (Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002). Thus, making only little valuable contributions to one’s organization should feel particu- larly dissatisfying for older employees, as their low contributions would “confirm” the stereotype of the poorly performing older employee. By contrast, older employees who make many meaningful contributions in their jobs should be more satisfied, as they success- fully overcame the negative performance-related stereotypes held about their demographic group (cf., Guillén & Kunze, 2019; Von Hip- pel, Kalokerinos, & Henry, 2013). Taken together, older employees’ job satisfaction should more strongly depend on their task contribu- tions, that is, the inputs that they invest into the work exchange rela- tionships. We, therefore, posit that: Hypothesis 2 There will be a positive moderating effect of employee age on the relationship between task contributions and job satisfaction, such that this relationship will be stronger for older employees. 104 KOLLMANN ET AL.
  • 5. 2.4 | The (in)equity perspective: Interactive effects between age, monetary rewards, and task contributions According to equity theory (Adams, 1963, 1965), individuals closely examine the outcome/input ratio in the exchange relationship with their organization. They evaluate if the amount of monetary rewards they receive is “deserved” in relation to the task contributions they invested (T.-Y. Kim, Wang, Chen, Zhu, & Sun, 2018). In that compari- son process, outcomes (monetary rewards) and inputs (task contribu- tions) can be consistent with each other (e.g., employee contributes highly and is highly paid)—a state of equitable reward that should lead to satisfaction (King Jr, Miles, & Day, 1993). However, the out- come/input ratio can also result in two types of inequity: Either (a) monetary rewards are high while task contributions are low, that is, individuals are over-rewarded, or (b) monetary rewards are low while task contributions are high, that is, individuals are under-rewarded (Sweeney, 1990). Traditionally, equity theorists assumed that both types of inequity—under-reward and over-reward—cause dissonance and thus feel uncomfortable and aversive (Festinger, 1957; Thau & Mitchell, 2010). While under-reward was thought to go along with feelings of frustration, over-reward was thought to go along with feel- ings of guilt, both being associated with lower satisfaction in the job (Miles et al., 1994; Sweeney, 1990). Again, we introduce employee age as an important moderator here, suggesting that younger versus older employees will react differ- ently to the two distinct types of inequities described here. In other words, we posit that being over-rewarded or being under-rewarded is not equally dissatisfying for employees of all age groups. In doing so, we are leaving behind equity theorists’ traditionally held assumption that both over-reward and under-reward always lead to dissonance (Adams, 1965; Sweeney, 1990). Instead, we follow subsequent research (Huseman, Hatfield, & Miles, 1987; King Jr et al., 1993) dem- onstrating that individuals can vary in their sensitivity to the two types of inequity, such that they find either over-reward or under- reward inequity more or less (dis)satisfying. Depending on their sensi- tivity to over-reward or under-reward inequity, individuals can be described as benevolents or entitleds (Huseman et al., 1987). For benevolents, over-reward situations create the strongest dissonance and thus dissatisfaction. At the same time, benevolents have a higher tolerance (albeit not a preference) for under-reward situations (Miles et al., 1994). For entitleds, under-reward situations cause the strongest dissonance and thus dissatisfaction. At the same time, entitleds have a higher tolerance for over-reward situations (Huseman et al., 1987). Due to the age-related differences in motives and goals intro- duced here, we suggest that older employees will react in a more benevolent way to inequity situations. Benevolent individuals focus most strongly on the input side, that is, on making valuable contribu- tions to the exchange relationship with their organizations. In the same manner, we expect older employees to place higher value the “giving part” over the “receiving part.” Following that benevolent pat- tern, for older employees, over-reward situations (high monetary rewards for little task contributions) will create a particularly strong dissonance. Over-reward will make older employees painfully aware of the fact that they have been unable to fulfill their deep desire to make a meaningful impact (Kooij et al., 2011) and their need for gen- erativity (McAdams & de St Aubin, 1992). Instead, “receiving without giving” will reinforce the feeling of having failed to achieve personal meaning at work, posing a serious threat to their self-concept (Krause & Shaw, 2003; Scott, Shaw, & Duffy, 2008). Moreover, over- reward should reinforce older employees’ fear that negative age- related stereotypes (“highly paid, but low performer”) are justified, which should be strongly dissatisfying and trigger serious self-doubt (Kulik, Perera, & Cregan, 2016; Scott et al., 2008). By