2. 2 Education, Citizenship and Social Justice
between faculty of non-White races and ethnicities and their White counterparts (Al Ariss et al.,
2014; Pittman, 2010; Zick et al., 2008). Similar differences have been documented internationally
in examining the experiences of male and female faculty members (Silander et al., 2013). Moreover,
Garner (2006) suggested that European scholars might find the American context valuable in
examining how White privilege manifests in organizations, including universities. Specifically, in
the United States, African American female faculty members pursuing tenure and promotions at
predominantly White universities have reported feeling fraught with feelings of anxiety, alienation,
isolation, and frustration (Frazier, 2011; Griffin, 2012). The descriptive phenomenological study
presented in this article was conducted in the state of Texas and was initiated by the lead author
who is an African American female doctoral student with future ambitions of achieving academic
tenure in a predominately White institution, or PWI, as they often are referred to in the US litera-
ture. Through this exploration, the hope was to bring forth the voices of tenured Black female
professors to inform further research and understanding for women of color throughout the globe.
Although several studies have been conducted to examine the experiences of African American
female professors who work at PWIs (e.g. Gregory, 2001; Griffin et al., 2013; Griffin and Reddick,
2011; Haynes, 2009; Hines, 2009), more studies are needed to illuminate further both how these
professors successfully navigate the tenure attainment process and cope with the numerous obsta-
cles they confront. The purpose of this descriptive study was to identify some of the specific coping
mechanisms and supports applied by a select group of African American female professors who
successfully achieved tenure and promotion at the PWIs where they worked. It was determined that
a phenomenological approach would allow for an exploration of these professors’ lived experi-
ences with the phenomena of successfully obtaining tenure in PWIs. Drawing from an empower-
ment perspective, which is embedded in a transformative-emancipatory stance and focuses on
helping others ‘achieve increasing control over various aspects of their lives …’ (Lord and
Hutchison, 1993: 4), a second aim of our study was to give a voice to current African American
female professors at PWIs. Finally, from a practical perspective, we sought to provide higher edu-
cation leaders with strategies for cultivating organizational awareness and inclusive practices tar-
geted at supporting Black female professors along the tenure track.
Background to the study
Numerous scholars (Alston, 2012; Bowie, 1995; Edwards et al., 2011; Griffin, 2012; Tillman,
2012; Turner, 2002) have examined the hardships and inequities encountered by African American
women who work in historically White universities. Other scholars (e.g. Cartwright et al., 2009;
Trenerry and Paradies, 2012) have investigated the political and social structure of PWIs and
offered recommendations for cultivating more inclusive academic cultures for faculty of color in
general. Given the extensive focus that scholars (Herbert, 2012; Hines, 2009; Pittman, 2010;
Womble, 1995) have placed on the challenges and barriers of African American female faculty in
White-normed institutions, Hinton (2010) and Dillard (2000) highlighted how very few research-
ers had situated African American female faculty in spaces of empowerment. A noteworthy excep-
tion, however, is Turner (2002) who through extensive research on female faculty of color
concluded thatAfricanAmerican female faculty as well as other female faculty of color can ‘define
ourselves in and claim unambiguous empowerment, creating discourses that address our realities,
affirm our intellectual contributions, and seriously examine our worlds’ (p. 89). Therefore, in this
study, we attempted to go beyond recognized challenges faced by African American female faculty
to highlight their success and determination in overcoming the obstacles they faced. Hinton (2010)
further posited that occupying the margins of the academy could be viewed by African American
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3. Jones et al. 3
female faculty ‘as a place of resistance, where one can question those who attempt to objectify and
delegitimize their work and voices’ (p. 401).
Challenges for African American female faculty at PWIs
Over the past decade, educational researchers (Grant, 2012; Gregory, 2001; Patitu and Hinton,
2003) have noted the positive influences that African American professors have on African
American students in PWIs, as well as the positive social and academic effects that having a diverse
faculty has on all students (Gurin et al., 2002). Despite these positive effects and the fact that about
13% of the US population is African American (United States Census Bureau, 2013), in 2011,
African American faculty comprised less than 6% of fulltime faculty members in US higher educa-
tion institutions (National Center for Education Statistics, 2012). Moreover, African American
female professors have been underrepresented more in PWIs than African American male profes-
sors (Modica and Mamiseishvili, 2010; Ryu, 2008).
AfricanAmerican female faculty members at PWIs experience unique challenges that are unlike
those experienced by White female faculty members (Harris, 2007). Results from numerous stud-
ies have echoed the common challenges African American females have encountered both while
on the tenure track and even after having attained tenure (Edwards et al., 2011; Frazier, 2011; Patitu
and Hinton, 2003; Tillman, 2012; Womble, 1995). Included among the many challenges faced by
African American women faculty are as follows: collegial and student disrespect (Edwards et al.,
2011), marginalization (Collins, 2000), academic bullying (Frazier, 2011), and pressures to shift, or
alter one’s behaviors to fit those of the dominant group (Jones and Shorter-Gooden, 2003). These
challenges often have led African American women to abandon the professoriate, while others,
who try to cope with such obstacles, surrender to a life of double consciousness (Dubois, 1994;
Jones and Shorter-Gooden, 2003).
