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Amanda Tetz
Development of Agriculture in Early Mesoamerican Societies
ABSTRACT The development of agriculture is present in almost every culture in the
world. There have been several studies discussing the factors causing these developments
and what the resulting effects are. In this paper I will be looking at some of the earliest
evidence of flora domestication and agricultural strategies in Mesoamerica. The site that I
will be addressing in this study is an Early Archaic site located in the Valley of Oaxacá
which is represented by over 10,000 years of human occupation. By studying early
agricultural strategies we will gain a better insight into the earliest forms of complex
societies that employed this technology and a clearer, more complete history of this
culture.
Thomas (1991) states that most research
that deals with reconstruction of
prehistoric diets address faunal and
floral remains separately, however he
feels that to fully reconstruct past diets
accurately we should take a more
holistic approach. Meaning we need to
not only look at faunal remains or only
at floral remains, instead we should look
at faunal and floral remains together,
side by side, to gain a complete
understanding of the life of prehistoric
people. I would like to go one step
further and state that we should also
analyze current technologies along side
the food remains, by doing so we see the
broader picture instead of just a piece of
it. In this paper I will take a brief look at
the development of cultivation and
domestication in the Valley of Oaxacá
during the Archaic Period.
ECOLOGY OF MESOAMERICA
DURING THE ARCHAIC PERIOD
(c.8,000~2,000 B.C.)
Between 10,000 and 8,000 B.C. Middle
America went through a climate shift
that changed the environment
dramatically. At the time of the shift the
climate was colder and dryer than it is
today. This climate was conducive to a
plains-like environment that is similar to
the North American Plains of Wyoming
and Montana. This type of environment
supported various megafauna, however
because of the climate changes these
megafauna, an important food source for
Paleo-Indian, became extinct. This
extinction and rise in new flora forced
the Indians to begin to intensify their
subsistence strategy from mainly hunting
to foraging more plants foods and
hunting smaller game, such as deer and
rabbits (Flannery, 1986, Thomas, 1991).
The shift from big game hunter to that of
a hunter and gatherer marks the
beginning of the Archaic Period (c.
8,000~2,000 B.C.). As indigenous
people began to forage (harvesting the
native flora) for seeds, nuts, roots and
fruits that were beginning to become
available, they started to also manipulate
the distribution of these plants. This
manipulation is referred to as cultivation
(Flannery, 1973). Due to this shift in
subsistence patterns new tools were
needed and developed. There was an
increase in the production of chipped
stone for tools such as cutting knives,
Tetz-Development of Agriculture
drills, axes, scrapers and smaller
projectile points as well as ground stone
tools like mano and metate. There was
also a development and increase of traps,
nets and baskets (Daniel, 1962). Once
cultivation became deliberate there was
a trend toward cooperative seeding and
harvesting among the different bands of
people, however this is believed to a
seasonal cooperation only at this point
(Flannery, 1986). As cultivation became
more prominent the practice of selecting
only the largest seeds and planting them
began to emerge.
CULTIVATION AND
DOMESTICATION
There have been many debates about the
development of domestication, where it
developed first to whether it was a
delightful accident or a purposeful
action. These specific questions,
especially the latter, can not be answered
with any degree of satisfaction due to
lack of hard evidence and numerous
combinations in which it could have
occurred and since there is no left alive
that was witness to this development it is
a best guess on our part. However there
is an abundance of evidence and
information that we do have which helps
us put together the puzzle of the past.
This being said I think it is reasonable to
state that in most areas, especially
Mesoamerica and the Middle East,
domestication was a combination of
experimentation, observation and a
personal knowledge of their
environment. Because realistically to
depend completely on landscape for
your survival gives you a knowledge
about your surroundings, a knowledge
that, if you did not have you would not
be able to perpetuate your DNA and
since there are modern descendants of
these people, it is logically to state that
they had an intimate knowledge of their
surroundings. As an example of that
knowledge and observation is the trifecta
of maize, beans and squash. According
to Flannery (1973) this trifecta was a
natural occurrence that the Indians used
as a model later. Flannery (1973) states
that wild runner beans naturally grew in
between the wild teosinte (grass believed
to be the wild ancestor of modern maize)
thus giving rise to the practice of
interplanting of maize, beans and
squash.
As already define cultivation is the
manipulation of plant distribution where
as domestication is the genetic
modification of plants (Flannery, 1973).