contrast, follow- ing the benevolent pattern, older individuals should have a higher tol- erance for under-reward situations. That way, receiving low monetary rewards for high task contributions should not create such a strong dissonance for them. As older employees strongly value the “giving part” of their jobs, high task contributions should offset the negative feelings associated with the low monetary rewards received. For the group of younger employees, we suggest that they will react in a more entitled pattern to inequity situations. Entitled individ- uals focus most on the outcome side, that is, what they receive from the organization (Huseman et al., 1987). Likewise, we expect younger employees to place higher value on the “receiving part” than on the “giving part” of the employment relationship. Thus, for the group of younger employees, we posit that under-reward situations, that is, the feeling that contributions invested in the workplace do not “pay off” in terms of monetary rewards, will create a stronger dissonance. Younger employees will perceive low monetary rewards for high con- tributions as a signal indicating that the organization does not appreci- ate their efforts at work, threatening their self-concept (Dittmar, 2005) and leading to insecurity and concerns for their future (Mehta et al., 2000). Moreover, in that under-reward situation, younger employees might critically question whether their jobs provide them with appropriate opportunities to grow and to develop, which is very important at that stage in life (Carstensen, 1998). In contrast, younger individuals should be less concerned when being over-rewarded for their task contributions. Following an entitled pattern, they will tend to feel that high monetary rewards are well deserved, irrespective of their contributions (Huseman et al., 1987). Taken together, we hypothesize a three-way interaction between employee age, monetary rewards, and task contributions. Under equity theory’s traditional assumption, both over-reward and under- reward inequities are associated with dissatisfaction (Sweeney, 1990). For individuals who show only low task contributions, increasingly high monetary rewards imply increasing over-reward inequity and thus less job satisfaction. However, following the argument that older employees have a lower tolerance (i.e., higher sensitivity) for over- reward inequity, we expect this negative monetary rewards—job satis- faction relationship to be stronger for older and weaker for younger employees. For individuals who show high task contributions, low mon- etary rewards imply under-reward inequity. Thus, equity theory would state that increasingly high monetary rewards are associated with less under-reward inequity and thus lead to more job satisfaction. How- ever, following the argument that younger employees have a lower KOLLMANN ET AL. 105
  • 6. tolerance (i.e., higher sensitivity) for under-reward inequity, we expect this positive monetary rewards—job satisfaction relationship to be stronger for younger and weaker for older employees. Taken together, we hypothesize that: Hypothesis 3 There will be a three-way interaction between employee age, monetary rewards, and task contributions. Under (a) low task contri- butions, the monetary rewards—job satisfaction relationship will be more negative for older than for younger employees and under (b) high task contributions, the monetary rewards—job satisfaction relationship will be more positive for younger than for older employees. 3 | METHODS 3.1 | Sample and data collection The participants of this study were German employees working for a global logistics company. All participants were members of the comp- any’s management teams, that is, branch managers, supervisors, or specialists (business developers, human resource (HR), or safety and security specialists). Overall, 377 potential participants were con- tacted via e-mail and invited to participate in the study. A total of 166 participants completed the survey, resulting in a very satisfying response rate of 44%. The study was conducted online. Participation in the research was voluntary and withdrawing from the survey was possible at any time. Participants were provided with a written confir- mation stating that individual survey responses would remain confi- dential and that the company would only receive reports using aggregated data. The final sample included 148 (89.2%) male and 18 (10.8%) female participants, which aligns with the general propor- tion of women in management positions in Germany in general (German Federal Statistical Office, 2014) and in the German logistics industry (Statista, 2013). On average, participants were 46.6 years old (SD = 9.0; minimum = 25 years; maximum = 61 years). The average tenure was 12.4 years (SD = 8.9). The sample consisted of 45.8% supervisors, 19.3% business development managers, 19.3% branch managers, 10.8% HR managers, and 4.8% safety/security managers. 