Gender Inequality in Zambia: A Study of Religious Practices and Culture

Greenlight
University
la connaissance
et l’espoir
Knowledge & HopeKnowledge & Hope
la connaissance
et l’espoir
Greenlight
University
GENDER INEQUALITY IN RELATION TO RELIGIOUS
PRACTICES AND CULTURE: A STUDY OF ZAMBIA
VICTOR MWILA
STUDENTS NUMBER: Glue 1-170035
A complete thesis in fulfillment of the requirements for Master of Arts in
Religious Studies at the Faculty of Theology and Leadership Studies
at Greenlight University-Lusaka, Zambia
Supervisor Prof. N. Banda
August, 2016

i
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to create a conceptual theoretical framework in regard to
the understanding of Gender inequality, Gender roles, religious practices and culture for
development and well being of women in society. The objectives of the study were: to explain
the beliefs of Gender inequality, gender roles, religion and culture, to determined the situations
women face in both religion and secular institutions in regard to gender inequality, to identify the
challenges people face in regard to gender inequality and religious practices, to identify
methods/measures in addressing the issue of gender inequality in the society and lastly, to make
recommendations in regard to gender inequality, religion practices and culture. The study used a
descriptive case study that served the purpose of the study. The primary methodology chosen
was library research and data collection method was document review. The study employed
qualitative approach in the collection and analysis of data. The results of the study indicated that
both in church and society men have more power than women, women are considered to be
weaker than men, deserve neither respect nor dignity, formed to serve and to be submissive to
men, most of the religious organizations and other institutions have allowed males to dominate
all the structural systems including politics, socio-economic and religious systems. More
importantly, it was also evident that the role of women in society is completely sidelined and its
leadership has become dominated by men. However, if both men and women in religious
organizations and other institutions worked together in addressing the beliefs of gender
inequality, the Zambian society could have been a gender balanced community.

ii
DECLARATION
I, Victor Mwila, do hereby declare that
(i) The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original research.
(ii) This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university.
(iii) This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless
specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons.
(iv) This thesis does not contain other persons’ writing, unless specifically acknowledged as
being sourced from other researchers.
Where other written sources have been quoted, then:
a) their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been
referenced:
b) where their exact words have been used, their writing has been placed inside quotation marks,
and referenced.
(v) This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet,
unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and in the
References sections.
Signed_____________________________
Student: Victor Mwila
Signed_____________________________
Supervisor: Professor Nickson Banda

iii
APPROVAL PAGE
We are hereby approve this thesis
for
VICTOR MWILA
Candidate for the Master of Arts in Religious Studies Degree
for
the Faculty of Theology and Leadership Studies
at
GREENLIGHT UNIVERSITY
Directorate of Graduate and Postgraduate Studies
Dean of Faculty of Theology and Leadership Studies
Date of Completion
Student’s Date of Defense
Signature of Director of Postgraduate Studies

iv
SWORN STATEMENT
I, Victor Mwila, declare that this Master of Arts in Religious Studies thesis entitled “Gender
inequality in relation to religion practices and culture: A Study in Zambia” is my own work, to
the best of my knowledge, it does not contain materials previously Published or written by other
people, nor has its content ever been substantially accepted in exchange for academic grades or
university degrees from Greenlight or other institutions, except properly acknowledged within
the document.
Signed __________________________
Student: Victor Mwila

v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This journey would not have been possible without the support of my enthusiastic supervisor,
Professor Nickson Banda. My Master Degree of Arts in Religious Studies journey has been an
amazing experience and I thank Professor Nickson Banda wholeheartedly, not only for his
tremendous academic support, but also for giving me so many wonderful opportunities. Much
more, for showing me what it means to be a dedicated and for giving of his time, energy, and
expertise and I am richer for it.
To all academic staff at Greenlight University, thank you for being there for me and for their
support when so generously hosting me in campus. I have very fond memories of my time there.
Also, i would like to give special thanks to all my classmates, for challenging my thinking by
helping me question assumptions and view issues from multiple perspectives.
To my family, thank you for encouraging me in all of my pursuits and inspiring me to follow my
dreams.
To my friends, thank you for listening, offering me advice, and supporting me through this entire
process.
Above all, I owe it to the Almighty God for his providence. To all church members of Gospel
church Harvest Centre in Kabwe, Ndola and Luanshya, who have shared part of their lives with
me, the connections we have made through ministry have enriched my life and I look forward to
continuing our relationships.

vi
DEDICATION
I dedicate this work to my wife and my children

vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................... i
DECLARATION ............................................................................................... iii
APPROVE PAGE................................................................................................iv
SWORN STATEMENT .......................................................................................v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.................................................................................vi
DEDICATION .................................................................................................. viii
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................1
1.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................1
1.2 Background and context of the study..................................................................................2
1.2.1 Brief Summary of the Situation of Women in Zambia in regard to Gender Inequality.............5
1.3 Research rationale..............................................................................................................7
1.4 Statement of the problem ...................................................................................................7
1.5 Purpose and Objectives of the study...................................................................................8
1.6 Primary research questions.................................................................................................9
1.7 Significance of the study....................................................................................................9
1.8 Research Methodology ....................................................................................................10
1.9 Limitation........................................................................................................................10
1.10 Research structure/ outline .............................................................................................11
1.11 Ethical aspects of the study ............................................................................................12
1.12 Conclusion.....................................................................................................................13
1.13 Research time table........................................................................................................14

viii
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ..........................................................15
2.1 Introduction .....................................................................................................................15
2.2 Definitions of terms .........................................................................................................15
2.2.1 Gender ......................................................................................................................15
2.2.2 Religion ....................................................................................................................17
2.2.3 Culture......................................................................................................................19
2.3 Understanding the beliefs of gender inequality, gender roles, religious practices and culture
..............................................................................................................................................19
2.3.1 Gender Inequality......................................................................................................19
2.3.2 Gender Roles.............................................................................................................27
2.3.3 Religious practices and culture in regard to Gender Inequality...................................39
2.3.4 Relationship between Religion, Gender and Culture..................................................45
2.3.5 Theories in relation to Gender Inequality...................................................................64
2.4 The position of women in society in regard to gender inequality ......................................71
2.4.1 The position of women in Zambian society ...............................................................71
2.4.2 The position of women in Africa ...............................................................................77
2.5 The challenges of women in regard to Inequality .............................................................98
2.6 The approaches in addressing the issues of gender inequality globally ...........................112
2.7 Conclusion.....................................................................................................................121
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ...................................................................124
3.1 Qualitative Methodology ...............................................................................................124
3.2 Research Design ............................................................................................................127
3.3 Data types and source ....................................................................................................128
3.4 Research Paradigm ........................................................................................................129
3.5 Data Analysis Methods ..................................................................................................134
3.6 Sample ..........................................................................................................................137
3.7 Validity, Reliability and Generalization .........................................................................139
CHAPTER 4: PRESENTATION OF RESPONSES AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
............................................................................................................................141

ix
4.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................141
4.2 The religious practices and culture’s view in regard to women occupying leadership
positions in the church ........................................................................................................141
4.3 The challenges women face in regard to occupying leadership positions in the church ..145
4.4 The measures to take in addressing the issues of gender inequality in regard to religious
practices and culture ...........................................................................................................148
4.5 Discussion of the findings..............................................................................................149
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS.....................150
REFERENCES .................................................................................................155

1
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
The purpose of the study was to create a conceptual theoretical framework in
regard to the understanding of Gender inequality, Gender roles, religious practices and
culture for development and well being of women in societies. This study will assess the
main problems regarding the understanding of Gender inequality, Gender roles, religious
practices and culture for development and wellbeing of women in societies and give a
brief summary of the challenges women experience in regard to gender inequality. This
thesis is divided into five chapters. The first chapter deals with the background of the
problem that focuses on the experiences of women in regard to gender inequality, and the
chapter will further cites the overall objective of the study. Additionally, chapter two will
review the literature in terms of the four themes: understanding the beliefs of gender
inequality, gender roles, religious practices and culture, the position of women in society
regard to gender inequality, the challenges of women in regard to gender inequality, and
the approach to use in addressing the issues of gender inequality in society. The third
chapter will further look at the methodology used in the research that focused on detailed
descriptions of situations, events, people, interactions, beliefs, observed behaviors, direct
quotations from people about their experiences, attitudes, correspondence and thoughts
and excerpts or entire passages from documents, records, and case histories. The chapter
will also look at the case study research design, the method and how data was analyzed.
The chapter will also discuss the materials used for answering the research questions of
the study and show how data was collected and interpreted. Additionally, the fourth
chapter will present the discussion of the main findings of the research in regard to case
studies done by other scholars. Therefore, chapter five will conclude with an overview of