Collegial and student disrespect. African American women are often subjected to devaluation of
their scholarship by their White male and female colleagues. Edwards et al. (2011) ascertained that
African American women were criticized by their White colleagues ‘because of the journals they
published in or for engaging in unimportant scholarly work’ (p. 17). According to West (1993),
because of this disrespect for race relevant scholarship, ‘Black intellectual work has suffered more
so than that of others” (p. 62), thereby causing many Black scholars, both male and female, to
substitute diversity-focused research endeavors for work that is reflective of a more accepted,
White-normed paradigm. With respect to student–professor interactions, Harris (2007) revealed
that African American female faculty members experienced a higher degree of disrespect from
their White students than do their White colleagues, as evidenced by student evaluations and for-
mal student complaints.
Marginalization. Although Hinton (2010) argued that African American faculty members can pur-
sue power on the margins of academe, the literature disproportionately reflects the negative conse-
quences of marginalization in PWIs. Collins (2000) described marginalization as a position
occupied by a subordinate group (e.g. African American female faculty) in relation to the dominant
group (e.g. White faculty). Collins (1999) referred to this positionality ofAfricanAmerican women
and other faculty of color in PWIs as the outsider-within stance. The outsider-within stance reflects
the social location of African American women within organizational structures where positions of
power are disproportionately assumed by persons of Western-European descent (Collins, 2000;
Hoke, 1997).
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4. 4 Education, Citizenship and Social Justice
Shifting. Due to the Eurocentric hegemony of PWIs, African American female faculty members
often find themselves outside of the institution in which they have membership but do not have
equal authoritative power or influence (Carter-Black, 2008; Guy-Sheftall, 1997). Overtime, the
negative effects of marginalization can cause African American women to compromise or even
relinquish their gender and racial identities (Collins, 2000; Harris, 2007; Hinton, 2010). In fact, to
‘fit in’, African American women often alter their behaviors or attitudes to reflect those of the
White patriarchal culture. Jones and Shorter-Gooden (2003) defined these temporary alterations in
the behaviors and attitudes of African American women as shifting. According to Jones and
Shorter-Gooden (2003), many African American women shift in PWIs to dispel historical stereo-
types depicting them as lazy, angry, and emasculating savages, or hypersexual beings. However,
while trying to balance dual identities (Harris, 2007), these women run the risk of losing their true
selves by shifting too far away from their own racial–cultural identities (Hinton, 2010).
Academic bullying. The negative effects of academic workplace bullying on the well-being of
underrepresented groups in educational settings have been well documented (Halbur, 2005; Keas-
hly and Neuman, 2010; Leymann, 1990). Frazier (2011) defined academic workplace bullying as
‘systemic long-term interpersonal aggressive behavior that occurs in the academic workplace
setting in both covert and overt forms against faculty who are unable to defend themselves against
the aggressive behavior committed by faculty in power’ (p. 2). Frazier (2011) presented a case
study demonstrating the oppressive nature of academic workplace bullying, and the debilitating
lifelong consequences it can leave on African American females in the academy (i.e. failure to
obtain tenure).
Institutional support strategies
To assist college and university officials in their efforts to recruit African American women faculty,
researchers have identified and suggested institutional strategies and programs that might prove
worthy of implementation (Grant, 2012; Patitu and Hinton, 2003; Thompson and Dey, 1998).
Inclusive organizational practices and policies reflect organizational cultures in which African
American female faculty are likely to thrive (Brosch et al., 2013; Kaiser et al., 2012). Accordingly,
Agosto and Karanxha (2011–2012) suggested that when hiring and promoting individuals to
administrative positions in colleges and universities, decision-making committees should mine for
candidates who value diversity and who are culturally responsive. Such educational leaders must
be able to ‘bridge effective leadership and social justice leadership’ (Agosto and Karanxha, 2011–
2012: 56).
To alleviate the challenges confronted by African American females in the PWIs, Patitu and
Hinton (2003) recommended the administration of diversity assessments such as cultural audits to
support the establishment of policies designed specifically to diversify the institution through
recruitment and retention of women of color. Because African American female junior faculty
often express feelings of not knowing or lacking explicit information needed to attain tenure and
promotion, Hines (2009) strongly encouraged institution officials to provide transparent tenure and
promotion guidelines to all faculty. A lack of explicit and consistent guidelines stipulating criteria
for achieving tenure in higher education compounds the challenges experienced by women of color
in the academy (Bowie, 1995; Burgess, 1997).
Furthermore, Gregory (2001) purported that achieving tenure in the academy was a primary
reason African American women remained in the professoriate. Because of African American
women’s expressed devotion to the education profession, Gregory (2001) strongly encouraged col-
leges and universities to develop tenure and promotion guidelines that consider the frequently
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5. Jones et al. 5
assigned extra duties (e.g. excessive teaching loads, the mentoring of most students of color, and
disproportionate assignments to multiple committees in and outside of the university) that are often
placed on African American female faculty members—especially when she is the only person of
color in a particular department. Such additional duties experienced by African American female
faculty members in PWIs can compromise the level of scholarly productivity that is required by a
university or department to attain tenure and promotion (Gregory, 2001).