3.2 | Measures To address potential issues of single-source and common-method bias, we used a multisource approach to address our research ques- tion. While job satisfaction was assessed with a self-report measure, the level of monetary rewards was an objective measure of pay level, and ratings of task contributions were provided by coworkers. There- fore, our study follows the call of Rudolph (2016) to apply multisource methodologies to research on aging and work. 3.2.1 | Job satisfaction Participants indicated their level of job satisfaction using a three-item measure by Cammann, Fichman, Jenkins, and Klesh (1983) on a Likert scale anchored with totally disagree (1) and totally agree (7). A sample item is “All in all, I’m satisfied with my job.” Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was appropriate (α = .83). 3.2.2 | Monetary rewards (pay level) An objective measure of participants’ monthly pay level in euro (€) was obtained from the company’s HR system. We promised the orga- nization that we would keep the pay level data confidential, so we do not report descriptive statistics about pay levels here. These data are available upon request from the authors. 3.2.3 | Task contributions In assessing employees’ task contributions, we used a peer-rating approach. Given that employees’ task contributions are persistently evaluated by their social environment, especially by fellow coworkers (Bunderson, 2003; B. P. Cohen & Zhou, 1991), we deemed peer rat- ings appropriate in providing us with an adequate measurement for individuals’ task contributions. In addition, that approach enabled us to reduce common source and common method bias (Podsakoff, Mac- Kenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff, 2003). Thus, we asked each participant to rate the task contributions of their fellow managers with whom they were regularly interacting in their daily jobs. Branch managers and supervisors, who worked closely together, evaluated each other’s task contributions. The specialists (business developers, HR, and safety and security specialists) were mostly responsible for several branches at the same time and thus interacted with the respective branch man- agers as well as with the other specialists. Specialists thus provided task contribution ratings for the other specialists and for the respec- tive branch managers. The branch managers also evaluated the task contributions of the specialists working for their branches. To assess task contributions, we used the single-item measure (“This person makes valuable work-related contributions to the team”) applied and validated by Joshi and Knight (2015), which builds upon measures used by Bunderson (2003) and B. P. Cohen and Zhou (1991). Overall, on average, each participant was rated by 4.8 fellow managers. To jus- tify the approach of aggregating the peer ratings for each employee, two intraclass correlations were computed. ICC(1), indicating the ratio of between-group variance to total variance was 0.21, indicating a high score (Bliese, 2000; James, 1982). ICC(2), indicating the reliability of average peer perceptions, was 0.81, also representing a high value (Glick, 1985). Thus, our approach to aggregate the peer ratings can be justified. 3.2.4 | Controls As prior research shows that gender and tenure might affect individ- uals’ job satisfaction (Bedeian, Ferris, & Kacmar, 1992; Hunt & Saul, 1975), we incorporated these characteristics as control variables into our study. Furthermore, we controlled for the position that the employees hold in the organization (cf., Chen & Aryee, 2007), i.e., if 106 KOLLMANN ET AL.
  • 7. the participant works as a branch manager, supervisor, business devel- opment manager, HR manager, or safety/security manager. 4 | RESULTS 4.1 | Descriptive statistics Descriptive statistics and correlations among the study’s variables are displayed in Table 1. 4.2 | Tests of hypotheses To test our hypotheses, we conducted hierarchical multiple regression analyses. Age, monetary rewards, and task contributions were stan- dardized before the interaction terms were calculated. Job satisfaction as the dependent variable was then regressed on the six control vari- ables in a first step, the main effects of the independent variables in a second step, the two-way interactions in a third step, and the three- way interactions in a fourth step. Table 2 summarizes the standard- ized betas (β) and the (incremental) explained variance for each step. Moreover, simple slopes and differences between slopes were tested by using Dawson and Richter’s (2006) methodological approach. First, in Hypothesis 1, we predicted that employee age would moderate the relationship between monetary rewards (pay level) and job satisfaction. Model 1 shows that, after accounting for the control variables and the main effects of age and monetary rewards, the two- way interaction between age and monetary rewards had a significant negative effect on job satisfaction (β = −.21, p < .01), which indicates support for Hypothesis 1. To further examine this interaction, we plotted the moderating effect for high (1 SD above the mean) and low (1 SD below the mean) monetary rewards in Figure 2, following J. Cohen, Cohen, West, and Aiken’s (2003) approach. In line with our hypothesis, younger employees showed a positive relationship between monetary rewards and job satisfaction (simple slope: β = .30, p < .10). For older employees, the simple slope was not statistically significant (β = −.20, ns), indicating that monetary rewards did not sig- nificantly affect their job satisfaction. Second, we examined the moderating effect of age on the rela- tionship between task contributions and job satisfaction, as stated in Hypothesis 2. As shown in Model 2, there was a significant interaction effect of employee age and task contributions on job satisfaction (β = .20, p < .01). The moderating effect of age and task contributions on job satisfaction is plotted in Figure 3. In line with Hypothesis 2, task contributions related positively to job satisfaction for older employees (simple slope: β = .59, p < .001), while there was no signifi- cant effect among younger employees (simple slope: β = .13, ns). Third and finally, we tested the hypothesized three-way interac- tions between age, monetary rewards, and task contributions. Consis- tent with Hypothesis 3, the three-way interaction had a significant effect on job satisfaction (β = .16, p < .05). To further examine the sig- nificant three-way interaction, we plotted the effects in Figure 4. In line with our hypothesis, under low task contributions, older employees’ job satisfaction was more negatively related to job satis- faction than that of younger employees. Supporting the idea that older employees have a higher sensitivity for over-reward inequity, we found a strong negative impact of monetary rewards on older employees’ job satisfaction under low task contributions (simple slope: β = −.53; p < .01). For younger employees, we expected that due to their higher tolerance for over-reward inequity, the negative mone- tary rewards—job satisfaction relationship would be weaker. Exceed- ing our prediction, we even found a marginally significant positive relationship of monetary rewards on younger employees’ job satisfac- tion under low task contributions (simple slope: β = .37; p < .10). Further in line with our hypothesis, we found that under high task contributions, monetary rewards were more strongly positively related to younger than to older employees’ job satisfaction. Indicating youn- ger employees’ stronger sensitivity for under-reward inequity, they are dissatisfied when their high task contributions go along with low TABLE 1 Means, SDs, and correlations among variables M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Tenure (position) 12.35 8.87 2. Gendera 0.11 0.31 −.17* 3. Positionb (BD) 0.19 0.40 −.06 .17* 4. Position (BM) 0.19 0.40 −.01 .03 −.24** 5. Position (HR) 0.11 0.31 .01 .00 −.17* −.17* 6. Position (SUP) 0.46 0.50 .00 −.13 −.45*** −.45*** −.32*** 7. Age 46.61 8.99 .68*** −.13 −.13 .14 .02 −.09 8. Monetary rewards .31*** −.17* −.49*** .72*** −.09 −.11 .42*** 9. Task contributions 5.16 1.10 −.08 .14 .00 −.08 .15 −.04 −.04 −.15 10. Job satisfaction 5.83 1.13 .04 .06 −.12 .01 .13 .00 .11 .07 .33*** Note: N = 166. a For gender, 0 = male, 1 = female. b For position, dummies were coded; five categories: Business Development Manager (BD), Branch Manager (BM), Human Resources Manager (HR), Supervisor (SUP), and Safety/Security Manager (= baseline category). KOLLMANN ET AL. 107
  • 8. monetary rewards, but increasingly satisfied with higher amounts of pay (simple slope: β = .54; p < .01). By contrast, supporting the idea that older employees have a higher tolerance for under-reward ineq- uity, their monetary rewards—job satisfaction relationship is weaker under high task contributions (simple slope: β = .40; p < .10). To shed more light on the differential role that monetary rewards and task contributions played in younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction, we additionally performed two slope difference tests for the two different age groups. For younger employees, we observed that monetary rewards positively related to their job satisfaction under conditions of both low task and high task contributions. The slope difference test was insignificant (t = 0.72, ns), supporting the impression that for younger employees, the positive effect of mone- tary rewards on job satisfaction was comparable in magnitude, TABLE 2 Hierarchical multiple regression analyses predicting job satisfaction from age, monetary rewards (pay level), and task contributions Model 1 (H1) Model 2 (H2) Model 3 (H3) Job satisfaction ΔR2 β ΔR2 β ΔR2 β Controls .04 .04 .04 Tenure (position) .00 .05 .10 Gender .08 .10 .10 Position (BD) −.07 −.08 −.02 Position (BM) .02 .02 −.03 Position (HR) .13 .12 .12 Position (SUP) .02 .06 .04 Main effects .01 .10*** .11** Age .02 .07 −.10 Monetary rewards .04 .16 Task contributions .32*** .26** Two-way interactions .04** .04** .07** Age × monetary rewards −.21** −.21** Age × task contributions .20** .23** Monetary rewards × task contributions .02 Three-way interaction .02* Age × monetary rewards × task contributions .16* Total R2 .08 .17 .23 Note: N = 166. Standardized betas are reported. *p < .05;; **p < .01;; ***p < .001. FIGURE 2 Plot of the two-way interaction effect among age and monetary rewards on job satisfaction FIGURE 3 Plot of the two-way interaction effect among age and task contributions on job satisfaction 108 KOLLMANN ET AL.