As previously stated teosinte (Zea
mexicana) is the nearest wild relation of
modern maize (Zea mays). Both teosinte
and maize have the exact same number
of chromosomes in addition to other
similarities (Flannery, 1973). Teosinte
grows semiarid, subtropical areas of
Mexico and Guatemala. Teosinte is a
native annual grass that does not like
anymore than 12 hours of warm sunlight
per day. Once the fruit is mature they
scatter naturally, spreading across
disturbed areas. Because of this wide-
range distribution and teosintes’ quick
maturation it makes it almost impossible
for small bands or individuals to harvest
it; instead a large, organized group of
people was needed to do the job
properly. This early effort of cooperation
set the stage for permanent settlements
and eventually complex societies
(Flannery, 1973, Sanders, 1988).
Another wild grass, Tripsacum, was
once considered for the possibility of
being an ancestor of modern maize;
however all of the evidence now
suggests that it is at best a cousin to
maize and has not played an important
2
Tetz-Development of Agriculture
role in the evolution of maize in
Mesoamerica (Flannery, 1973, 1986;
Mangelsdorf, 1967). Other crops that
were eventually domesticated and
harvested in Mesoamerica are mesquite
(Prosopis juliflora), bottle gourds
(Lagenaria), pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo),
beans (four different species)
(Phaseolus), avocado (Persia
Americana), cacao (Theobroma cacao)
and Chili peppers to list just a few
(Carmack, 1996:45). The cultivation,
domestication and eventually agriculture
developed throughout Mesoamerica
almost uniformly, but I will only be
addressing one area of Mesoamerica –
Guilá Naquitz in the Valley of Oaxacá.
HUMAN OCCUPATION AND
NEGOTIATION OF THE VALLEY
OF OAXACÁ
The Valley of Oaxacá is a large flat
valley, approximately 3400 km3 and is
1550 m above sea level (Matheny and
Gurr, 1983). The Valley has a high water
table, low erosion rate and is a frost-free
area, and because of this it has a higher
capability for agricultural development
(Flannery, 1967). The floor of the Valley
has alluvial soils that bring the water
table within a few meters of the surface
leaving the soil with a higher moisture
index than in other areas. Because of this
higher moisture index combined with
deeper soil levels than elsewhere the
Valley of Oaxacá provided the
environment for higher productivity of
maize cultivation (Sanders and Nichols,
1988). Flannery (1986) has been able to
determine that Guilá Naquitz Cave in the
Valley of Oaxacá had several periods of
human occupation during the Archaic
Period. He came to this conclusion after
conducting a series of analysis on plant
remains and seasonal availability of
various food plants. During the Early
Archaic phase of the Valley the
estimated population was low, believed
to vary between 75-150 people at the
most (Marcus and Flannery, 1996).
According to Evans (2004) the first
human occupation at Guilá Naquitz was
around 8,000 B.C. and that was “at least
six separate occasions” of occupation
between c. 8,000 and 6500 B.C. Guilá
Naquitz Cave along with several other
caves are believed to be part of the
seasonal subsistence trek, settling there
sometime during the summer and
leaving before February. Food remains
and availabilities’ suggest that meals
consisted of acorn pulp, maguey, cactus
leaves, various fruits, as well as
mesquite pods, deer and rabbit meat.
There is also evidence suggesting that
they had technologies such as fire drills,
nets, traps, milling stones and the
obvious obsidian knapping (Evans,
2004). This fluctuation of occupation in
the Valley continued until the Late
Archaic phase when the first permanent
villages appear, around 1700 to 1400
B.C. (Flannery, et al, 1967). The
sedentary lifestyle seems to be possible
due to the increase of agriculture in the
Valley (Flannery, 1986). By the
beginning of the Initial Formative (c.
2,000~1200 B.C.) organized agriculture
had became a way of life in the Valley.
The initial farming technology used was
pot irrigation. This worked by planting
the seed with a stick referred to by the
Aztecs as a cao, deep enough for the
developing root to access the water
table, however supplemental water was
given by digging a swallow well and
bring water to the individual plants
(Evans, 2004). Because of the intensive
work involved in this activity it was
necessary for a large group of people to
cooperate and work together, which in
3
Tetz-Development of Agriculture
turn created solidarity among the
population (Flannery et al, 1967; Evans
2004). Later hillside terracing, canal
systems and flood water irrigation was
developed (Flannery et al, 1967). As
agriculture became more important for
people, they began to deviate from their
earlier patterns of foraging and hunting
and started to rely solely on what they
could produce. Evans (2004) believes
this is due to the lure of sedentism has
for humans, no longer have to live hand
to month, move all the time, can only
posses items that you can carry on your
back. Sedentism allows for luxury that
they had never had. Unfortunately this
shift in subsistence patterns had a
negative aspect on the health of the
population.
