This document provides a book review of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's work "Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of Untouchables". The book critiques Mahatma Gandhi's views and approach to caste reform and the emancipation of untouchables in India. It outlines Ambedkar's political demands for representation and rights for untouchables, including separate electorates. It also examines the disagreements between Gandhi and Ambedkar on issues like joint vs separate electorates and the nature of political representation for untouchable communities. Overall, the document summarizes Ambedkar's criticisms of Gandhi and Congress and his vision for dismantling the caste system

1. BOOK REVIEW
MR.GANDHIAND THE
EMANCIPATIONOF
UNTOUCHABLES
DR.B.R.AMBEDKAR
ABHINAV P J
0050
INDIAN
POLITICAL THOUGHT

2. 1
INDEX PAGE NO.
INTRODUCTION 02
MR.GANDHIAND THE
EMANCIPATION OF
UNTOUCHABLES
03
POLITICAL DEMANDS OF
AMBEDKAR
03
AMBEDKAR ON INDIAN NATIONAL
CONGRESS
05
AMBEDKAR’SREFLECTION ON
GANDHI
06
INTERCHANGE BETWEEN GANDHI
AND AMBEDKAR
06
CONCLUSION 08

3. 2
INTRODUCTION
Hinduism has plagued Indian society with the caste system that marks dignity and
contempt to be hereditary. As the prospect of living with a ready reputation is fascinating to
some, more so pungent is the denial of basic rights to a community for generation after
generation. Untouchability mocks modernity day in, day out as the bullet train is promised to
be running in India or a Dalit is forced to flee. "Emancipation of the Untouchables," a paper
that Ambedkar had read at the 1942 Pacific Relations Conference, brought the caste issue out
in the world and demanded that it should be viewed with urgency and shame as being
analogous to other forms of degradation of humanity like slavery, racism, fascism, and should
not be belittled as an insignificant "internal matter" as propounded by Gandhi and the
Congress. Once the formalities were completed, this paper was published in 1943 as a book
by Thacker & Co. Ltd. for the general masses. It "was out of stock (with us) for nearly two
decades" reports the publisher. The book was reprinted in 1972. Later on, the Government of
Maharashtra published the text with the title "Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the
Untouchables" in 1990 in Volume 9 of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches. I
am using the 1972 edition of the book published by Thacker & Co. Ltd.
Ambedkar's political pamphlet is 58 pages long and is divided into ten short chapters.
Thematically, it deals with the political safeguards asked for the Untouchables and the Hindu
opposition after giving a brief idea of their population and condition. Then he goes on to
elaborate on the requisite demands in chapters 5-8. The next concern is whether caste should
be taken into account while framing the constitution which he concludes, it should be in a
country like India. And he ends this robust text with some questions posed to the friends of
the Hindus from the outer world, chiefly America.
MR.GANDHI AND THE EMANCIPATION OF UNTOUCHABLES

4. 3
Ambedkar by writing this paper is putting forward the aspirations of
many other Dalits as he states the demands as addressing "[resolutions] which were passed at
the All-India Scheduled Castes conference held in the city of Nagpur on the 18th and 19th
July 1942" (Ambedkar 15). The first of these demands is that of the right to education.
According to Capitalism, education is for everyone, sold, and bought. According to Hindu
divine law, education is forbidden for Shudras. When Ambedkar has taken the space, he
determines to get a proper endorsement of education – primary and higher; and, financial
assistance. The basic education is going to create an environment of studying and further
education when subsidised can change lives. It is not very unusual to see most of the Dalit
children in primary schools not continuing in secondary schools, because growing up means
different things to different people. The other object that reverberates throughout is that of
representation. With other areas, opportunities are to be shared with the Dalits in education
too. As their social situation puts them behind their classmates they are to be given some
special encouragement like scholarships and reserved seats. At present, this text here does not
discuss academic support, focusing instead on the political aspects.
POLITICAL DEMANDS OF AMBEDKAR
Ambedkar insists on the representation of the Dalits distinctly from
the Hindus in all legislatures, executive governments and, public services. Being grouped as
the outcastes, the Dalits are denied basic rights and public exposure. To redress this and
include them in social and political life, firstly Ambedkar pronounces them to get elected
exclusively by the Dalit voters to the legislature concerning their needs and number. In the
meantime, some seats are agreed to be set aside for solely the Dalit nominees if the election is
commenced by joint/mixed electorates. The joint electorate cannot possibly work since the
Hindus would inevitably choose a mock candidate to cater to their whims and no true
representative would be elected as they are massively outnumbered in all the constituencies.
If there is a purely territorial constituency, there is an utmost Hindu victory. The Hindu voters
outnumber the Dalit voters sometimes even by 50 times in a random constituency. Even if