2
all the chapters of the research giving a brief summary of each chapter including the
recommendations in regard to gender inequality.
1.2Background and context of the study
Zambia is one of the world’s poorest countries. The majority of the population lives
in absolute poverty with limited access to productive and material resources. As
elsewhere in the world, poverty impacts on women and men in different ways; Zambian
women are on average poorer than Zambian men. Patriarchal and socio-economic
structures lock women into poverty traps, where they have less access to education and
formal employment, and they earn less than men. However, gender is not only about
women’s rights. It is about women and men working together to reduce poverty. It is our
belief that respecting universal human rights for all, and empowering any disadvantaged
collectives, is essential in the fight against poverty (Charlotta, 2008). The previous Sida
Country Gender Analysis of Zambia was made in 1993. Since then, much has happened.
The country has mobilized efforts for poverty reduction within the framework of its
Poverty Reduction Strategy and the Fifth National Development Plan. Poverty levels
have been brought down, multi-party democracy has been developed and, in 2005,
Zambia reached the HIPC completion point for debt cancellation. At the same time,
heavy restructuring in fiscal and public government have affected the population
severely, and HIV/Aids has become a pandemic with infection rates at 16%, threatening
all levels of Zambian society. All these changes affect power relations between women
and men. As a cooperating partner with Zambia, Sida aims to mainstream gender into all
strategies and programmes. It is our hope that this Country Gender Profile will provide

3
information to serve this goal, but also be of interest of other organizations and
individuals dedicated to sustainable development in Zambia (Charlotta, 2008).
As mentioned in the introduction, analyzing gender power relations is crucial to
understanding both the causes of, and remedies for, poverty. In Zambia, the differences
between women and men in socio-economic and socio-cultural status are in many cases
striking. In some fields men can be said to be disadvantaged. For example, more young
men are arrested and suffer from the lack of legal rights caused by a judiciary system
operating at half its capacity. Also, there are some positive indicators in gender equality.
Surprisingly enough, 49.4% of the electorate is female suggesting that both women and
men are using their democratic rights. In the education system, equal participation of both
sexes is promoted in learning as well as management, and gender gaps are de facto
narrowing. The women’s movement is fairly well organized and centralized, and is
acknowledged as a respected voice in civil society. In most cases though, women are
disadvantaged as a group. Women’s average monthly income is less than half of men’s,
and they are more often found in the informal sector. Both general poverty and extreme
poverty are slightly more significant in women, and women’s education and literacy
levels lag behind those of their brothers and husbands. Maternal mortality rates are very
high and young women aged 15-19 are four times more vulnerable to HIV/Aids infection
than their male counterparts. Women in rural areas spend more than 2 hours per day
collecting firewood and 4 more hours cooking time that could be spent on income-
generating activities e.g. small agricultural businesses. Furthermore, it is estimated that
80% of the country’s food stock is produced by women but women farmers are most
often found engaged in small scale subsistence farming with lower access to good land,

4
seeds, technology, markets and credit. Women are by far the most targeted victims of
gender-based violence and more than every second married woman reports having been
beaten, kicked or slapped at least once. Women are significantly more unlikely to be
found as owners of land or holders of bank accounts. Only 15% of members of
parliament are female. Causes of these inequalities can be found both in poverty and in
patriarchal social systems and attitudes - often in complex interplay. If a child does not go
to school, it is often because the family is poor and cannot afford to keep all their children
away from household food production. If then a girl is retained while her brother goes to
school, this might be because of what is culturally demanded of her; most Zambian.
1.2.1 Brief Summary of the Situation of Women in Zambia in regard to
Gender Inequality
There is a prevailing idea of gender inequality in Zambia based on deep-rooted
social and cultural norms (United Nations, 1991). One crucial reason for the fixated idea
of gender inequality is the fact that the Zambian Constitution (enacted in 1991 and
revised in 1996) endorses customary law in addition to men’s prejudice against women
and lack of knowledge on women’s rights among the general public. At the policy level,
however, steady improvements towards gender equality have been made. In 2012, the
Gender Office as part of the Cabinet Office became the independent Ministry of Gender
(initially started as the Ministry of Gender and Child Development and later changed to
the present name following organizational reform in October, 2015). The Anti-Gender
Based Violence Act and National Gender Policy (hereafter referred to as “the Gender
Policy”) were introduced in 2011 and 2014 respectively. In terms of the participation of
women in politics, a female vice-president has been playing an important role in the

5
government’s decision-making but the overall participation of women in politics is rather
small compared to neighboring African countries as the proportion of female members of
parliament and the proportion of female members of local assemblies are as low as 11.5%
and 6.3% respectively (UNDP, 2013).
Primary education in Zambia has recently seen an increase of the enrolment rate
for girls to the extent that the number of girls in primary education slightly exceeds that
of boys at present (Gender Status Report, 2010).The net enrolment rate in 2010 for the first
through ninth grades was 83.7% for boys and 84% for girls (Gender Status Report, 2010).
However, the number of girl dropouts increases with higher grades and the net enrolment
ratio for boys in the 10th through 12th grades is much higher than that for girls (33.5%
for boys and 25.6% for girls). The dropout ratio for girls begins to increase around the
sixth grade and is double the ratio for boys in the 7th grade. This trend continues to the
12th grade. Although financial difficulty is the principal reason given for dropping-out
overall, pregnancy is the overwhelming reason for girls. 58% of girls who drop out in the
10th through 12th grades cite pregnancy as the reason (UN Zambia Country Team). Women
account for 73%14 of the overall labour force in Zambia and this figure is relatively high
compared to other African countries. Most of these women are engaged in agriculture for
self-consumption and their labor in such an informal sector cannot be said to generate
sufficient income for livelihood improvement (World Development Indicator).
The rate of marriage at an adolescent age15 in Zambia for women of 17% is far
higher than 1% for men, and the teenage pregnancy rate is extremely high (29% of 15 –
19 year olds have already experienced childbirth or are pregnant) (Zambia Demographic
Survey, 2013/14). These facts presumably reflect the situation of customary law being

6
virtually accepted and the teaching of the expected role of women as soon as girls reach
adolescence.
As a result of childbirth at a young age, there is a tendency to dropout among
female students, resulting in receiving insufficient education. Further, the heavy burden
of pregnancy on these young women can lead to their death because of the stress
associated with pregnancy on their immature bodies. The HIV/AIDS prevalence ratio
among adult women aged 15 to 49 of 15.1% is high compared to 12.3% for men (Zambia
Demographic Survey, 2013/14). As reported in the Zambia Demographic and Health
Survey for 2013 to 2014, the ratio of women aged 15 to 49 who have experienced
violence since 15 years of age is as high as 43% while 17% have experienced sexual
violence indicating the high prevalence of Gender-based Violence.
Zambia ranked 116th among 145 countries which were surveyed for the Global
Gender Gap Index 2015 by the World Economic Forum (The Global Gender Gap, 2015).
In terms of political empowerment which evaluates the situation of women’s
participation in politics, Zambia ranks 102nd. Meanwhile, the Gender Equality Index in a
human development report by UNDP puts Zambia at 135th among 187 countries,
indicating Zambia’s relatively low status in terms of the empowerment of women. One of
the main reasons for these results attribute to women’s low participation in decision-
making. In the 2011 general election, women accounted for 11.5% of the members of the
parliament (MPs) and 6.3% of the members of local councils elected, which is still far
from the target of 50% adopted by SADC ( UNDP, 2013). The proportion of female MPs
is reported to be 13% in 2015 which makes Zambia 11th among SADC countries targeted
for the survey. The Patriotic Front, the current ruling party, does not endorse a quota

7
system. While the United National Independence Party promised to allocate 30% of their
seats to women, they have not realized this promise. According to the female
parliamentarian candidates, political parties are reluctant to select women due to lack of
their financial power, in addition to their lack of leadership and education, as well as
prejudice against women. In regard to the proportion of women in decision-making
positions, two out of 19 cabinet ministers (10.5%) are women while only 26 out of 288
traditional leaders (9%) are women (Gender Status Report, 2010). In contrast, the
proportion of women is relatively high among permanent under-secretaries (19%),
directors (23%), positions equivalent to deputy director (43.6%)27 , and high court and
supreme court judges (45%) (National Gender Policy, 2014). In the private sector, the
proportion of women in management positions has increased to 27.4%, however, yet to
reach the 30% level (Labour Force Report, 2014).
1.3 Research Rationale
The rationale for the study is first, to expand knowledge and understand the issues
related to the beliefs of gender inequality, religious practices and culture. Second, to
identify the measures/ methods in addressing the situations and challenges in regard to
gender inequality at the institutional, organizational and individual levels. On the other
hand, the study is an attempt to fill the gaps in regard to the subject and add to the body
of Knowledge.
1.4 Statement of the problem
Gender inequality in both religious and secular institutions in African societies,
Zambia in particular, has become one of the biggest issue people are facing today.
Gender inequality refers to an imbalance of power between men and women in society.