Interwoven in the literature that relates to African American female faculty in historically White
institutions is the necessity of support networks for these women (Burgess, 1997; Grant, 2012).
Such support networks can be either formal or informal. However, Patitu and Hinton (2003) called
for the establishment of formal support networks for female faculty of color—such as the Women
of Color in the Academy Project (WOCAP) developed by the University of Michigan. In the
absence of formally established support networks at either the departmental or university levels,
Womble (1995) recommended African American female faculty members seek support of senior
faculty outside of their department or institution.
A critical component of support networks for African American female faculty is mentoring.
Tillman (2012) purported mentoring to be an essential tool for African American female faculty in
successfully navigating the tenure and promotion process. In her qualitative analysis, Grant (2012)
found it beneficial for African American female faculty to form mentoring relationships with peers
and faculty, inside and outside of the doctoral program of education leadership. Of interest, however,
in Grant’s (2012) study, participants were more likely to seek out mentors of the same sex and race.
Likewise, for many emergent scholars of color, senior African American female professors in PWIs
often serve as bridge leaders (Horsford, 2012) linking them to information and resources—that might
otherwise remain hidden—all while providing them an extra layer of comfort and support.
Despite the efforts of some scholars to illuminate the lived experiences of African American
female professors, the body of literature regarding the successful attainment of tenure and promo-
tion at PWIs for female professors who are African American is scant. There is also a dearth in the
research that informs how these women faculty members overcame the numerous obstacles they
faced in the tenure process. Therefore, the central research question for this study was: How do
select African American female faculty members at predominately White institutions in the United
States describe their experiences in successfully attaining tenure and promotion?
Conceptual framework
This study is grounded in the concept of Black feminist thought (BFT) and relational-cultural
theory (RCT). BFT suggests that African American women within White-male-dominated cultures
are oppressed and discriminated against due to stereotypes associated with their race, gender, and
class status (Collins, 2000). Throughout US history, African American women have had to endure
the racism inflicted upon African American men as well as the sexism experienced by White
women (Hines, 2009). Therefore, as a type of social and political discourse, BFT positions lived
experiences of African American women as separate from those of African American men and
White women (Burack, 2001).
Central to BFT is the importance of giving African American women a platform to be heard—a
voice (Collins, 2000; Herbert, 2012; hooks, 1989). In their groundbreaking work, Hull et al. (1982)
elevated the consciousness and visibility of African American women in Westernized society.
Likewise, in this study, the visibility of the African American woman is heightened as she voices
her lived experiences of attaining tenure within the establishment of American PWIs.
RCT evolved from theoretical models of resilience (Metzl and Morrell, 2008) and the psycho-
logical study of women (Miller, 1976). For the purposes of this article, resilience is defined as a
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6. 6 Education, Citizenship and Social Justice
‘class of phenomena characterized by good outcomes in spite of serious threats to adaptation or
development’ (Masten, 2001: 228). According to Metzl and Morrell (2008), models of resiliency
fall into three operationalized categories: (a) strong individual personality traits that protect against
negative stressors, (b) a positive outcome to an adverse situation due to a person’s mental ability to
adapt during and after a traumatic event, and (c) an ability to overcome adverse situations depend-
ent in part on positive interpersonal relationships between the individual and others who provide
support. RCT, as a model of resilience, moves beyond an autonomous view of resilience that is
independent of others, to a view of resilience that is co-constructed by the individual and others
(Hartling, 2005). Creating and sustaining mutually-growth-fostering relationships is the core tenet
of RCT (Miller, 1976). The RCT framework provided understanding on how African American
female faculty overcame challenges in obtaining tenure and promotion successfully in our study.
Methods
A phenomenological research design (Moustakas, 1994) was utilized. Because the purpose of phe-
nomenological research is to explore the lived experiences of individuals who share experience
with a specific phenomenon (Moustakas, 1994), this research design was deemed appropriate in
addressing the following research questions: How do select African American female faculty
members at predominately White institutions in the United States describe their experiences in
successfully attaining tenure and promotion? Specifically, a descriptive or eidetic phenomenology
design (Husserl, 1983) was utilized, as opposed to interpretive or hermeneutic phenomenology
(Heidegger, 1962) which emphasizes the researcher’s subjectivity in understanding a phenomenon.
Descriptive phenomenology focuses on the descriptions of participants’ lived experiences
(Creswell, 2013; Husserl, 1983), in this case the experience of being tenured African American
female professors working in PWIs in the US state of Texas. To capture the true essence of lived
experiences being studied, which is the aim of descriptive phenomenology, researchers attempt to
shed their prior knowledge, biases, or preconceptions (Natanson, 1973). Moustakas (1994)
explained this process as phenomenological reduction involving bracketing for researchers to
attempt to distance themselves from personal knowledge and preconceptions in reflecting upon the
lived experiences of participants. Additionally, we considered the consistency of method for data
collection and data analysis following descriptive phenomenology as a research design for this
study. For example, we utilized Moustakas’ (1994) phenomenological reduction which involves
multiple steps for data analysis.