  • 9. regardless of their simultaneous level of task contributions. By con- trast, the slope difference test for older employees was significant (t = 14.67; p < .001), indicating that for older employees, the relation- ship between monetary rewards and job satisfaction is dependent on the level of task contributions (negative when task contributions are low, but marginally positive when task contributions are high). 5 | DISCUSSION Employee age has become a key factor in management research (Bal, de Lange, Ybema, Jansen, & van der Velde, 2011). Maintaining and enhancing the job satisfaction of younger and older employees is highly relevant if organizations want to harness the benefits of an age-diverse workforce (cf., Backes-Gellner & Veen, 2013; Stone & Deadrick, 2015). However, neither classic job satisfaction theories nor life-span aging theories go into detail about the question of what sat- isfies younger versus older employees and why, which is why in-depth insights about how to develop age-differentiated human resource management solutions are currently lacking (Schalk et al., 2010). We suggest that this shortcoming can be addressed by combining equity theory as a traditional job satisfaction theory with an aging perspec- tive. We argued that the age-related shifts in motives and goals described in socioemotional selectivity theory (as a seminal life-span aging theory) would also go along with a shift in the priorities or pref- erences relating to the “receiving” (outcome) versus “giving” (input) sides of equity theory. That way, this study introduced employee age as an important moderator of the impact of monetary rewards (pay level) and task contributions on job satisfaction. We found support for the two-way and three-way interactions proposed. The findings supported our assumption that the “receiving part” (outcome side) of equity theory would play a stronger role in younger employees’ job satisfaction, while the “giving part” (input side) would play a stronger role in older employees’ job satisfaction. That is, monetary rewards positively contributed to younger (but not to older) employees’ job satisfaction, while task contributions enhanced older (but not younger) employees’ job satisfaction. Over and above, we found a three-way interaction indicating that inequity between monetary rewards and task contributions affected younger versus older employees’ job satisfaction differently. Our findings supported our reasoning that older employees would react to inequity in a more benevolent pattern, while younger employees would react in a more entitled pattern (cf., Huseman et al., 1987). That is, supporting the notion that older employees would react more nega- tively to over-reward inequity, we observed an undermining effect of monetary rewards on older employees’ job satisfaction, but only when task contributions were low. When task contributions were high, however, this negative effect disappeared and monetary rewards even turned into a facilitator of older employees’ job satisfaction. Supporting the idea that younger employees would react more nega- tively to under-reward inequity, low monetary rewards for high task contributions were associated with low job satisfaction for them. The assumption that younger employees would have a higher tolerance for over-reward inequity was not only supported, but exceeded, as monetary rewards even marginally positively affected job satisfaction under conditions of low task contributions. Thus, monetary rewards seem to play an even stronger role in younger employees’ job satisfac- tion than expected, while task contributions seem to play a surpris- ingly minor role for them. In identifying these complex moderating effects of employee age, the present study provides important and novel findings with theoretical and practical implications. 5.1 | Theoretical implications The present study puts a spotlight on the importance of the “aging factor” for the job satisfaction literature and, vice versa, on the impor- tance of job satisfaction as an outcome for the aging literature, thereby offering insights for both streams of research. First, FIGURE 4 Plot of the three-way interaction effect among age, monetary rewards, and task contributions on job satisfaction KOLLMANN ET AL. 109
  • 10. contributing to the job satisfaction literature, our study once more confirms that employee age is “more than just a control variable [and] a topic worthy of examination in its own right” (Truxillo et al., 2015, p. 373). In particular, our findings show that even long-standing, established theories of job satisfaction such as equity theory can ben- efit from an aging perspective, as it helps to understand the emer- gence of job satisfaction within different demographic groups in a more fine-grained and differentiated way. Even more, our findings suggest that an aging perspective can help to resolve inconsistencies and mixed findings that have persisted within the job satisfaction literature. One of these unresolved issues concerns the role of monetary rewards in individuals’ job satisfaction. Contrary to the commonly held positive view that higher pay facilitates job satisfaction, meta-analytic findings indicate the role of pay in employee job satisfaction is only marginal. In addition, a potentially undermining effect of pay “has been controversial from the time it first appeared in the literature” (Gagné & Deci, 2005, p. 332) and is still intensively discussed among scholars and practitioners alike (Fang & Gerhart, 2012; Grandey et al., 2013; Hewett & Conway, 2016). In our sample, the