8
This is reflected in the fact that women have less political power than men, less economic
clout, they have less say within the community, and are subjected to gender-based
violence both inside and outside the home. Within religion and culture, this inequality is
evident in the fact that men overwhelmingly dominate in the highest levels of the
hierarchy in these sectors. Also, some religious institutions do not allow women to
occupy decision-making positions, with the result that women are unable to participate in
and influence civil and political life. In Zambia, it is estimated that only 15% of members
of parliament are female. The causes of these inequalities can be found both in poverty
and in patriarchal social systems and attitudes - often in complex interplay. Despite the
efforts by the Zambian Government and other stakeholders to address the problem of
inequalities at the institutional, organizational and individual levels and aiming to
mainstream gender into all strategies and programmes, the levels of inequality today in
society have kept rising and most of the people have been affected. Therefore, there is
need to provide a conceptual theoretical framework in regard to the understanding of
Gender inequality, Gender roles, religious practices and culture for development and well
being of women in society.
1.5 Purpose and Objectives of the study
1.5.1 Overall Objective
The overall purpose of the study is to create a conceptual theoretical framework in
regard to the understanding of Gender inequality, Gender roles, religious practices and
culture for development and well being of women in society.

9
1.5.2 The objectives of the study
1. To explain the beliefs of Gender inequality, gender roles, religion and culture
2. To determined the situations women face in both religion and secular institutions
in regard to gender inequality
3. To identify the challenges people face in regard to Gender inequality and religious
practices
4. To identify methods/measures in addressing the issue of gender inequality in the
society
5. To make recommendations in regard to gender inequality, religion practices and
culture
1.6 Research questions
1. What are the beliefs of Gender inequality, gender roles, religion and culture?
2. What type of situations do women face in both religion and secular institutions in
regard to gender inequality?
3. What are the challenges people face in regard to Gender inequality and religious
practices?
4. What methods/measures can be used to address the issue of gender inequality in
the society?
5. What are the recommendations for gender inequality, religion practices and
culture?

10
1.7 Significance of the study
The study opted to help in studying the main problems in regard to gender
inequality, gender roles, religious practices and culture for development and wellbeing of
women in Zambia. On the other hand, the study aimed at identifying the strategies for
change in regard to gender inequality that might be implemented at the institutional,
organizational and individual levels globally. Therefore, the study will contribute to the
body of Knowledge in expanding the understanding of the situation and challenges of
women in relation to gender inequality.
1.8 Research methodology
The study was descriptive in nature. The research was conducted by studying “gender
inequality in relation to religious practices and culture”. This study adopted a case study
design as a way of ordering and organizing the research. According to (Bassey, 1991), a
case study is a common term for the investigation of a group or phenomenon with a
unique characteristic, being that human systems develop a distinctive feature of
wholeness and reliability. In this regard, the researcher adopted a case study design to
investigate people’s thoughts about the activities specifically aimed at understanding of
the position of women in religious and secular institutions in regard to gender inequality.
This methodology was refined to suit the focus and purpose of the research. This study
also required detailed responses to the researched area, and the case study offered a
holistic and in-depth investigation since they are designed to bring out the details from
the view point of participants through their documents with their institutions. This is
exactly what the researcher aimed to achieve, therefore the case study is what this study
adopted.

11
The study employed library research as a primary methodology. The qualitative
method was used to gain more understanding on the situations and challenges women
face in regard to gender inequality, religious practices and culture. According to Zeid
(2004), the primary aim of library research is to collect the data. In this regard, the library
research method allowed for the collection of particular literature for an in-depth
understanding of the main objective of the research and to answer the research questions.
This research involved a review of circulating journal articles of gender inequality,
religion and culture. Also, articles and documents were retrieved from various online
databases, and the analysis of the data was based on the interpretation of the overall
documented literature in regard to gender inequality, religious practices and culture.
Therefore, the data for this research were collected using library research method and
document reviews.
1.9 Limitation of the study
The findings are to a large extent founded on previous research written by
scholars in the area of gender and development, women and men studies. Consequently,
this study is limited by the scholars’ understandings and perceptions due to the conduct of
secondary sources. However, since there have been widespread of literature concerning
gender inequality, women, and men on each part of the matter, there is still no complete
study incorporating all secondary literature on this issue. For this reason, this study has
adopted the method of library research in order to investigate the complex gender issue.
But this further means that the research is restricted to the findings and analysis from the
obtained previous literature, which can as a matter of fact be a cause of unreliable and
misguided facts being presented.

12
1.10 Research structure/outline
The thesis is divided into five chapters. Chapter one gives a brief background of
the experiences of women in regard to gender inequality. Chapter two reviews literature
and empirical evidences in regard to understanding the beliefs of gender inequality,
gender roles, religious practices and culture, the position of women in society in regard to
gender inequality, the challenges of women in regard to gender inequality and the
approach to use in addressing the issues of gender inequality in society.
The chapter three discuses the methods and research design used and how data
was analyzed. The chapter will also discuss the materials used for answering the research
questions of the study and show how data was collected and interpreted. Additionally, the
fourth chapter will present the discussion of the main findings of the research in regard to
case studies done by other scholars. Therefore, chapter five will conclude with an
overview of all the chapters of the research giving a brief summary of each chapter
including the recommendations in regard to gender inequality. In chapter four, the study
will present the discussion of the main findings of the research in regard to case studies
done by other scholars. The thesis ends with chapter five concluding with
recommendations for future research in chapter four.
1.11 Ethical aspect of the study
When looking at research ethics there are ethical problems concerning values and
ethical problems concerning responsibility. As the study relies on secondary sources,
which makes the research not having direct contact with the research subjects, this study
does not encounter any ethical problems with responsibility such as exploitation and

13
deception of its research subjects (Silberman, 2011:88). Ethical problems concerning
values are on the other hand more relevant for this study. As this study deals with gender
mainstreaming policies’ impact on men, women, and the relationship between them,
which can be considered as a controversial topic, there is an awareness of the importance
to be objective in the analysis and not add any personal views or reflections on the topic.
For this cause, this study follows the ethical guideline of ‘fair dealing’ (Silberman,
2011:102), when analyzing the gender mainstreaming policies’ impact evenly on both
men and women. More importantly, there is also an awareness of not making any
assumptions regarding what the research objects think or want based on any personal
view. Since the majority of the previous studies on this topic has been done in developing
countries it is important to consider the different traditions and cultures existing in these
societies.
1.12 Conclusion
This first chapter provides the contextual background of the study. It has shed
more light on the significance of the research focus, and the researcher’s personal interest
in this topic. In addition, the study has introduced the experiences and challenges of
women in regard to gender inequality. The chapter has offered the general information
about the topic of the study, thus giving the reader the foundation of the purpose of the
study. The study has also provided a comprehensive overview of understanding the
situations and challenges women go through in regard to gender inequality. Therefore,
the next chapter will present the literature review.

14
1.13 Research Timetable
MONTH FOCUS EVENT/ACTIVITY TARGET
Sep 2015 Proposal Writing proposal and getting approval 1 month
April 2016 Chapter 1 Writing the introduction, context and
background of the thesis, conceptual
framework, overall objectives and specific
aims. Also deal with definitions and terms
of the study.
1 months
May 2016 Chapter 2 Finding relevant related literature; write the
literature review section, critical analysis of
the material, referencing and presentation.
2 months
May 2016 Chapter 3 Define the research methodology research
methods, selection of participants, carry out
the interviews and collect all the needed
data.
1 months
June – July
2016
Chapter 4 Writing the discussion and application of
concepts with logical aspect of the work.
2 months
Aug 2016 Chapter 5 Write the conclusion and recommendations
of the research.
1 months
Sep 2016 All Chapters Reading for full editing, checking and
making corrections
1 months

15
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
This chapter reviewed the literature in terms of the four themes: understanding the
beliefs of gender inequality, gender roles, religious practices and culture, the position of
women in society regard to gender inequality, the Challenges of women in regard to
gender inequality, the approach to use in addressing the issues of gender inequality in
society. The first theme aimed to assess the main problems regarding the understanding
of Gender inequality, Gender roles, religious practices and culture for development and
wellbeing of women in societies. Also, to shed more light on the research question: What
are the beliefs of Gender inequality, gender roles, religion and culture? The focus of the
second theme was to help and expand an understanding of the position of women in
society. The focus of the third theme on the challenges women face in regard to gender
inequality was to help discover strategies for change in regard to gender inequality that
may be implemented at the institutional, organizational and individual levels globally and
the forth theme was to help in finding approaches to use in addressing the issues of
gender inequality in society. Therefore, the background literature reflected in these
themes provided a foundation to theoretical framework discussed in the chapter for the
study.
2.2 Definitions of terms
2.2.1 Gender
Gender refers to the attributes and opportunities associated with being male and
female, and the socio-cultural relationships between women and men, and girls and boys,