Quality of life with the advancement
of agriculture
According to Larsen (1995) the
development and adoption of agriculture
did not improve the life and health of
humans. Instead it allowed for dental
and physical health problems; such as
malnutrition, dental erosion and
increased inactivity. As a result of these
changes the human stature began to
shrink. The development of agriculture
also provided the ability for the
population to grow. Eventually it created
an overpopulated world.
However agriculture also
provided the time for specialties, such as
weaving, ceramics, elaborate stone
work, to develop. Complex societies also
arose as agriculture began to intensify.
CONCLUSION
The development of
domestication and agriculture was a
necessary step in the process of cultural
evolution, without these developments
we probably would not have the world in
which currently live in. There has been
an abundance of research done on the
development of agriculture and the
descent of domestication; however I feel
that there is much more to learn about
this topic so we have a better, more
complete understanding to the process of
domestication in Early Mesoamerica. By
understanding the past process it might
allow us to develop different techniques
for out current agricultural systems and
flora hybridization programs.
RERFENCE CITED:
Carmack, Robert M., Janine Gasco and
Gary H. Gossen
1996 The Legacy of Mesoamerica:
History and Culture of a Native
American Civilization. University of
Albany: Prentice Hall
Daniel, Glyn, ed.
1962 Ancient Peoples and Places, Vol
29: Mexico. Ediciones Lara, Great
Britain
Evans, Susan Toby
2004 Ancient Mexico and Central
America: Archaeology and Culture
History. Thames and Hudson, London
and New York.
Flannery, Kent V., ed.
1986 Guilá Naquitz: Archaic Foraging
and Early Agriculture in Oaxacá,
Mexico. Orlando, FL: Academic Press
Flannery, Kent V.
1973 The origin of agriculture. Annual
Review of Anthropology 2:271-310
Flannery, Kent V., Anne V. T. Kirkby,
Michael J. Kirkby and Aubrey W.
Williams Jr.
4
Tetz-Development of Agriculture
1967 Farming Systems and Political
Growth in Ancient Oaxacá:
Physiographic Features and Water-
control Techniques Contributed to the
rise of Zapotec Indian Civilization.
Science 158(3800):445-454
Larsen, Clark Spencer
1995 Biological Changes in Human
Populations with Agriculture. Annual
Review of Anthropology 24:185-213
Mangelsdorf, P.C., R.S. MacNeish and
W.C. Galinat
1967 Prehistoric Wild and cultivated
maize. In Prehistory of the Tehuacán
Valley. D.S. Byers, ed. Pp. 178-200.
Austin: University of Texas Press
Matheny, Ray T. and Deanne L. Gurr
1983 Variation in Prehistoric
Agricultural Systems of the New World.
Annual Review of Anthropology 12:79-
103
Marcus, Joyce and Kent V. Flannery
1996 Zapotec Civilization. Thames and
Hudson, London and New York
Sanders, William T. and Deborah L.
Nichols
1988 Ecological Theory and Cultural
Evolution in the Valley of Oaxacá.
Current Anthropology 29(1):33-80
Thomas, David Hurst
1991 Archaeology: Dawn to Earth.
United States: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich Publishers.
5
Tetz-Development of Agriculture
1967 Farming Systems and Political
Growth in Ancient Oaxacá:
Physiographic Features and Water-
control Techniques Contributed to the
rise of Zapotec Indian Civilization.
Science 158(3800):445-454
Larsen, Clark Spencer
1995 Biological Changes in Human
Populations with Agriculture. Annual
Review of Anthropology 24:185-213
Mangelsdorf, P.C., R.S. MacNeish and
W.C. Galinat
1967 Prehistoric Wild and cultivated
maize. In Prehistory of the Tehuacán
Valley. D.S. Byers, ed. Pp. 178-200.
Austin: University of Texas Press
Matheny, Ray T. and Deanne L. Gurr
1983 Variation in Prehistoric
Agricultural Systems of the New World.