5. 4
some seats according to their ratio are reserved to be held by the Dalits only, in a mixed
electorate the populace electing them would be predominantly Hindu. To grab their due, the
Dalits have to impress a Hindu. "How could the Untouchables be legitimately asked to leave
their interests into the hands of a people who are opposed to them in their motives and
interests, who do not sympathise with the living forces operating among the Untouchables,
who are themselves not charged with their wants, cravings, and desires, who are inimical to
their aspirations, who in all certainty will deny justice to them and to discriminate against
them and who because of the sanction of their religion have not been and will not be ashamed
to practise against the Untouchables any kind of inhumanity."
The government executives should also consist
of both the Hindus and the Dalits so that the Dalits have confidence in them. The idea that the
executive should represent the majority of the legislature is absurd because "[the] will of the
majority is the will of the majority and nothing more" ( Ambedkar 23 ). If you ask a writer to
score brilliant in maths, he might or might not. If you ask to trust that the will of the majority
and that of the minority would in important cases coincide it is more uncertain than the
previous case. Also, it is highly unlikely there are no deserving candidates among the Dalits.
The next political demand Ambedkar makes is enough footing in public services by granting
jobs to the Dalits who have crossed the minimum education bar simply because the education
system is not democratic and higher studies require social security that most Dalits
lack.Gandhi and Arya Samaj both held the view that 'varna'( from Varnashrama which
Ambedkar considers the parent of the caste system ) should be based on worth, not birth.
Whatsoever, they do not clarify when is the time to measure this worth. Be it 5 or 55 – it does
not matter because what matters is how one spent those years. Hence it should be the minimum
qualification that is to be asked from a Dalit and the age bar should be extended further.
Ironically, it is self-government (swaraj) over the good government that Ambedkar intends.
One new and the most radical demand Ambedkar brings forth in this paper is the case of separate
settlements. That means Dalits are to move into autonomous Dalit villages quitting the
outskirts of existing Hindu villages. The misfortunes that meet the Dalits are largely due to
this geographical situation. Various prohibitions stop them to take part in trade or farming so
they are economically at the Hindu's mercy to earn meagre money toiling their bodies. The
water and roads are also restricted. To grow to their "fullest manhood" thus the Dalits need to
be away and independent. The government is to fund their rehabilitation and Hindus being the

6. 5
majority, the lion share of it is going to befall on them. Also, "[there] is no reason why they
should not be asked to pay the cost of this scheme when they practically own the country."
(Ambedkar 42). The government is to a) allot cultivable, unoccupied land to the settlement
commission for arranging new residences for Dalits, b) Purchase private property to ensure
nobody is turned down, and, c) provide the settlement commission annually a sum of 5 crores
to carry on the process.
AMBEDKAR ON CONGRESS
The Congress scheme of the election was akin to Ambedkar's as both of
them advocate a representative government. Whether the basis of deriving a constituency is
only geographical or social behaviours colour them is the main topic of the debate. Efficiency
to be the sole criterion is the other part of it. And executives to be drawn from the majority in
the legislature or a more precise method of representation should prevail in the final part. For
a territorial constituency and joint electorate"[it] is equally certain that the Untouchables will
lose all seats"( Ambedkar 26 ). Ambedkar takes the example of the Madras presidency and
shows the disparity in the numbers of the said communities in all of the constituencies and
explains how they work in the outcome. Ambedkar began this essay pointing on how numbers
have weighed down on the Dalits. The Hindu, "[he] wants that if he is made to concede power
he must not lose control over it. This is secured by joint electorates and frustrated by separate
electorates. That is why the Hindu objects to separate electorates and insists on joint
electorates" ( Ambedkar 30 ).
The primary grievance of the Hindus is that communal constituency instead of territorial would
divide the country and fragment the nation. Ambedkar curtly declares the nation is yet to be
created. As a result of living in the worst possible conditions, the Dalit, led by Ambedkar, has
dared to dream of justice, living a better world. Even though it is not prevalent in society, the
Dalits deserve their due respect. Because that is how it should be. Like many things equality
is maintained when practised. Just as Hindus have long fought the war of independence to get
their ways, their ways induce them to exploit the Dalits as they have done for a thousand years
without any remorse. Ambedkar fears that and takes pain that the safeguards the Dalits are
demanding are made to laws.