16
as well as the relations between different groups of women and different groups of men.
These attributes, opportunities and relationships are socially constructed and learned
through socialization processes. According to (Cornell, 2009), gender is a social construct
that society uses to organize itself. It involves social interaction through which power
relations exist. According to Foucault, a French philosopher (as cited in Balan, 2010),
power relations exist between spouses, parents and children, employers and employees,
as well as members of society and political institutions. These power relationships
usually involve masculinity versus femininity, represented by male dominance and
female subordination. This is historically and culturally constructed through gender roles.
Foucault also reasoned that power relations among members of society are intended for
the political system to work (Balan, 2010). Gender power is not an exception. A
patriarchal system, which is the majority of systems globally, will have men in
possession of power. This is not something for which men fight women; it exists as a
cultural norm that we are familiar with from our socialization.
Gender power operates within social norms, which perpetuate the ideology of
traditional gender roles and encourage negative stereotypes. This power disadvantages
women by directly or indirectly limiting their opportunities. Likewise, Fricker (2007)
states that power is our capacity to influence how society operates. It can be exercised
actively or passively by an agent or can be purely structural. When power operates
through an agent, one party controls the actions of the other or others. When purely
structural, the aim is to create and maintain a given social order. Thus, this power may
have no agent, but there is always a social group whose actions are being controlled
(Fricker, 2007). For example, we can relate this to the power of gender roles: a woman is

17
more likely to let a man make the final decision regarding a problem based on her
gender-role knowledge of what action is expected of her in that particular situation.
Undoubtedly, her conduct is based on the internalized social order (role) that has already
been created and maintained.
The power relations in gender can also be seen in the agents of socialization
through their roles as instructors, reinforcers, and disseminators of gender-role
knowledge (Lytton & Romney, 1991). However, this does not only involve the agents
transmitting their knowledge of gender roles in coordination with their recipient; it also
involves the whole social and cultural structure that governs these shared norms and
values. Likewise, Fricker (2007) refers to Wartenberg's concept of social alignment,
which indicates that the significance of social power is to effect social control, whether
through an agent or purely structurally. His idea is that power is socially situated. Thus,
any power relationship depends on the coordination with social others as well as on the
functioning of shared institutions, meaning, and expectations. In the same vein,
Foucault's view is that power should be understood as a network of relations that
encompass the whole society (Balan, 2010). Clearly, this chapter has brought us to an
understanding of the construction of gender role socialization and the power play within
it. However, further implications of gender roles will be discussed about Ghanaian
society.
2.2.2 Religion
Religion is a system of faith and worship, which provides adherents with meaning
and purpose in their lives. It is one of the major institutions in society, with almost every
human civilization producing a system of religious belief. Religions may or may not

18
include a belief in a supreme being, but all are concerned with the transcendent, the
spiritual, and with aspects of life beyond the physical world. Major religions, such as
Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism are practiced throughout the
world, but there are also numerous minor religious groups, and indigenous religions
particular to specific regions. Within each organized religion, one generally finds a large
number of different denominations, sects, and cults, each with their own interpretations,
beliefs and practices.
On the other hand, defining religion has been problematic as there are many
debates surrounding its definition. All of the definitions from teachers, doctors,
politicians, the religious and lay people fuel counter definitions, because all have an
interest in how religion is defined. Debates surrounding the definition of religion carry
ethical and political implications for society and people of faith and no faith (Aldridge,
2007). According to Bateye (2007) people frequently associate religion with moral codes
of fundamental worldviews and cosmologies, with the term referring to anything in life
that is taken very seriously that informs approaches to the world. Durkheim 2001, the
father of Sociology, saw religion to be essentially social in character, involving the
incorporation of people into a distinct ethical community. As people get involved in
performing rituals and hold very similar sacred beliefs, the power of religion is generated
within the community (Aldridge, 2007). It can be argued that while Aldridge (2007) and
Bayer (2007) interpreted religion as something that infiltrates every aspect of society and
has an influence on all members of the community, Durkheim (2001) conversely narrows
down religion as something that affects just the members of the faith. However, from the
above definition it can be observed that religion is whatever happens to integrate society

19
and eventually unites people into a moral community. The ultimate concern of most
sociologists of religion is to apprehend the role of religion in society, with a focus on
understanding the social factors that affects and shapes religion, to analyze its influence,
and its importance in the society (Hamilton, 1995). The latter definition is appropriate to
the research as the present study seeks to assess the main problems regarding the
understanding of Gender inequality, Gender roles, religious practices and culture for
development and wellbeing of women in societies
2.2.3 Culture
Culture is a complex phenomenon, in terms of which people both form and
express their sense of identity. Although religion and culture are two separate concepts,
there is a great deal of over-lap between them. Traditional cultural practices have often
found their way into religious systems, while religious beliefs influence the cultural life
of communities. On the other hand, culture has also been an area in which we often find a
source of controversy in the political and social arena.
2.3 Understanding the beliefs of gender inequality, gender roles,
religious practices and culture
2.3.1 Gender inequality
Gender inequalities can be defined as culturally and socially created differences
between men and women when both sexes do not have the same share in the decision
making and wealth of a society (Ridgeway, 2004). Gender inequality belongs among the
most prevalent forms of social inequality and exists all over the world, with different
effects in different regions. These differences are primarily due to cultural legacies,
historical development, geographic location, and, last but not least, the religious norms

20
which predominate in society (Inglehart and Norris, 2003). Religion plays a vital role in
the cultural life of different spaces. It is deeply rooted in peoples’ experiences and
influences the socioeconomic and political direction of societies (Stump, 2008). On a
similar note, Peach (2006) asserts that for social geographic investigation, religion may
now be a more important variable than race or ethnicity. The status of women in society
is an outcome of the interpretation of religious texts and of the cultural and institutional
set-up of religious communities (Klingorová, 2015). The role of religion is, obviously,
complex and it varies across time and space. We accept the premise that everyone
benefits from gender equality (Verveer, 2011).
2.3.1.1 Causes and effects of gender inequality
It has been argued that though gender issues have been recognized in international
and legal instruments, ratification of the same by developing countries has not been easy.
Steinzor (2003:6) reckons that this is because national governments often view
international norms as contradictory to their own interests and may therefore resist
applying universal rights to their own social, economic and cultural systems. Steinzor
(2003) further argues that ratification of a treaty does not mean its provisions are
immediately applicable at national level. For instance, it has been established that most of
the African countries are governed through a combination of statutory, colonial, tribal,
Muslim and Hindu laws (Mbote-Kameri, 2002:4). In countries such as Zimbabwe,
Zambia, Lesotho and Kenya, discrimination is customary and personal law matters (such
as inheritance) are still permitted in their current constitution (Benschop, 2004). This
implies that although statutory laws prohibit discrimination against women and uphold
the equality of women and men, there are legal exceptions with regard to laws that apply

21
to marriage and family matters in these countries. As a result, there is widespread of
application of customary laws and religious laws which in most cases do not offer
protection to women and girls. Reconciling such entrenched norms with statutory laws is
clearly not easy. For instance even though the Kenyan Registered Land Act of 1963
provides land title to individuals, women are not registered as land owners because
traditionally only men are viewed as heads of households (Mbote-Kameri, 2011:4). Such
practices are at the root ‘property grabbing’ by in-laws. In event of death of the husband,
a woman may lose everything or may be blocked from working on the land. Similarly, in
Tanzania, courts may apply ‘a mode of life test’ when faced with contradictions between
customary and statutory laws in cases involving women’s property rights (Steinzor,
2003:5). This implies that the former may be applied when plaintiffs and defendants are
members of the community where traditional laws are established and accepted. It also
has to be acknowledged that although most of governments in Africa have passed laws or
revised a country’s constitution to be more in line with principles of equal rights, the
reality on the ground is that women and girls still face pervasive discrimination and are
not accorded equal opportunities or access to resources. This is due to lack of awareness
on the part of women on their rights and limited capacity of the law enforcement
machinery to protect the human and civil rights of women (UNDP, 2004:4). To make
matters worse, even today, laws and policies related to land and housing that explicitly
discriminate against women still exist in some African countries. In Swaziland, for
instance married women are specifically excluded from registration of title to land in
their name (Benschop, 2004). In some countries, on the other hand such laws and policies
are gender neutral but do not address existing discrimination. For example, many land

22
laws allow for co-ownership of land but spouses have to mutually agree on this and take
active steps to register as co-owners. In practice, it is only a small proportion of usually,
well educated-urban based and relatively wealth people who do that. And even among
this group, many women face cultural attitudes that favor registration of men. In
countries such as Swaziland and Lesotho, married women are seen as legal minors who
cannot enter into contracts without consent of their husbands (Benschop, 2004).
In addition, religious customs of the ethnics also govern such matters as position
of women in general, property and inheritance. For instance, in Tanzania where 35% of
the population in the mainland and 99% on the Island of Zanzibar are Muslims, such
issues are governed by the Islamic teachings (Central Intelligence Agency Factbook,
2011). Islamic customs override laws that provide for equal treatment between men and
women. As a result, the overall situation of Muslim women is less favorable than non-
Muslim women in Tanzania. Muslim women face discriminatory restrictions on
inheritance and ownership of property although Marriage Act of Tanzania provide for
inheritance and property rights for women (Songoso, 2011). Songoso (2011) argues that
this is also because there is no law that defends owning of property by a woman. In
addition, under the Zanzibar law, unmarried women under the age of 21 who become
pregnant are subject to two years imprisonment (Social Development Tanzania, 2011). In
some instances, the state itself has been responsible for officially exempting ethnic
groups from statutory laws. For instance, in Kenya, the government passed the Law of
Succession Act (LSA) to unify inheritance laws throughout the country in 1981.
However, in 1990 an amendment was added to exempt Muslims and allow them to
follow the Koran (Kenya country profile, 2011). This has in a way sanctioned several