Annual Review of Anthropology 12:79-
103
Marcus, Joyce and Kent V. Flannery
1996 Zapotec Civilization. Thames and
Hudson, London and New York
Sanders, William T. and Deborah L.
Nichols
1988 Ecological Theory and Cultural
Evolution in the Valley of Oaxacá.
Current Anthropology 29(1):33-80
Thomas, David Hurst
1991 Archaeology: Dawn to Earth.
United States: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich Publishers.
5

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Early Mesoamerican Ag Development

  • 1. Amanda Tetz Development of Agriculture in Early Mesoamerican Societies ABSTRACT The development of agriculture is present in almost every culture in the world. There have been several studies discussing the factors causing these developments and what the resulting effects are. In this paper I will be looking at some of the earliest evidence of flora domestication and agricultural strategies in Mesoamerica. The site that I will be addressing in this study is an Early Archaic site located in the Valley of Oaxacá which is represented by over 10,000 years of human occupation. By studying early agricultural strategies we will gain a better insight into the earliest forms of complex societies that employed this technology and a clearer, more complete history of this culture. Thomas (1991) states that most research that deals with reconstruction of prehistoric diets address faunal and floral remains separately, however he feels that to fully reconstruct past diets accurately we should take a more holistic approach. Meaning we need to not only look at faunal remains or only at floral remains, instead we should look at faunal and floral remains together, side by side, to gain a complete understanding of the life of prehistoric people. I would like to go one step further and state that we should also analyze current technologies along side the food remains, by doing so we see the broader picture instead of just a piece of it. In this paper I will take a brief look at the development of cultivation and domestication in the Valley of Oaxacá during the Archaic Period. ECOLOGY OF MESOAMERICA DURING THE ARCHAIC PERIOD (c.8,000~2,000 B.C.) Between 10,000 and 8,000 B.C. Middle America went through a climate shift that changed the environment dramatically. At the time of the shift the climate was colder and dryer than it is today. This climate was conducive to a plains-like environment that is similar to the North American Plains of Wyoming and Montana. This type of environment supported various megafauna, however because of the climate changes these megafauna, an important food source for Paleo-Indian, became extinct. This extinction and rise in new flora forced the Indians to begin to intensify their subsistence strategy from mainly hunting to foraging more plants foods and hunting smaller game, such as deer and rabbits (Flannery, 1986, Thomas, 1991). The shift from big game hunter to that of a hunter and gatherer marks the beginning of the Archaic Period (c. 8,000~2,000 B.C.). As indigenous people began to forage (harvesting the native flora) for seeds, nuts, roots and fruits that were beginning to become available, they started to also manipulate the distribution of these plants. This manipulation is referred to as cultivation (Flannery, 1973). Due to this shift in subsistence patterns new tools were needed and developed. There was an increase in the production of chipped stone for tools such as cutting knives,
  • 2. Tetz-Development of Agriculture drills, axes, scrapers and smaller projectile points as well as ground stone tools like mano and metate. There was also a development and increase of traps, nets and baskets (Daniel, 1962). Once cultivation became deliberate there was a trend toward cooperative seeding and harvesting among the different bands of people, however this is believed to a seasonal cooperation only at this point (Flannery, 1986). As cultivation became more prominent the practice of selecting only the largest seeds and planting them began to emerge. CULTIVATION AND DOMESTICATION There have been many debates about the development of domestication, where it developed first to whether it was a delightful accident or a purposeful action. These specific questions, especially the latter, can not be answered with any degree of satisfaction due to lack of hard evidence and numerous combinations in which it could have occurred and since there is no left alive that was witness to this development it is a best guess on our part. However there is an abundance of evidence and information that we do have which helps us put together the puzzle of the past. This being said I think it is reasonable to state that in most areas, especially Mesoamerica and the Middle East, domestication was a combination of experimentation, observation and a personal knowledge of their environment. Because realistically to depend completely on landscape for your survival gives you a knowledge about your surroundings, a knowledge that, if you did not have you would not be able to perpetuate your DNA