Epoche
In descriptive phenomenological studies, researchers often use epoche (Husserl, 1931; Moustakas,
1994) to bracket out presuppositions. To bracket our researchers’ biases, we reflected upon our
own beliefs, philosophies, personal experiences, and intentions before collecting and analyzing
data. First, our desire to capture the essence of lived experiences of successfully tenured African
American female professors at PWIs was driven by a transformative-emancipatory stance.
Researchers driven by the transformative-emancipatory stance often advocate the voices of mar-
ginalized groups who have experienced discrimination, oppression, and misrepresentation by
addressing issues of social justice and recognizing power differences (Mertens, 2003). This phi-
losophy best reflects our axiological lens. A transformative-emancipatory viewpoint also was
embedded in the first theoretical framework (i.e. BFT) applied in this study.
Additionally, two researchers in this study were doctoral students of color who aspire to the
professoriate after their doctoral degree completions.As future academics studying in a historically
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7. Jones et al. 7
White institution, numerous questions emerged related to the observable lack of female faculty of
color in higher education through our personal experiences and observations. As researchers, we
believe that African American female faculty in PWIs are an underserved group and are confronted
with unique challenges and obstacles that are not shared by White colleagues. We further believe
that African American female faculty members possess an internal drive to succeed, and when this
drive is matched with external supports (e.g. mentors, advisors), these women can overcome
adverse experiences in PWIs. The necessity of external supports was embedded in the second theo-
retical framework (i.e. RCT) applied in this study. Finally, it is important to note that the geo-
graphical context of this descriptive study (e.g. the US state of Texas) is a limitation in that cultural
and regional nuances should be taken into consideration in generalizing these study participants’
lived experiences to other geo-cultural contexts.
Participants
Once institutional review board approval was obtained, study participants were recruited based on
a purposive sampling scheme utilizing both network and criteria sampling (Creswell, 2013; Miles
and Huberman, 1994). Network sampling was deemed to be a viable means to recruit participants
given the limited number of professors at PWIs who met criteria for participation: (a) African
American female, (b) tenured faculty member, and (c) employed at a PWI for more than 6 years.
Five African American females ranging in ages from 45 to 65 agreed to participate in the study. All
women had successfully attained tenure and promotion at a PWI. Of the five women, four held
faculty positions at research institutions and one at a private teachers’ college. A demographic
profile of the participants is presented in Table 1.
Data collection procedures
Face-to-face interviews were conducted with each tenured African American female faculty mem-
ber to gather rich information and detect nuances and nonverbal cues. Before conducting inter-
views, an interview protocol was developed to include descriptive interview questions in the form
of grand tour and side trips (Spradley, 1979) that were grounded in the existing literature onAfrican
American female professors and the conceptual frameworks of BFT and RCT. The central research
question served as the opening interview question once rapport was established with the partici-
pants. Interview protocol questions are listed in Table 2 for reference.
Informal 45- to 90-minute interviews with each of the five participants were conducted. Because
each interview was conducted individually, interview settings varied depending on participants’
preferences. With participant consent, each interview was audio-taped and transcribed. For ethical
Table 1. Demographic profile of tenured African American female faculty members at predominately
White institutions in Southeast Texas.
Participants Age
range
Discipline Rank Years in higher
education
Marital
status
Religion
Dr. Gail Bell 45–54 Education Associate 6 Divorced Baptist
Dr. Robin Davis 45–54 Education Associate 10 Married Baptist
Dr. Pam Brown 45–54 Humanities Associate 13 Single Baptist
Dr. Wanda Giles 55–64 Education Associate 18 Separated Baptist
Dr. Linda Paul 55–64 Education Full 29 Married Methodist
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8. 8 Education, Citizenship and Social Justice
reasons, prior to data analysis, any identifying information was removed or disguised by using
pseudonyms (i.e. Gail, Robin, Pam, Wanda, Linda).
Data analysis
We employed Moustakas’ (1994) phenomenological reduction approach for data analysis and data
interpretation consisting of multiple steps: (a) bracketing out researcher biases (epoche), (b) hori-
zonalizing to identify significant statements, (c) grouping statements into meaning units, (d) devel-
oping textural descriptions of the phenomenon, (e) developing structural descriptions of the
phenomenon to interpret its essence, and (f) presenting the essence of the phenomena in figures,
tables, and text narratives with supported quotes from participants.
By utilizing Moustakas’ (1994) phenomenological reduction, each of us generated themes
through numerous rounds of in vivo (Strauss, 1987) and descriptive coding (Miles et al., 2013) and
data interpretation. Once codes and themes were developed individually, we were involved in
multiple discussions to reach intercoder agreement (Goodwin and Goodwin, 1984) by defining and
redefining the meaning of codes and themes.
Trustworthiness and credibility
In descriptive phenomenology, transcendental subjectivity (Husserl, 1931) is emphasized while
attempting to limit researchers’ biases, prior knowledge, or presupposition. To maintain study
rigor, we strived to enhance credibility and trustworthiness in each stage of data collection, data
analysis, and data interpretation. Various methods to examine credibility and trustworthiness were
adopted including: checking researcher biases (i.e. epoche), maintaining reflexive journals (Glesne
and Peshkin, 1992), member-checking (Lincoln and Guba, 1985), conducting a debriefing inter-
view with the interviewer (Onwuegbuzie et al., 2008), applying multiple rounds of data analysis,
and establishing intercoder agreement through multiple research team discussions (Goodwin and
Goodwin, 1984).