23
discriminatory practices among Muslims in Kenya, including the state rights of widows
which are terminated upon remarriage, and wives receive much less than husbands upon
the death of a spouse (Mbote-Kameri, 2002:6).
Another problem as noted by Steinzor (2003: 5) is that statutory laws in Africa
contain ‘gray areas’ that can be difficult to interpret or apply. Steinzor (2003) cites an
example of Kenya’s constitution which dictates that any Kenyan of sound mind over the
age of 18 may own property. One section on the other hand also instructs that ‘---courts
shall be guided by African customary law in civil cases so far as it is applicable and not
repugnant to justice or morality,’ a type of interpretation many courts find it difficult to
make. It is because of the above challenges that gender discrimination and violence
remain pervasive in most of the developing countries despite having international norms
and national legal frameworks to protect the rights of women.
2.3.1.2 The concept of gender
According to Gallin and Ferguson (1989), gender is a social construct. The term is
used to denote socially and culturally determined differences between men and women as
opposed to biological differences determined by factors which are chromosomal,
anatomical, hormonal and psychological. In this sense women and men are made rather
than born. Women’s and men’s identities are developed through a complex process in
which separate gender scripts appropriate to a culture are learned. Gallin and Ferguson
(1989) further explained that gender systems are binary systems that oppose male to
female, masculine to feminine, and usually not on an equal basis but in a hierarchal order.
Gender systems reflect an asymmetrical cultural valuation of human beings, in which the
ranking of traits and activities associated with men are normally given higher value than

24
those associated with women. Gender is a powerful ideological device which produces,
reproduces and legitimates the choices and limits that are predicated on sex category, and
the outcome of these male processes is male privilege. In most literature the term
“gender” is interpreted or approached in three different ways i.e. as a social role, relations
and as a practice.
Gender as a social role is used to describe what women and men do, thereby
implicitly defining gender as a socially learned behavior and activities associated with
women versus men. Anderson and Chen (1988) call for a shift in the development
paradigm by using a gender lens when they say; It has become clear that women’s roles
are essential and important in production. It has also become clear that a gender division
of labour exists in all societies and that it is necessary to factor the gender variable into
our analysis (collect gender-disaggregated data) in order to plan and execute development
projects with a higher power of predictability and effectiveness. The term gender is used
to highlight the roles and responsibilities that differentiate women from men. Gender
encompasses more than a notion of roles for example, in development projects women
need to access and control projects. They also need equal rights with men and an equal
share of the benefits of the development. Approaching gender as a social role draws
attention to differences between women and men. Writers such as Ferree and Hess (1987)
identified the problems inherent in gender as a social role and which underpin this
interpretation. Firstly, the role theory emphasizes stability and continuity throughout the
life course. Those who subscribe to the notion of gender as a social role do not ignore
change. They tend to view change as something that impinges on roles and change comes
from outside, as when economic change demands shifts in the roles people occupy.

25
According to Connell (1985), role theory underpins the politics of liberal feminism thus:
Women’s disadvantages are attributed mainly to stereotyped customary expectations,
held by both women and men, which keep them (women) from advancement and create
prejudice and discrimination against them.” In principle sexual inequality can be
eliminated by measures to break down stereotypes and redefine roles. Processes and
relations are gendered and that the term gendered indicates that gender-based beliefs and
images along with gender-based asymmetries in power rewards immediate relations
(Connell, 1985). Secondly, the role theory rests on the assumption that people choose to
maintain existing customs, thereby ignoring structural constraints and presuming that
people conform to role expectations voluntarily. Thirdly, according to Stacey and Thorne
(1985), role theory tends to differentiate the issues of power and inequality. The use of
the term “role” tends to focus attention more on individuals than on social strata, and
more on socialization than on social structures, thereby deflecting attention from
historical, economic and political questions.
Gender is a constitutive element of social relationships, based on perceived
differences between the sexes, and is a primary way of signifying relationships of power
(Scott, 1986). The experience of womanhood and manhood are inseparable from relations
of power and domination. Some analysists, like Pearson, Whitehead and Young (1984),
use the term gender relations to convey the general character of male-female relations
within the household. Others use it to suggest that gender relations are embedded in
economic and political structures as well as in the relations of everyday life, that relations
of power enter into and are constituent elements of every aspect of human experience.
Analyses deconstructing the household reveal the way hierarchies within the household

26
structure gender relations. By examining the relationships between men and women, the
way strategies of control embedded in marriage are implicated in household patterns
becomes clear. Within most households only one person makes decisions and the less
empowered household members follow and implement these decisions. Household
strategies embody relationships of power-domination and subordination. Colonialism and
capitalism restructured traditional economies in a way which had a profound impact on
women’s economic activities, on the nature of the division of labour and on all the social
and political notions which remained open to women.
Gender as a practice is the notion that women are social actors who use systems to
achieve ends. This approach focuses on what people do by way of shaping the social
relations they live with (Connell, 1985). The theorists acknowledge that the system has a
determining effect on social action and even lead women to connive in their oppression.
This system of inequality, constraint and domination enables women to resist and shape
the form of domination (Collier and Yanagisako, 1988). The literature contains many
examples of women’s resistance, solidarity and collective action against male
domination. There are descriptions of women mobilizing for change and challenging
power relations as members of collectives that range from informal to formal
organizations. It must be noted that there are ties that bind women and lines that divide
them (Caplan, 1982). Women are not a homogenous group, nor do they share the same
interests. Some women oppress their fellow women and men. In many societies older
women wield power over young women, while rich women oppress the poorer. Social
relations coalesce and the hegemony of some women is built on distinctions based on
race and class, some women are not oppressed, while others are more oppressed than

27
others. Age, class and race may override women’s solidarity, distinguishing an ally from
an enemy. Approaching gender as a practice portrays that women are not passive bearers
of gender but powerful actors who are involved in oppression. Strategies focus on the
need for these actors in oppression to transform the system. The goal of gender as a
practice is the collective mobilization of women to challenge their subordination by men.
It homogenizes women and obscures not only the differences between them but also the
strategies of control that are implicated in their relationships. It makes efforts to extend
women’s rights, so that they share equally in the benefits of development, based on the
assumption of sameness. However this may perpetuate women’s subordination by
treating the effects of inequality rather than its causes (Anderson and Chen, 1988; Tinker,
1990).
2.3.2 Gender roles
This section discusses gender roles and power relations to provide the foundation
for the understanding of how gender as a system of power facilitates, constrains,
determines and affects women and girls’ position in society. However, it is important to
make a distinction between gender and sex, which are usually interchangeably used, to
understand the roles of gender in a family and society. Zevallos (2014) describes gender
as how society determines and manages sex categories, the cultural meanings attached to
the roles of men and women, and how individuals perceive their identity as being a man,
woman or other gender positions. She further explains that gender involves social norms,
attitudes and activities that a given society considers appropriate for each sex. In addition,
Newman and Grauerholz (2002) indicate that gender is associated with masculinity and
femininity and define sex as a biological classification of male and female. They also

28
state that most people match sex and gender by assuming that if a person is male, he will
be masculine, and if female, feminine; which is not usually the case. Importantly, they
indicate that understanding the distinction and relatedness of gender and sex helps us
realize that male and female behavioral differences do not automatically emanate from
biological differences but also socially constructed. Nevertheless, all behavior is
gendered or affected by gender. Hence, how others treat us is determined by their beliefs
about gender and vice-versa. On the other hand, beliefs about gender may determine
people's position in the family, with others commanding more power based on their
gender (Newman and Grauerholz, 2002).
Accordingly, the fate of a female child is determined right at birth, from the short
sentence, “It is a girl!” This sentence changes everything for the child. Everyone treats
the child in a stereotypical gendered manner. I will illustrate this with my personal
experience. During my pregnancy, I did not want to know the sex of my unborn child;
therefore, my friends and family members bought the child clothes in different colours:
mostly white, blue, beige, brown, orange, and yellow. They also bought soft animal toys.
However, all this changed when the baby was born. The colours of clothes changed to
pink, and the soft animal toys turned into dolls. Moreover, at four years old, my child
received a pink fluffy barking dog; who even has a pink dog in real life? I am sure that
from my anecdote, you can guess the sex of my child. The reason you can easily guess is
simply that who we are and how we think and behave are the final product of
socialization. Society moulds us into the person it wants us to be, teaching us what is
appropriate and inappropriate for both sexes, through gender roles (Crespi, 2004). These
roles are attitudes and behaviors that are accepted by society and are usually stereotyped.