and since there are modern descendants of these people, it is logically to state that they had an intimate knowledge of their surroundings. As an example of that knowledge and observation is the trifecta of maize, beans and squash. According to Flannery (1973) this trifecta was a natural occurrence that the Indians used as a model later. Flannery (1973) states that wild runner beans naturally grew in between the wild teosinte (grass believed to be the wild ancestor of modern maize) thus giving rise to the practice of interplanting of maize, beans and squash. As already define cultivation is the manipulation of plant distribution where as domestication is the genetic modification of plants (Flannery, 1973). As previously stated teosinte (Zea mexicana) is the nearest wild relation of modern maize (Zea mays). Both teosinte and maize have the exact same number of chromosomes in addition to other similarities (Flannery, 1973). Teosinte grows semiarid, subtropical areas of Mexico and Guatemala. Teosinte is a native annual grass that does not like anymore than 12 hours of warm sunlight per day. Once the fruit is mature they scatter naturally, spreading across disturbed areas. Because of this wide- range distribution and teosintes’ quick maturation it makes it almost impossible for small bands or individuals to harvest it; instead a large, organized group of people was needed to do the job properly. This early effort of cooperation set the stage for permanent settlements and eventually complex societies (Flannery, 1973, Sanders, 1988). Another wild grass, Tripsacum, was once considered for the possibility of being an ancestor of modern maize; however all of the evidence now suggests that it is at best a cousin to maize and has not played an important 2
  • 3. Tetz-Development of Agriculture role in the evolution of maize in Mesoamerica (Flannery, 1973, 1986; Mangelsdorf, 1967). Other crops that were eventually domesticated and harvested in Mesoamerica are mesquite (Prosopis juliflora), bottle gourds (Lagenaria), pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo), beans (four different species) (Phaseolus), avocado (Persia Americana), cacao (Theobroma cacao) and Chili peppers to list just a few (Carmack, 1996:45). The cultivation, domestication and eventually agriculture developed throughout Mesoamerica almost uniformly, but I will only be addressing one area of Mesoamerica – Guilá Naquitz in the Valley of Oaxacá. HUMAN OCCUPATION AND NEGOTIATION OF THE VALLEY OF OAXACÁ The Valley of Oaxacá is a large flat valley, approximately 3400 km3 and is 1550 m above sea level (Matheny and Gurr, 1983). The Valley has a high water table, low erosion rate and is a frost-free area, and because of this it has a higher capability for agricultural development (Flannery, 1967). The floor of the Valley has alluvial soils that bring the water table within a few meters of the surface leaving the soil with a higher moisture index than in other areas. Because of this higher moisture index combined with deeper soil levels than elsewhere the Valley of Oaxacá provided the environment for higher productivity of maize cultivation (Sanders and Nichols, 1988). Flannery (1986) has been able to determine that Guilá Naquitz Cave in the Valley of Oaxacá had several periods of human occupation during the Archaic Period. He came to this conclusion after conducting a series of analysis on plant remains and seasonal availability of various food plants. During the Early Archaic phase of the Valley the estimated population was low, believed to vary between 75-150 people at the most (Marcus and Flannery, 1996). According to Evans (2004) the first human occupation at Guilá Naquitz was around 8,000 B.C. and that was “at least six separate occasions” of occupation between c. 8,000 and 6500 B.C. Guilá Naquitz Cave along with several other caves are believed to be part of the seasonal subsistence trek, settling there sometime during the summer and leaving before February. Food remains and availabilities’ suggest that meals consisted of acorn pulp, maguey, cactus leaves, various fruits, as well as mesquite pods, deer and rabbit meat. There is also evidence suggesting that they had technologies such as fire drills, nets, traps, milling stones and the obvious obsidian knapping (Evans, 2004). This fluctuation of occupation in the Valley continued until the Late Archaic phase when the first permanent villages appear, around 1700 to 1400 B.C. (Flannery, et al, 1967). The sedentary lifestyle seems to be possible due to the increase of agriculture in the Valley (Flannery, 1986). By the beginning of the Initial Formative (c. 2,000~1200 B.C.) organized agriculture had became a way of life in the Valley. The initial farming technology used was pot irrigation. This worked by planting the seed with a stick referred to by the Aztecs as a cao, deep enough for the developing root to access the water table, however supplemental water was given by digging a swallow well and bring water to the individual plants (Evans, 2004). Because of the intensive work involved in this activity it was necessary for a large group of people to cooperate and work together, which in 3