main effect of pay level on job satisfaction is close to zero and insignificant. However, the interactive effects reveal that monetary rewards can both foster or undermine job satisfaction—depending on employees’ age. In a broader sense, this finding is also in line with prior studies offering ini- tial evidence for the idea that job rewards are not equally attractive for all employees and thus do not affect all employees in the same way (e.g., De Gieter & Hofmans, 2015; Hofmans, De Gieter, & Pepermans, 2013; Vandenberghe, St-Onge, & Robineau, 2008). While these studies have mainly focused on between-person differences in dimensions such as individuals’ personality, we suggest that examining the impact of (monetary) rewards in light of individuals’ age might be a fruitful avenue for future research. Another unresolved issue stems immediately from equity theory. While the idea of under-reward inequity leading to dissonance and dissatisfaction has found wide empirical support, scholars often failed to demonstrate the dissatisfying nature of over-reward situations (cf., Cosier & Dalton, 1983; Mowday, 1991). These ambiguous findings have even brought some researchers to cast doubt on the overall use- fulness of equity theory (Miles et al., 1994; Miner, 1984). T.-Y. Kim et al. (2018) recently criticized that these prior findings were mainly based on experiments in which under-reward and over-reward sce- narios were artificially manipulated. Following their call to examine these effects in real-life organizational settings, we find that both under-reward and over-reward can lead to dissatisfaction—however, again, highly depending on employee age. That way, our research also supports the idea that individuals are not equally sensitive to situa- tions of inequity (Huseman et al., 1987). Taken together, we would not doubt the validity of equity theory’s main statements. Instead, our research calls for future studies to carry forward research about indi- viduals’ reactions to inequity, while taking into account the moderat- ing role of individual differences, especially employee age. Finally, in unraveling the (dis-)satisfying effects of monetary rewards and task contributions depending on employee age, this study also sheds light on the specific needs and requirements of older employees in organizations. In demonstrating that their job satisfaction emerges from different factors than the satisfaction among their younger coworkers, our findings concur with recent calls to develop and design HR solutions that specifically target older employees (Kooij, Jansen, Dikkers, & De Lange, 2010; Oostrom, Pennings, & Bal, 2016). Given the different goals and values that older employees pur- sue in their jobs, our findings support the notion that more customized instead of standardized HR practices might be effective in fostering satisfaction of older employees in organizations (cf., Bal & Dore- nbosch, 2015; Hornung, Rousseau, Weigl, Mueller, & Glaser, 2014). Whether or not customized HR practices (such as idiosyncratic deals; Rousseau, 2005) directed to older employees will be able to foster their long-term retention and productivity should thus be addressed in future research. 5.2 | Practical implications The current research has important implications for practitioners deal- ing with the challenge of demographic change. The findings provide managers and HR professionals with practical insights into how jobs in general and job rewards in particular should be designed to satisfy an increasingly aging and age-diverse workforce. Our study shows that there can be no “one size fits all” approach to satisfy both youn- ger and older employees (cf., Hornung et al., 2014). Instead, our find- ings support the idea that employers should devise and implement appropriately tailored and age-differentiated HR practices (cf., Dello Russo, Miraglia, & Borgogni, 2017; Xavier, 2014). First and foremost, this pertains to the monetary compensation of employees: Our results indicate job satisfaction among younger employees can be effectively increased by providing them with monetary rewards. By contrast, increasing older employees’ job satisfaction is much more complex and might not be achieved simply by giving pay raises. Instead, high pay levels can even have a negative impact on older employees’ job satisfaction when task contributions in the job are low, because being over-rewarded in proportion to their contributions to the organization triggers aversive feelings of dissonance. Given the differential value that younger and older employees place on monetary rewards, we fol- low the claim made by Stone and Deadrick (2015) that “aligning reward and compensation systems with the values of multiple genera- tions” (p. 142) can be an effective way for organizations to attract, motivate, and retain an age-diverse workforce. In designing such indi- vidualized reward systems, practitioners should carefully consider that rewards should be allocated in ways that employees perceive as fair and transparent from a procedural and distributive justice perspective (Folger & Konovsky, 1989). In addition, such reward systems must of course be in compliance with national legal regulations against age- related discrimination (e.g., the Age Discrimination in Employment Act in the U.S.; cf., Neumark, 2009). Against this background, flexible cafe- teria reward systems that compensate employees with a total sum, but allow them to make an individualized selection out of different (mone- tary or nonmonetary) benefits and rewards could be an effective and 110 KOLLMANN ET AL.