29
They are performed according to social norms, shared rules that provide guidance on how
females and males should dress, talk, express emotions, work and socialize with others,
in specific situations (Crespi, 2004).
Social norms determine the privileges and responsibilities of a status. In this case,
the status of mother, father, daughter and son come with specific roles (Lindsey, 2005).
For example, the traditional gender roles position the man as the breadwinner of the
family, who is expected to be aggressive and the decision maker, while a woman is
expected to be loving, nurturing, home-making, and submissive (Crespi, 2004). Even
though there have been some changes in these traditional roles (for example, women
joining the labour market), these roles remain as guidelines for appropriate behavior for
both genders (Lindsey, 2005). Hence, it is essential to understand how these gender roles
are acquired and maintained and recognize how they are ingrained in our social structures
in such a way that they reinforce inequalities for women in various societies.
According to United Nations (1994), African societies are products of a common
historical evolution enriched by diverse cultures and languages and composed of different
ethnic or religious communities. Individuals within these societies have collective
identities as members of families, communities, ethnic or religious groups, nations and an
increasingly globalised society. The delicate balance between the rights of the individual
society and the groups within a society should be respected by everyone irrespective of
sex. There should be active encouragement of the social integration of the disadvantaged,
especially women and the marginalized, in society, in order to reconnect and integrate
them into the community through the enhancement of their potential and by making all

30
the institutions of society more accessible to them. It is important to promote an equitable
society that ensures respect for the marginalized.
Women play a considerable role in the socialization of children. They pass values
on to girls that consign them to a position of subordination. Women play a critical role in
holding the family fabric together. Women who also work outside the home have had
their working hours increased, as they usually also have to attend to domestic
responsibilities, while men spend their evenings and weekends at leisure. Men should
share family responsibilities with their wives to redress this imbalance, for the well-being
of the family. At the same time, a number of cultures perpetuate traditional practices that
are harmful to the health of women like circumcision, and dowry payments that put
women in the position of over working. Measures should be taken to eliminate such
cultural practices (United Nations, 1994).
The family is the basic unit of society, applies an established system of ethics,
cultural values, and behavioral attitudes and patterns to influence the conduct of
individuals. In Zambia, the fabric of the family has become greatly challenged by
prevailing problems associated with poverty and economic deterioration − which
continue to impoverish many households−unemployment, retrenchment, internal
displacement, terrorism and the need for money to maintain the family. This has
disrupted family relations and social systems. As a consequence, family members have
lost the social, economic and emotional support of those closest to them, and young
children often fall victim to delinquent behavior and drug abuse (United Nations, 1994).
In addition, recurrent natural disasters such as floods, earthquakes and drought,
civil strife, war and conflicts, have created serious problems for families and the cultures

31
that bind African families. The displacement of families during these crises deprives
them of family support and this has serious social and cultural implications. Science and
technology has also undermined the family fabric, as the young are exposed to
pornography through the media and the Internet. Parents are no longer as effective in
passing cultural traditions to their children because of the influence of formal education.
As a result the young are torn between western and African culture, they seem to be lost.
Since women are the custodians of culture, the government should support social
protection schemes and programmes that target women. Single parents should be assisted
so that they can support their families financially and socially (United Nations, 1994).
As seen earlier, socialization is the process by which a child is taught the roles she
or he ought to play in society. This process determines how adult men and women behave
as chief agents of socialization in families, schools and communities. In Africa, the roles
assigned to men and women are predetermined and different. The family, as an agent of
socialization, assigns different status, values and roles to girls and boys. In many
societies, discrimination against women and girls starts before birth, with parental and
societal attitudes that promote a preference for sons rather than daughters. Young women
and girls should be given equal opportunities to grow and develop to their full potential in
their reproductive and productive roles. This should be enhanced by women who
socialize the young in their roles. Women and men should promote a cultural
environment within which girls and boys grow and work together as equal partners for
sustainable development and peace (United Nations, 1994).
According to United Nations (1994), in many African countries, women’s culturally
disadvantaged positions, low self-esteem, lack of confidence, coupled with lack of time

32
and low motivation, limit their capacity to take advantage of opportunities available to
them to eradicate poverty and conquer oppression. Social and cultural traditions, customs
and practices should be reformed so as to uphold the dignity of women as equal partners
with men in the family. This should include the removal of gender bias in matters of
marriage, divorce, child custody, property rights and inheritance. As socializing agents,
women should expose their male and female children to all family responsibilities and
housework equally, without demarcating different work for boys and girls. Mothers
should train their boys in cooking, washing, cleaning the house and other related jobs,
while girls should be exposed to slashing the compound, fetching water, etc. This will
promote gender equality at family level and can then be extended to the wider
community.
According to United Nations (1994), gender roles refer to job behavior in a given
social context. Gender roles are socially defined and prescribed and they shape and
condition tasks and responsibilities into masculine or feminine. Gender roles are affected
by factors such as age, class, religion, ethnicity, race, regional origins and history. It can
also be affected by changes brought about through development interventions or efforts.
Throughout the African continent, roles are divided according to sex. African society is
patriarchal in nature, where men are seen at the centre. It is a culture that oppresses
women. Gender has been defined as a set of roles which, like costumes or masks in the
theatre, communicate to other people traits which are masculine or feminine. These
include appearance, dress, attitudes, personalities, work (both in and outside the
household), sexuality and family commitments.

33
Most religious teachings have encouraged maintenance of traditional male and
female roles. Most of the religious theologies, ideologies, cultures do not focus on
cultural transformation of the gospel and religious ideologies hinder change. For
example, in the Catholic Church, women cannot be ordained as priests; there are hardly
any women bishops in the Anglican Church or any women muftis in Islam (United
Nations, 1994). According to Mbuya-Beya (1998), female roles in most African societies
include cooking, doing housework, looking after children, fetching water, collecting
firewood, digging, making pots and mats and grinding grain. Male roles include hunting,
fishing, going to market, making weapons, building boats and mining. On the other side,
Diehl-Huwe (1991) stated that gender roles change over time and have wide variations
both between and within cultures and environments. Gender roles are also
interchangeable between women and men. For example, an African man may involve
himself in “feminine” activities while in a foreign country, but when he returns to his
country he will stop performing the “feminine” activities in the presence of his wife and
children. In hotels, for instance, men cook because they are paid to do so, but when they
return home they do not cook because they are not paid to do so. According to African
culture family headship is a role performed by men, but in modern times it is increasingly
being performed by women.
According to Scott (2006), it has been said in some circles that African women
are the most oppressed group of people on earth. Although such a claim is difficult to
substantiate in a scientific manner, African women do tend to be poorer, of lesser social
status, more vulnerable to disease, and shorter-lived than their female counterparts
elsewhere in the world. Scott (2006) further states that African women have faced

34
enormous obstacles, hardships, and discrimination within the family, community, state,
and international context relative to males. They have made remarkable strides in some
countries in the areas of women’s rights, inheritance laws, political participation and
representation, and business ownership, to name a few but, for the most part, the world in
which most African women reside remains firmly dominated by men.
In considering gender relations in Africa, Zambia represents something of a
middle case; its politics, economics, culture, and traditions continue to assign often fixed
and typically subordinate roles to women, yet women have made gains in each of these
areas as well. Moreover, as in other sub-Saharan African countries, the collision of the
traditional with the modern or Western, first via colonialism and more contemporarily
through globalization and the various media, has had a contradictory effect Scott (2006).
On the one hand, colonialism brought conservative forces (Christianity, rigid gender
roles), and on the other hand, Western culture more recently has brought global feminism
and its attendant pressures to change local gender hierarchies and cultural norms. As
everywhere else, these competing norms continue to exist in tension with one another
(Scott, 2006:90).
This section places women in a wider discourse about gender roles, marriage, and
family relations in Zambia. Importantly, the interest in gender is distinct from a chapter
on women. Whereas the discussion of gender inevitably leads back to the status of
women in society, it is impossible to address gender roles without also considering the
position, status, and power of men in Zambian society. Although women and men have
distinct roles as well as a number of shared roles and responsibilities as coequals, in the
majority of contexts women are but a mirror image, a relatively powerless reflection of

35
their male counterparts (Scott, 2006:92). In short, all aspects of life family, social,
economic, and legal in Zambia and in Africa in general are simply harder for women than
they are for men. This has wider implications beyond issues of fairness. Indeed, this
reality suggests that Zambia has a long way to go; the uplift of more than 50 percent of its
citizens is imperative to improve not only the lives of women but the broader
development prospects of the country as a whole (Scott, 2006:92).
According to Scott (2006:92), women were always regarded as inferior to men in
Zambia, even before the coming of the colonial powers. (It is important not to overstate
the precolonial harmonious gender relations, women’s empowerment, etc., although, to
some degree, this was true in other countries.) Scott (2006) further stated that a number
of powers were available to women or a woman’s family. These were altered by
colonialism and the arrival of Christianity, which diminished the role of the bride/wife
while elevating the role of the father/husband. It also imported a Victorian ideal about the
position of women (ironic, given that Victoria herself made it to queen!) and the
subservient position vis-à-vis men and husbands.
According to Scott (2006:92), women generally have lower status in traditional
rural environments as well as in contemporary urban contexts. In rural areas, many young
men are still drawn to the cities, as they were in colonial times, although this ruralto-
urban migration was particularly acute in the colonial period. Recall that Zambia’s
principal contribution t to the colonial enterprise was its copper ore and mining capacity.
Considerable amounts of unskilled and semiskilled black labor were needed in the mines,
which were located in the Central and Copperbelt Provinces. Invariably, men were
recruited, at times forcibly, to these tasks, leaving many rural regions devoid of working-