  • 4. Tetz-Development of Agriculture turn created solidarity among the population (Flannery et al, 1967; Evans 2004). Later hillside terracing, canal systems and flood water irrigation was developed (Flannery et al, 1967). As agriculture became more important for people, they began to deviate from their earlier patterns of foraging and hunting and started to rely solely on what they could produce. Evans (2004) believes this is due to the lure of sedentism has for humans, no longer have to live hand to month, move all the time, can only posses items that you can carry on your back. Sedentism allows for luxury that they had never had. Unfortunately this shift in subsistence patterns had a negative aspect on the health of the population. Quality of life with the advancement of agriculture According to Larsen (1995) the development and adoption of agriculture did not improve the life and health of humans. Instead it allowed for dental and physical health problems; such as malnutrition, dental erosion and increased inactivity. As a result of these changes the human stature began to shrink. The development of agriculture also provided the ability for the population to grow. Eventually it created an overpopulated world. However agriculture also provided the time for specialties, such as weaving, ceramics, elaborate stone work, to develop. Complex societies also arose as agriculture began to intensify. CONCLUSION The development of domestication and agriculture was a necessary step in the process of cultural evolution, without these developments we probably would not have the world in which currently live in. There has been an abundance of research done on the development of agriculture and the descent of domestication; however I feel that there is much more to learn about this topic so we have a better, more complete understanding to the process of domestication in Early Mesoamerica. By understanding the past process it might allow us to develop different techniques for out current agricultural systems and flora hybridization programs. RERFENCE CITED: Carmack, Robert M., Janine Gasco and Gary H. Gossen 1996 The Legacy of Mesoamerica: History and Culture of a Native American Civilization. University of Albany: Prentice Hall Daniel, Glyn, ed. 1962 Ancient Peoples and Places, Vol 29: Mexico. Ediciones Lara, Great Britain Evans, Susan Toby 2004 Ancient Mexico and Central America: Archaeology and Culture History. Thames and Hudson, London and New York. Flannery, Kent V., ed. 1986 Guilá Naquitz: Archaic Foraging and Early Agriculture in Oaxacá, Mexico. Orlando, FL: Academic Press Flannery, Kent V. 1973 The origin of agriculture. Annual Review of Anthropology 2:271-310 Flannery, Kent V., Anne V. T. Kirkby, Michael J. Kirkby and Aubrey W. Williams Jr. 4
  • 5. Tetz-Development of Agriculture 1967 Farming Systems and Political Growth in Ancient Oaxacá: Physiographic Features and Water- control Techniques Contributed to the rise of Zapotec Indian Civilization. Science 158(3800):445-454 Larsen, Clark Spencer 1995 Biological Changes in Human Populations with Agriculture. Annual Review of Anthropology 24:185-213 Mangelsdorf, P.C., R.S. MacNeish and W.C. Galinat 1967 Prehistoric Wild and cultivated maize. In Prehistory of the Tehuacán Valley. D.S. Byers, ed. Pp. 178-200. Austin: University of Texas Press Matheny, Ray T. and Deanne L. Gurr 1983 Variation in Prehistoric Agricultural Systems of the New World. Annual Review of Anthropology 12:79- 103 Marcus, Joyce and Kent V. Flannery 1996 Zapotec Civilization. Thames and Hudson, London and New York Sanders, William T. and Deborah L. Nichols 1988 Ecological Theory and Cultural Evolution in the Valley of Oaxacá. Current Anthropology 29(1):33-80 Thomas, David Hurst 1991 Archaeology: Dawn to Earth. United States: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Publishers. 5
  • 6. Tetz-Development of Agriculture 1967 Farming Systems and Political Growth in Ancient Oaxacá: Physiographic Features and Water- control Techniques Contributed to the rise of Zapotec Indian Civilization. Science 158(3800):445-454 Larsen, Clark Spencer 1995 Biological Changes in Human Populations with Agriculture. Annual Review of Anthropology 24:185-213 Mangelsdorf, P.C., R.S. MacNeish and W.C. Galinat 1967 Prehistoric Wild and cultivated maize. In Prehistory of the Tehuacán Valley. D.S. Byers, ed. Pp. 178-200. Austin: University of Texas Press Matheny, Ray T. and Deanne L. Gurr 1983 Variation in Prehistoric Agricultural Systems of the New World. Annual Review of Anthropology 12:79- 103 Marcus, Joyce and Kent V. Flannery 1996 Zapotec Civilization. Thames and Hudson, London and New York Sanders, William T. and Deborah L. Nichols 1988 Ecological Theory and Cultural Evolution in the Valley of Oaxacá. Current Anthropology 29(1):33-80 Thomas, David Hurst 1991 Archaeology: Dawn to Earth. United States: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Publishers. 5