  • 11. fair solution (Benders, Delsen, & Smits, 2006; Stone & Deadrick, 2015). Apart from the monetary aspects of work, our results also show that the task contributions employees experience at the workplace are a powerful predictor of job satisfaction. This is especially true for employees of older age groups who have a strong need to make meaningful contributions in their jobs (Kooij et al., 2011). Given the growing focus on the retention and employability of older workers (Armstrong-Stassen & Schlosser, 2011; Oostrom, Pennings, & Bal, 2016), organizations should thus create a working environment or atmosphere that encourages particularly older employees to engage in meaningful task contributions. Especially an organizational climate for inclusion in which every individual feels appreciated and as an important part of the team (Boehm, Kunze, & Bruch, 2014; Nishii, 2013) should not only set the ground for making valuable contribu- tions to the organization, but also for giving employees feedback on their contributions. Finally, organizations should give older employees the opportunity to fulfill their generativity motives and to make mean- ingful contributions to their social environment. One way to achieve that could be to offer older employees expert or mentoring roles (Kooij et al., 2011; Patrickson & Hartmann, 1995) that provide them with the opportunity to share their knowledge and experiences with other employees. 5.3 | Limitations of the study The present study has various strengths that enhance our confidence in its findings, including the use of an objective pay level measure and peer ratings of task contributions. However, several limitations should be considered. First, the present study is cross-sectional and thus does not allow drawing conclusions about aging effects over time. This also means that we cannot rule out the possibility that the differ- ences observed between younger and older individuals might reflect generation effects. In other words, the younger and older employees in our study might have reacted differently because they were born into different decades and thus grew up in different social contexts (Smola & Sutton, 2002). However, also this generational perspective has not been without criticism, as little or no empirical evidence for the existence of generational differences or their effects on individ- uals at work could be demonstrated (Costanza, Badger, Fraser, Severt, & Gade, 2012; Costanza & Finkelstein, 2015). Scholars have thus recently recommended life-span aging perspectives over genera- tional perspectives (Rudolph, Rauvola, & Zacher, 2018; Rudolph & Zacher, 2017). Taken together, while we cannot empirically disentan- gle whether our findings are a result of aging processes over time (as suggested) or due to generation effects, our life-span aging approach reflects a “more sophisticated toolkit for thinking about age- related differences” (Rudolph et al., 2018, p. 52). The second point refers to the generalizability of our findings. Our data were gathered in just one company in only one country (Germany), a method that has both its advantages and disadvantages. On the one hand, this focused research setting helps to control for industry-specific or company-specific differences that might mask significant effects (Jansen, Van Den Bosch, & Volberda, 2006). More- over, Germany generally offers a favorable environment in which to conduct aging studies as the age structure in German organizations can serve as a future projection for other industrialized nations (Kunze & Menges, 2017). On the other hand, specific characteristics of the organizational culture or the general cultural background in Germany might have an impact on how monetary rewards and task contributions are perceived and valued. Moreover, differences in national social security and retirement systems might particularly affect the relevance of monetary rewards for individuals’ job satisfac- tion. Consequently, we suggest that the present findings should be replicated within further international contexts. Moreover, the participants in our study all worked on the manage- ment level, thereby representing a group of individuals with a rela- tively high income and socioeconomic status. Our findings might thus not hold for employees working in other professions associated with different labor conditions. Especially in cases of precarious employ- ment (Benach et al., 2014) or very low overall household income, monetary rewards might have an overall higher relevance for individ- uals’ job satisfaction, irrespective of their age (cf., Layard, Mayraz, & Nickell, 2008). In addition, not all jobs might enable individuals to make valuable task contributions (Grant, 2008). Future studies should, therefore, consider expanding our insights to employees at other levels of the organizational hierarchy, including blue-collar workers. Over and above, it has not been the aim of this study to make specific statements about employees belonging to “extreme” age groups, that is, very young and very old workers, and our data do not allow for such comparisons. To examine job satisfaction among employees in their first jobs or employees working beyond retirement age, we advise to address these target groups specifically (cf., Bal, De Jong, Jansen, & Bakker, 2012). 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