Table 2. Researcher-developed interview protocol based on Spradley’s (1979) descriptive question types.
Question number Question type Interview questions (N = 8)
1 Grand tour Tell me what motivated you to become a professor?
2 Grand tour How would you describe your experiences in achieving
tenure and promotion?
3 Side trip What were sources of support for you during your pursuit
of tenure and promotion?
4 Side trip Tell me about challenges you encountered while working
toward tenure and promotion.
5 Side trip How would you compare your experiences before versus
after attaining tenure and promotion?
6 Side trip How would you describe the climate or atmosphere of your
institution?
7 Side trip What is the greatest satisfaction that you receive from
working as a professor at a predominantly White institution?
8 Side trip What advice would you give to other African American
women who aspire to the professoriate?
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9. Jones et al. 9
Results and discussion
In applying Moustakas’ (1994) phenomenological reduction data analysis approach, three major
themes emerged through the multiple rounds of coding and data interpretation. These three themes
included systemic oppression at PWIs, external supports, and internal coping mechanisms. Under
each of these major themes, various subthemes were also identified through the phenomenological
reduction process. The constructed meanings of each of these themes and their corresponding sub-
themes and codes are illustrated in Table 3.
Under the theme of systemic oppression, three subthemes became evident including: under the
microscope, extra workload, being set up to fail. The theme external supports had three subthemes
consisting of mentoring, both formal and informal, professional networking, and leadership sup-
port. Internal coping mechanisms had four emergent subthemes: (a) persistence, (b) spiritual/reli-
gious practices, (c) workload/time management, and (d) personal integrity. Each theme and
subtheme is described below and illustrated with participant quotes.
Systemic oppression at PWIs
In line with previous studies examining the experiences of African Americans in academia (e.g.
Grant, 2012; Gregory, 2001; Griffin et al., 2013; Griffin and Reddick, 2011; Hinton, 2010), the
participants in this study named many barriers that they experienced while pursuing tenure at PWIs
including overt marginalization by being left out, for example, Linda discussed isolation, ‘As a
junior faculty member, I was never invited to lunch with the rest. I joke with them today and say
I’m still waiting on my lunch invitation’. Although some researchers might argue that these barri-
ers are indicative of those experienced by tenure-track professors in general, the descriptions pro-
vided by the African American women in this study were reflective of the types of covert behaviors
indicative of systemic racial and gender discrimination (Case and Hunter, 2012). Moreover, the
barriers described by participants reflected the subtleties of systemic organizational oppression not
typically described by White women (Mor Barak et al., 1998).
Under the microscope. This theme became evident in coding participants’ perceptions that they
constantly were being watched by their colleagues because of their race and gender. This watching
took the form of close scrutiny of the participants’ research agendas and course content, the office
hours they maintained, and appearances at faculty events. Pam actually used the phrase in referring
to her institution’s stance toward women faculty on the tenure track: ‘I think women are under the
microscope and this is a sexist place’. As another participant, Robin, exclaimed, ‘They wanted you
on all these committees, yet they were always checking to make sure your office light was on’.
In many cases, the African American female faculty members described how their research
topic areas were questioned or devalued because they focused on multiculturalism or the education
of Black children as opposed to more mainstream agendas. They also mentioned how certain topics
were considered taboo in the classroom and the office environment. When participants described
their institutional environments, they shared how uncomfortable and on guard faculty in their
departments seemed to be in talking about race: ‘Everybody is on guard … when you talk about a
racial issue then they say, “Why you gotta pull the race card?”’ Pam stressed, ‘If people speak out
about race, or homosexuality in the classroom, it is an issue’.
Participants also alluded to the perceived discomfort and questioning by their White colleagues
when more than one African American gathered or, in one professor’s case, had offices together.
As Wanda explained,
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10. 10 Education, Citizenship and Social Justice
… when I first came here there were three of us (African Americans) in the department and we decided to
have our offices next door to one another and immediately people wanted to know what was going on.
Three White professors have offices beside each other forever and no one asks, what’s going on?
Wanda’s description of how White colleagues expressed discomfort when they saw African
American people gathering and interacting is reflected somewhat in the literature on social identity
theory that discusses ingroups and outgroups (e.g. Tajfel and Turner, 1986) and critical race theory
(Ladson-Billings, 1998). However, these theories do not specifically capture the experiences
expressed by the participants in this study who perceived senses of suspicion or threat related to the
reactions of White faculty members when two or more African American faculty members were
seen interacting with each other. For this study, we labeled this theme, Irrational Reactions to
African American Gatherings (IRtAAG), which we defined as a heightened sense of discomfort
often displayed by non-African American people when African American people gather. In this
study, the participants shared stories of how White faculty members in PWIs would suspiciously
stare and whisper when African American faculty members gathered together in meetings or to
discuss ideas.
Table 3. Themes, constructed meaning, subthemes, and codes.