36
age males. Although today the mining industry in Zambia operates at a fraction of its
colonial peak production, the gender imbalances prompted by rural-tourban migration
patterns continue, prompted by the promise of employment. Thus, one often finds that in
rural areas there are more women than men. Women then assume primary responsibility
for maintaining the home and for subsistence.
In regard to general roles, the start of the twenty-first century sees many advances
as well as stubborn holdovers from the past. In short, gender relations in contemporary
Zambia are characterized by a series of contradictions. For example, today women are
found in politics and positions of power. Women own businesses, run nongovernmental
organizations, and occupy all the professions; few, if any, avenues are presumptively
foreclosed to women on the basis of gender. Yet considerable obstacles still remain to
their attaining equality with men. Some are supply-based: Fewer educated or wealthy
women are poised to assume positions in government or business, for instance. Poverty
has had a particularly devastating impact on girls and women. The girl child is educated
last and often married first, perhaps as young as age 13 (Scott, 2006:93).
In addition, Scott (2006:93) further explained that women have yet to access
politics at nearly the same level as men. Although women participate actively in the new
democratic structures in Zambia, few go on to win positions in the National Assembly,
Zambia’s parliament. On the other hand, women have been appointed to key government
ministries, including health, finance, agriculture, and the ambassadorship to the United
States. Yet Zambia lags well behind many other African countries, including South
Africa, Mozambique, Rwanda, and Uganda, in terms of women’s political representation.
Indeed, among Zambia’s southern African neighbors, South Africa and Mozambique

37
have guaranteed, reserved seats for women in parliament and, as a result, have more than
30 percent of their legislative seats occupied by women; Zambia, with no such
requirement, has only 20 women in its 150-member parliament.
Considering the substantial burdens on women, both as political candidates and as
members of Zambian society, they are likely to remain a small percentage of the
legislators absent proactive attempts to increase the number of female officeholders.
Similar gender imbalances obtain at lower levels of government (although it must be
noted, these are generally weak in centralized Zambia). In substantially rural provinces,
such as North Western, women occupy positions in the formal political realm as
headmen, chiefs, and local government officials only rarely (Scott, 2006:93). Finally, one
woman, Gwendolyn Konie, ran for president in 2001. Although she lost overwhelmingly,
she set an important symbolic precedent, and others, including the outspoken Edith
Nawakwi of the Forum for Development and Democracy (FDD) party, have indicated
that they intend to run in the future (Scott, 2006:93).
In regard to community and family roles, males and females approach daily life
quite differently. Girls and women in cities like Lusaka are responsible for cleaning
house and doing the laundry and cooking. In rural areas, to these tasks are added looking
after children, gathering water and firewood, and engaging in subsistence farming. Boys
may have a narrower set of chores and will often be found playing football (soccer) a
ubiquitous sport in Zambia. Men cultivate fields in rural communities or work elsewhere.
In both rural and urban environments, men are less likely to work around the house when
they are through with their wage earning activities. Men, therefore, typically, will sit

38
together and talk, play games together, and perhaps drink beer together, if they have
access to it (Scott, 2006:94).
Scott (2006:94) further stated that few cultural prohibitions in Zambia prevent
men engaging in what may be regarded in some countries and among some cultures as
women’s work, such as doing laundry and cooking. Nonetheless, it would be uncommon
to see a male performing these chores if he has a wife or female relative around.
Although the colonial government compelled many able-bodied males into the wage
economy, including into the mining sector as labor, it also introduced cash-cropping to
many rural areas. Thus, men became responsible for cash crops and claimed the revenue
they generated whereas women remained in control over subsistence, that is, the
household and production (Scott, 2006:94).
Scott (2006:95) further stated that the introduction of income (which accrued to
the husband) and this new division of labor fostered a degree of competition in the
household that did not exist previously and also served to harden gender roles that persist
today. Both male and female household roles are in addition to any employment held,
although wealthier, urban-based Zambians typically employ workers to look after the
household chores and the gardening. For poorer Zambians, family life and obligations are
similar whether in the urban or rural parts of the country, except that people living in
cities may have a wider range of social and employment opportunities. In general,
therefore, life is far harder for Zambians living in far-flung, underserved areas of the
country. The comparative ease of city life should not be overstated, however, because
poor infrastructure and chronic unemployment characterize Zambia’s impoverished urban
compounds. Certainly, one’s sex defines certain roles and imposes limitations,

39
particularly since the dawn of colonialism. In all Zambian cultures, however, age is a
more important status marker than gender. Zambia, like most African countries, operates
on gerontocratic principles; that is, age is supposed to be respected, even revered.
Whereas position in the household or community is also a determining factor in one’s
status in society, age tends to stand out above other identifiers. As a result, older women,
whether mothers, grandmothers, or mothers-in-law, are always expected to command
respect (Scott, 2006:95).
Girls and younger women always defer to elders; thus, when a daughter or
daughter- in-law enters the presence of her mother (or mother-in-law), in some traditions,
she should kneel, never stand. In fact, many traditions dictate that she should also refrain
from eye contact with her elder. Younger men are expected to treat elder women with the
same reverence, although some of the details of their interaction would differ from
female-to-female interchange. It is worth noting, however, that these customs have been
relaxed in many contemporary settings failing to make eye contact or kneeling in a
professional context, for example, would be, at best, impractical and often inappropriate
but are typically preserved in informal, family environments (Scott, 2006:95). It is also
important to point out the limits to gerontocratic practices. Notably, although older
women are accorded respect due their age, this does not tend to improve their position in
the overall gender hierarchy, which remains male-dominated. Thus, barring physical
disability, even an older woman would typically be expected to serve the man first, see to
his needs, and, in some cases, kneel before her husband; women are nearly always
subordinate to men. Even if an elderly woman becomes a widow, the status accorded to

40
her late husband is assumed by another man, probably a senior male relative of the
deceased (Scott, 2006:95).
2.3.3 Religious practices and culture in regard to Gender Inequality
All the way through history, men have created religious and secular institutions
within society, Zambia in particular; they have formulated the beliefs of religions,
composed and passed on the sacred writings and have been the prime interpreters of
religion (Holm, 1994). Religious leaders treat women as inferior to men. This is reflective
in religious teachings which are used to control women. It is for this reason that women
have been denied leadership positions in faith institutions (Lucas, 2010). It can be
observed that for a long time leadership of religious organizations has been and continues
to be dominated by males, despite the acknowledgement that much religious work and
support of the institutions has been done by females, as will be discussed later in the
study.
As noted by Holm (1994), throughout history men have controlled religion; in
view of this, they have very much constructed a religious language that designates a God
of patriarchy (Ebere, 2011). Patriarchy refers to “a system of social structures and
practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women” (Walby, 1990). From a
gender perspective, “patriarch refers to a societal-wide system of gender relations of male
dominance and female subordination” (Witz, 2004:1). Both definitions of Walby (1990)
and Witz (2004) indicate that patriarchy is not biologically determined and that men
occupy an authoritative position while women are on a subordinate. It is important to
point out that patriarchy has been in existence for a long time. According to Hartmann
(1982), historically, patriarchy was established in the society where the labour of women

41
and children was under the control of men. The study notes that even with the
introduction of the private and public spheres, men still continued to exercise control over
the labour power of women. This suggests that there exist two main forms of patriarchy,
the private and public. On the one hand, private patriarchy is promoted by individual
heads of family, obviously male, and the main strategy is exclusion. On the other hand,
public patriarchy is collectively endorsed and the main patriarchal strategy is segregation
and subordination (Walby, 1990). This has led to Hartmann (1982) suggesting that
exploitation and oppression of women is not by accident but a phenomenon that is
inherent within the society.
However, from a British perspective a change in the degree of patriarchy has been
observed. This comprise of a minor reduction of the wage gap between men and women
and the closing of the gender gap in education of females and males (Walby, 1990). The
changes, therefore, do not suggest that patriarchy has been eliminated within the British
society, but that only a decrease in the degree of patriarchy is observed. The above
analysis suggest that in order to have a balanced world, where men and women operate
on an equal basis, patriarchy needs to be eliminated in society as a system of social
governance.
On the other side, Barnes (1997) stated that when there is a patriarchal God at the
head of a religious system; common with most monotheistic religions such as Judaism,
Christianity, and Islam; the matter of women’s place in religion becomes even more
problematic. For example, the initiators of monotheism fashioned the role women play in
the reproduction of human beings. The dominant view on feminine fertility that was
highly esteemed witnessed a replacement by the introduction of a masculine norm of a