7. 6
AMBEDKAR’S REFLECTION ON GANDHI
Gandhi was not a liberal – his beliefs on societal structure, on
economy, on a concept-state, on what Indians should eat or drink, would make even the most
ardent of conservatives blush. His theories were based less on logic and more on a bizarre
sense of faith-based entitlement that can only be described as an inseparable emulsion of
homeopathy and spirituality. Gandhi was an intelligent and cunning god-man. He was made
for India.He held her pulse, pumped her heart. Gandhi said he would not “weep over the
disappearance of machinery”; Ambedkar wanted an industrialised India. Gandhi could have
ruled independent India had he chosen to for as long as he wanted; Ambedkar lost an election
by some margin. Twice. Gandhi saw the village as India’s liberator; Ambedkar called it a
cesspool and a den of ignorance. Gandhi’s self-confidence was buttressed by the blind
devotion of his countless followers; Ambedkar’s stemmed from his ability to speak his mind,
stand all by himself, and appease no one.
INTERCHANGE BETWEEN AMBEDKAR AND GANDHI
Ambedkar: The Congress is not sincere about its professions. Had it been, it would have
surely made the removal of Untouchability a condition, like the wearing of khaddar, for
becoming a member of the Congress. Noperson who did not employ untouchable women
or men in his house, or rear up an untouchable student, or take food at home with an
untouchable student at least once a week, should have been allowed to be a member of
the Congress. Had there been such a condition, you could have avoided the ridiculous
sight where the President of the District Congress Committee was seen opposing the
temple entry of the Untouchables. You might say that Congress lacked strength and
therefore it was unwise to lay down such a condition. Then my point is that Congress
cares more for strength than for principles. This is my charge against you and the
Congress. You say the British Government does not show a change of heart. I also say
that the Hindus have not shown a change of heart in regard to our problem, and so long
as they remain adamant, we would believe neither the Congress nor the Hindus. We
believe in self-help and self-respect.

8. 7
Gandhi: It is really surprising that men like you should offer opposition to me and to the
Congress.
Ambedkar: We are not prepared to have faith in great leaders and Mahatmas. Let me be
brutally frank about it. History tells that Mahatmas, like fleeting phantoms, raise dust,
but raise no level
The outcaste is a by-product of the caste system,” Ambedkar told Gandhi. “There will be
outcastes as long as there are castes. Nothing can emancipate the outcaste except the
destruction of the caste system. Nothing can help to save Hindus and ensure their
survival in the coming struggle except the purging of the Hindu faith of this odious and
vicious dogma.”
As for casual casteism, he spoke of Ambedkar thus, thinking he was giving Ambedkar a
compliment: “His exterior is as clean as that of the cleanest and the proudest Brahmin.”
When askedby a Dalit delegation about his views on the varna system, Gandhi replied: “All
occupations should be hereditary. Millions of people are not going to become Prime
Ministers and Viceroys.”
Gandhi-Ambedkar relationship was not always antagonistic and the latter took a dim view
only in his 1945 treatise, What Congress and Gandhi have done to Untouchables. “If you
devoted yourself entirely to the welfare of the depressed classes, thenyou would become
our hero,” Ambedkar told Gandhi during the negotiations.
But Ambedkar would grow steadily disillusioned with the Congress, and Gandhi, especially
on the question of political representation. In 1945, he allegedthat Congress nullified the
pact by choosing less qualified candidates who couldn’t become cabinet aspirants, and
be completely dependent on the party for votes. The bitterness sprang forth in a BBC
interview a year before his death, in which Ambedkar called Gandhi’s stand during the
Poona Pact negotiations a “huge whim” of a politician. “As a politician, he was never a
Mahatma. I refuse to call him Mahatma,”
CONCLUSION

9. 8
Dr.B.R.Ambedkar rationally disagreed and repelled the idea of Gandhi”s India, who he
thought, a man did not see through the thin lines which the caste discrimination in india, grows
into a political issue rather than a social issue which he defined.As a man who tasted inequality
and miseries of the low caste to rise through the societal dimensions and make a meaningful
impact in building his nation, he knew his goal was to dismiss the caste system itself that
continues making outcasts and hierarchical stratas.He logically interprets and dismantles
Gandhi’s arguments through this book and envisions Gandhi about the new India’s prospects
where every man enjoys the fruits regardless of his hereditary status.Ambedkar also proposes
and revitalises the practical de,mands which would make a world he dreamt in reality.
As he said “Indifferentism is the worst kind of disease that can affect people”, he was
truly one of a kind and he envisaged the India for every single person, without a drop of
injustice.