Themes Constructed meanings Subthemes Relevant codes
Systematic
oppression at
predominantly
White institutions
Covertly manifested
behaviors and attitudes
in the practices of
an organization or
academic department
that consistently
marginalize and create
obstacles for minority
groups
Under the
microscope
Consistently watching
Devalued research agenda
Irrational reaction to racial
gathering
Extra workload Mentoring students of color
Tokenism
Nurturing
Being set up to fail Told doing okay then denied
Not communicating
Minimizing expectations
Unwritten rules
External supports Support provided by
others or solicited from
other individuals within/
outside of institutions
Mentoring Formal
Informal
Leadership support Promotes culturally
competent environment
Transparent communication
Provides resources
Professional
networking
Blogs
African American
professional associations
Internal coping
mechanisms
Conscious or
unconscious cognitive,
emotional, and
behavioral strategies
applied to combat
stress and cope with
systemic oppression
and barriers.
Persistence Reaching goals
Striving for excellence
Spiritual/religious
practices
Prayers
meditation
Time/workload
management
Learning to say ‘No’
Effective time management
Personal integrity Sticking to own values and
principles
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11. Jones et al. 11
Extra workloads. All the participants in this study shared how burdened they felt in trying to balance
scholarship, student advising, service, and teaching. Researchers continually have discovered that
female faculty and faculty of color tend to take on greater student advising loads than their White
male colleagues (Harley, 2008). This often is because students tend to gravitate toward faculty
members who look like them or of the same race or ethnicity in search of empathy for common
cultural experiences and mentoring (Griffin and Reddick, 2011).
Additionally, as African American faculty members at PWIs, the participants in this study fre-
quently were asked to serve on numerous department, college, and university committees to con-
tribute to diversity in appearance and perspective (Griffin and Reddick, 2011). The women felt that
their over-involvement in committee work put undue workload and time restrictions on African
American faculty that went beyond those of White colleagues.
Being set up to fail. This emerged as a resounding theme throughout the study. For example, all but
one of the African American female faculty in this research described how they were led on to
believe that they were on track toward accomplishing tenure or doing just fine. Then, as they got
close to tenure decisions or promotions, suddenly, the participants experienced being informed that
they were not performing adequately. As such, Wanda illustrated, ‘They kept saying I was doing a
good job and then, when I went up for tenure they said, “you’re just not a team player”’. Addition-
ally, Pam explained,
I asked my chair at the time what I needed to do to get tenure and I was told, ‘Oh just do a couple of
articles’. Outside the university, my colleagues were telling me ‘you better get that dissertation turned into
a book, but my department chair kept saying, ‘You’re okay’ but then, in my fifth year, senior faculty
members told me, ‘you better get that book finished or you’re not getting tenure’.
In line with Pam and Wanda, other participants narrated that expectations for tenure and promo-
tion were minimized so that they actually would not meet the requirements when it came to apply
for tenure. These narratives implied that clear expectations and guidelines for publications and
tenure simply were not communicated and the women were left to figure out the unwritten rules of
the PWI cultures in which they worked.
External supports
External Supports were defined as the participants’ purposeful seeking or receiving assistance and
information from others. These supports took various forms consisting of (a) formal and informal
mentors within and outside of department and the university, (b) professional association network-
ing with other African American female professors and participation in professional social media
networks (e.g. blogs), and (c) leadership support (e.g. dean or department chair).
Mentoring. The tenured African American Female faculty member participants in this study
stressed the importance of receiving mentoring as a key external support in helping them navigate
the tenure and promotion process at PWIs. They experienced mentoring through both formal pro-
grams and informal relationships. Formal programs were structured, purposeful, department- or
college-sponsored mentoring programs in which tenure-track faculty were assigned a senior fac-
ulty mentor or were provided with professional development aimed at familiarizing them with the
tenure and promotion process. In reflecting on her universities’ faculty mentor program, Gail
emphasized, ‘the entire school of education had a mentor program … and the goal was to make
sure that I was successful throughout the tenure and promotion process’. Informal mentoring also
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12. 12 Education, Citizenship and Social Justice
was emphasized by the participants as essential to their tenure attainment and it took various forms.
For example, in addition to the informal mentoring participants received from other faculty mem-
bers, both African American and Caucasian, some described how others, including their spouses or
graduate student assistants, served as mentors for them. This finding on the importance of mentor-
ing for these women confirms prior research results that emphasize that mentoring is essential to
the success of African American women in the academy (Grant, 2012; Tillman, 2012).
Professional networking. Professional networking in the form of involvement in African American
professional associations and reaching out to other African American female academics was cited
by the participants as a very important external support. In addition to networking through profes-
sional conference attendance, some of the women mentioned how participation in blogs and other
social media provided them with reality checks and inspired them to move forward in pursuing
tenure and staying in the academy. Both national networking and regional networking were con-
sidered essential to the tenure and promotion success of these professors.
Leadership support. Three participants stressed how having a supportive dean or department chair
was helpful in their attaining tenure. Based on participant descriptions, support from leaders pri-
marily entailed a demonstrated commitment to diversity as manifested by inclusive department
policies and practices. Inclusive practices consisted of encouragement, formal mentoring, clearly
communicated performance expectations, monitoring for equity in faculty workload, honesty in
providing advice on formative evaluations, and providing explicit guidelines for tenure and
promotion.
Internal coping mechanisms
The tenured African American female faculty members in this study shared several internal coping
mechanisms that they applied to help themselves deal with the systemic challenges they described.