42
superior male god who was understood as the creator of all things. The founders of
monotheism reversed the natural biological preponderance which saw every human being
be it male or female as conceived in the womb of a female and born of a woman. The
founders of monotheism held that women emerged from the body of a male (Ratcliffe,
2012). Thus, the analyses of Ebere, Barnes and Ratcliffe (2012) indicates that men have
constructed the concept of the divine as male, implying that men have been given the
divine authority to rule and control women.
Consequently, the patriarchal supremacy in which religious authority that is
primarily masculine has been considered as the norm and accepted as the natural order of
things (Ebere, 2011). This has influenced some women to accept societal norms that
ascribe femininity and domesticity to women. Some contemporary women choose to
adopt and live by rigid patriarchal norms in order to gain male approval, love and familial
security. Gender roles thus influences the extent to which patriarchal norms informs
female consciousness as women within religious communities have been socialized with
the values of a dominant male culture (Jacobs, 1991). Thus, within the powerful
patriarchal religious organization, one can pinpoint a model of male dominance and
control. Since the majority of religions claim that their teachings are divine and hold
eternal truths, this leads to a situation where socially and historically determined
interpretations of reality are incorporated into unchangeable and fixed prescriptions and
practices (Berktay, 1998).
Men are not only seen as having authority within the religious sphere, but
research also indicates that this authority is dominant in almost all domains of life. It is a
general belief that men are better leaders than women. This notion of leadership carrying

43
a masculine connotation is still common at present. Kimbia (2008) notes that, in the past
it was widely believed that leaders were born with certain leadership characteristics. The
study, however, maintains that this position has been challenged with the current thinking
on leadership; arguing that leadership characteristics can be taught and learned. This,
according to the study, can be reflected in the many leadership training programmes that
have been developed. The traits commonly associated with leadership include, but is not
exclusive to; confidence, problem solving, effective communication skills, task
completion, responsibility, originality, decision making, experience and power. These
‘leader traits’ of a leader make evident the likelihood that any individual, irrespective of
gender, can cultivate leadership skills. The manner in which culture constructs leadership
initiates inequalities. Culture exemplifies profound perceptions of leadership as
masculine. Nevertheless, this is now being contested as women gain access to leadership
positions.
In many religious organizations it is observed that time and again women are
marginalized to the background and hardly ever occupy leadership positions. This
suggests that women do not receive the recognition that male clergy do. Across many
religious organizations women are prohibited from holding a leadership position. This
demonstrates the patriarchal nature of religious bodies. Many religions are patriarchal in
their beliefs, sacred images, language, and practices (Ozorak, 1996). In most cases,
women are prohibited from gaining educational knowledge that would either permit them
to question religious beliefs or gain access to leadership roles. Some of these barriers to
women occupying position of authority and power are justified by scriptures (Marshall,
Hayward, Zambra, Breger and Jackson, 2011). This male dominance in terms of

44
leadership positions is characteristic of major world religions. In Buddhaism; for
example, the most senior nun must obey and respect the most junior monk. In Judaism,
the discussion of halakhah the legal part of Talmudic literature, an interpretation of laws
of the Scripture is applicable to men only. This is also similar with Orthodox Judaism in
which public worship is reserved exclusively for men. In Christianity, during the early
centuries of the churches history, many of the most prominent philosophies were
developed by men (Holm, 1994). In Islam all legal decrees have been made by men and
in some regions of the world women are not even allowed to be present in the mosque for
public worship (Holm, 1994). From the above analyses, it can be observed that because
men were those who developed religious ideologies, this gave them authority to dictate
the place of women in religion; and of course an inferior position vis-à-vis males.
Despite the existence of male dominance in religion, women nevertheless
outnumber men in terms of church attendances. In England, in every 100 people
attending church, 55 are women and 45 are men. In the liberal nonconformist churches,
the difference is more striking; for example, in the United Reformed Church women
make up 57 per cent and men 43 per cent. Similarly, within the Methodist Church,
women make up 60 per cent and men 40 per cent of church attendances (Walter, 1990).
Women’s participation in religion does not only dominate in numbers but they are
pronounced as being more religious than men. Ozorak (1996) maintains that women
regularly enunciate that they are closer to God. They are more likely than men to
pronounce themselves as religious, always present at church, and often pray regularly.
Even though women may be more religious, churchy and spiritual than men, they are
often excluded from holding leadership positions. It is only within recent decades that

45
women have gained admission into the leadership role of religion; although a position
within the clergy or a leadership role is still contested by a majority of religious
denominations (Kristof, 2010). Even when women do occupy a leadership position, this
is subordinate to the role of men (Holm, 1994). The Christian religion has been,
historically, the principal means for controlling women’s bodies in Western societies.
Female emancipation did not only target political factors, but also the struggle against
religious conceptualization of sexuality. In Catholic Europe, the church is still seen as an
essential part of public tool by which women are allocated subordinate social positions.
In Italy, for example, the fight against the domestication of women was fuelled by the
Catholic Church’s teachings and doctrines on marriage, reproduction and divorce
(Berktay, 1998). The pursuit for women’s leadership and gender equality in religious
institutions has often fallen on deaf or defiant ears. Spiritual places of worship have
welcomed women’s voluntary labour but have been resistant to opening the doors of
priesthood, power or religious authority to their female followers. The pew rather than
the pulpit is regarded as a woman’s place, serving as an auxiliary worker while men
dominate in authority (Nason-Clark, 1997).
It is within this remit that this research sets out to assess the issues regarding the
understanding of Gender inequality, Gender roles, religious practices and culture for
development and wellbeing of women in societies. The study further seeks to help and
expand an understanding of the situation of women in religious and secular institutions in
society and identify some strategies for change that might be implemented at the
institutional, organizational and individual levels.

46
2.3.4 The relationship between Religion, Gender and Culture
Right from the beginning of human history, religion has been the engine for
gender violence and inequality. All over the world, cultures follow religious beliefs and
these beliefs affect a society’s development negatively or positively. Gender myths are
socially and culturally constructed beliefs or ideas about men and women, which explain
the origin, personalities and mental capabilities of men and women, and which control
sexuality, access to food, roles and responsibilities. As most world religions developed
from myths, people hold these myths to be true. Misinterpretation and misunderstanding
of religious myths and sacred texts relegate women to a position of subordination,
submissiveness and oppression, thus resulting in gender inequality and violence. Culture
is the custodian of religious beliefs and its role is to implement these beliefs. The sacred
book of Genesis, Chapter 2, has been interpreted as reflecting man’s superiority over
woman because man was the first human creation of God. The Yahwist writer shows God
making Adam out of the dust of the earth. Genesis 2:21 shows God making Eve out of
Adam’s rib. These verses have been a source of confusion and result from a
misinterpretation of the original writer’s idea of equality (Yahwist) of man and woman,
leading to the unwarranted conclusion that the woman was formed from the man, she was
not created, but made from the rib of a man. However, Genesis 2:23–24 says: “At least
this is one of my own kind, bone taken from my bone and flesh from my flesh, woman is
her name, because she was taken out of man. That is why a man leaves his father and
mother and is united with his wife and they become one.” The Yahwist, by showing that
God created a woman from a man’s rib, did not imply that man is dominant and that
woman is inferior, but it indicated equality of humanity. The unity of male and female is

47
today confirmed by HIV/Aids infection. The partner who is unfaithful infects the other
and because the two have become one, both suffer the same consequences.
Genesis 3:6 declares that woman is the source of sin and suffering, a price which
women continue to pay through gender violence, subordination and inequality. Genesis
3:16 declares woman’s subordination, desire for and protection by man, “I will increase
your trouble in pregnancy and your pain in giving birth. In spite of this you will still have
the desire for your husband, yet you will be subject to him.” According to Genesis 1:28,
men and women were created as equal companions and given the same responsibilities to
harness their environment and to preserve it. However, the creation of man followed by
woman and the deception of Eve by the serpent, as recorded in Genesis 3, has, throughout
human history, been taken as proof that man must exercise authority and domination over
the woman (Corinthians 11:12). Religious teachings are the root cause of women’s
inequality in society, world over. The Bible is rooted in a patriarchal society. Both the
Old and New Testament teachings are often taken to be the cause of the generally inferior
position women hold in Christianized societies. Certain Bible passages, however uplift
women and speak of their roles as equal to that of men. Women were subordinates in
Hebrew society and this is true of most Christianized societies. In ancient Hebrew
society, women were controlled by their fathers until they were passed on to their
husbands by marriage. When they were widowed, they depended on their sons. It was a
curse not to have a son. It was through men that women gained access to the economic
resources of the community. In 2 Kings 4:8-37 the story of the rich woman of Shunem
and prophet Elisha is recounted. The rich woman stood to lose everything if she lost her

Gender Inequality in Zambia: A Study of Religious Practices and Culture

Gender Inequality in Zambia: A Study of Religious Practices and Culture

Recommended

Recommended

More Related Content

Similar to Gender Inequality in Zambia: A Study of Religious Practices and Culture

Similar to Gender Inequality in Zambia: A Study of Religious Practices and Culture (15)

Recently uploaded

Recently uploaded (20)

Gender Inequality in Zambia: A Study of Religious Practices and Culture