Internal coping mechanisms were interpreted as strategies that these women applied cognitively,
emotionally, and spiritually and that did not necessarily depend on external resources or support.
However, it was when these internal coping mechanisms were combined with external supports
that our participants were able to construct mutually-growth-fostering relationships. Creating and
sustaining mutually-growth-fostering relationships is the core tenet of RCT. It was through these
relationships (e.g. mentors, support networks, departmental leaders) that our participants expressed
that they were able to attain tenure and promotion within their respective PWIs. Four primary
internal coping mechanisms were interpreted to have been applied by the study participants. These
internal coping themes were interpreted as: persistence, spiritual/religious practice, workload/time
management, and personal integrity.
Persistence. The African American female faculty in this study emphasized a persistence in reach-
ing their tenure and promotion goals despite the obstacles they faced. As Robin exclaimed, ‘I’d die
before I fail’. All participants stressed how much they strived for excellence in all that they under-
took. Linda advised, ‘Always strive for excellence no matter what’.
Spiritual/religious practices. All of the women in the study made reference to God or to religious
beliefs and practices as being a source of support in coping with the barriers they perceived in
obtaining tenure. They consistently expressed gratitude to a higher power in giving them strength
to persist. Wanda reflected on biblical scripture to articulate how her spirituality had sustained her
in the academy, ‘Peter 1 (participant looks in the Holy Bible), talks about walking into darkness
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13. Jones et al. 13
and he says ‘into’because it is a constant process’. Similarly, Pam, described ‘God’as her ‘number
one source of support’.
Workload/time management. In coping with the challenges of extra advising, teaching, and service
workloads, participants emphasized the importance of learning to manage their time and to learn
diplomatically how to ‘say no’ to some committee invitations. Robin shared how a former mentor
had told her to look in the mirror when she felt overworked as a way to decide who and what she
should value most. Other participants described strategies for overlapping teaching, service, and
scholarship, as commonly is recommended to junior faculty members as a way to manage the
divergent job functions of the professorship.
Personal integrity. Participants described how they continued to live and work according to their
principles and values despite the disapproval or disagreement of colleagues within their institu-
tions. They spoke up at meetings and took risks in standing by issues they believed to be important.
As Linda stressed, ‘Be centered in who you are. There will be prejudice and discrimination no
matter where you are’. Namely, participants explained how they persisted in focusing on develop-
ing their proposed research agendas and sought support and scholarship opportunities through
national networks, particularly when department level support was not present.
Overall, throughout the interviews, participants recalled various emotions they experienced
along the tenure track including feelings of rejection, discouragement, insecurity, stress, and dis-
comfort. Most of the women described how they felt different, invisible, and undervalued when
compared to other male and non-African American faculty colleagues. As researchers, we did not
interpret participants’ expressed emotions to be separate themes, but, rather, viewed these feelings
as natural and inevitable given the challenges of being African American females on tenure tracks
at PWIs.
Implications and recommendations
The findings of this study indicate that African American females, in their pursuit of tenure and
promotion at PWIs, are faced with arduous external and internal challenges that can be overcome
through a resiliency to succeed or a ‘die before failing’ attitude as articulated by one of the partici-
pants. To confront the obstacles they faced, our participants described both external supports and
internal coping mechanisms they utilized to attain their goals. Although many of the themes inter-
preted in this study (e.g. the importance of mentoring) are supported in the academic literature
referenced throughout this article, our findings further illuminate the importance of continued shar-
ing of coping strategies to combat isolation among African American female academics at PWIs.
Perlmutter (2010) advocated that tenure is a two-party process involving a probationary employee
(e.g. a tenure-track professor) and an institution. One of the objectives of this study was to allow
tenured African American female professors’ voices to come through in providing other tenure-
track African American female professors with advice on how to navigate the tenure process.
Therefore, in Table 4, we share recommendations (using direct quotes) provided by our partici-
pants to other African American female professors seeking tenure and promotion. Our hope was
that this information, along with the interpreted coping mechanisms outlined in this article, could
be shared with those tenure-track professors.
In addition to providing advice to other faculty members, our study results have implications for
higher education leaders (i.e. chairs and deans). For example, Linda (participant) spoke of the
importance of having university leaders take a stance for diversity and the benefit that it affords
African American women faculty:
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14. 14 Education, Citizenship and Social Justice
Table 4. Participants’ recommendations for African American female who aspire to the professoriate at
predominantly White institutions (PWIs).
Participants Recommendations for tenure and promotion attainment at PWIs
Dr. Gail Bell ‘Research the university where you would like to become a professor.
Check to see if other Black professors are there’.
‘Find out if the university has an established mentor program for junior
faculty’.
Before accepting a position, know what the tenure and promotion
guidelines are. If the guidelines are not spelled out or if it’s murky (soft
chuckle) you might want to look elsewhere
Dr. Wanda Giles ‘Know yourself personally and professionally, that way you can always
situate yourself around what you need as a mother, wife and scholar’
‘Seek out other African American women as mentors who have been
successful throughout the [tenure] process’
Dr. Robin Davis ‘You have to seek out your support, you have to go and look for it. It
[support] is not going to come to you’.
‘Publish with others’.
Dr. Linda Paul ‘Participate in conferences and professional development, build a research
line that you passionate about…just doing articles so that you can get
tenure will not help you as an individual’.
‘Realize there will be prejudice and discrimination no matter where you
are but when it gets to the point where it devalues you as a person then
you need to find a place that best supports you’
Dr. Pamela
Brown
‘ I encourage you to become a part of the National Center for Faculty
Development and Diversity, wwww.facultydiversit.org’
‘Always do more than is required, often times we end up doing more but
if you do more you set a pattern as person who is committed, dependable,
and has the drive to succeed’.
Publish, Publish! Publish book reviews, Publish a piece of your dissertation.
In terms of leadership, we had a very powerful dean when I came and he spoke to issues of diversity so
that was like a protective safety net for me. We had a dean that fostered a lot of respect for diversity so that
may have sheltered me from some of the inappropriate behavior we see now.
Linda’s example illustrates the power that leaders can have when they take a stance in vocaliz-
ing and demonstrating the type of support for faculty diversity and success that others can emulate.
For example, college and university leaders can foster and sustain professional climates that are
conducive to the success of African American female faculty members by modeling and instituting
policies and practices that counteract the subtleties of systemic oppression outlined based on the
results of this study. Moreover, strong leadership support might decrease the unnecessary stress
and increase job satisfaction for African American women and other women of color in the acad-
emy (Womble, 1995).
To provide this support, higher education leaders must remain cognizant of the negative sociali-
zation experiences that are faced by women and faculty of color. By maintaining awareness of and
being vigilant about addressing academic bullying (Frazier, 2011), racial microgressions
(Cartwright et al., 2009), shifting (Hinton, 2010), and racial battle fatigue (Smith, 2004), and
understanding how they operate within the context of academe to oppress and negatively impact
underrepresented faculty is critical to cultivating an inclusive culture. The National Coalition
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15. Jones et al. 15
Building Institute (http://www. ncbi.org) provides professional development in the areas of diver-
sity and cultural competence for college and university personnel in the United States and Canada,
yet many higher education leaders might be unaware of this resource. Investing and participating
in effective diversity training might contribute to improved recruitment and retention rates in PWIs
(Patitu and Hinton, 2003).
Finally, formal mentoring programs are crucial to the success of African American women fac-
ulty and other faculty of color because mentors often are reported to be one of the most valuable
forms of tenure-track support (Grant, 2012). Mentorship provides an avenue for these women to
access information (e.g. unwritten rules) that rarely are disclosed in the faculty handbook (Agosto
and Karanxha, 2011–2012; Bowie, 1995). Results from our study suggest that leaders should insti-
tute formal mentor programs to best support tenure-track faculty from marginalized groups at PWIs
because, although informal mentoring can occur naturally, the participants in our study experienced
great benefit from formal mentoring when it was in place in their departments or colleges.
Primary researcher reflections
As an African American female aspiring to the professoriate, prior to interviewing the participants
for our study, I had no idea of the magnitude of greatness, wisdom, and determination that I would
be entertaining. As I reflect on my own experiences as an African American doctoral student at a
PWI and the lived of experiences of the women in our study, I discovered that we share an unyield-
ing passion to see African American women succeed in attaining tenure and promotion in the
academy. The following exchange expressed by one of the participants, Wanda, illuminates this
unyielding passion that we as researcher and participants share:
Honey, (participant leans in towards me as a mother would to caress her child) the fact that you are
doing this research, the driving force is that this is a reflection of your life. That’s why I am so glad that
you are talking to Black women because a lot of the process is trial and error but when we can get folks
to document [our experiences] and some Black sistah who reads this … we can give her some warning
signs.
Final words
Despite the expansion of the overall population of the US professoriate, the growth of African
American and other faculty of color remains sluggish—particularly at the rank of full professor
(Womble, 1995). In 2005, among the full professors in the United States, African American profes-
sors constituted only 1% (Agosto and Karanxha, 2011–2012). Based on the rate at which African
American faculty move into the ranks of Associate and Full Professor at PWIs, the Journal of
Blacks in Higher Education (2007) estimated more than 140 years for African Americans in the
professoriate to mirror their representation in the US population. Consistent with the literature
(Bowie, 1995; Grant, 2012; Tillman, 2012), recruitment and retention of African American female
faculty is essential to the matriculation of African American women in the PWIs. Unfortunately,
however, without the successful transition of African American women faculty from nontenured to
tenured status, the idea of retaining these women in the establishment of higher education will
remain just that—an idea.
Moreover, in this research, we hoped to capture and share an authentic description of how some
African American women have navigated the tenure and promotion process in PWIs, institutions
of higher education that, throughout history, had excluded them (hooks, 1989; Collins, 2000). Yet,
White male faculty remain the dominant source of influence within the academy today and, as
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16. 16 Education, Citizenship and Social Justice
Hinton (2010) suggested, White male influence is so pervasive and powerful in PWIs that African
American female faculty members are often forced to retreat to positions of marginalization. For
these reasons, the aim of this study was to illuminate the lived experiences of attaining tenure at
PWIs through the voices of African American women faculty—an underrepresented group who
might otherwise be silenced.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit
sectors.
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