#WelcomeToCanada: An analysis of how the Liberal and Conservative parties of Canada represent their values and ideas of national identity through social media

Saad Usman Ahmed
#WelcomeToCanada: An analysis of how the Liberal
and Conservative Parties of Canada represent their
values and ideas of national identity through social
media
Dissertation submitted in partial requirement for the Degree of MA in International Media
and Communications, University of Nottingham, 2019

Abstract
#WelcomeToCanada: An analysis of how the Liberal and Conservative Parties of Canada
represent their values and ideas of national identity through social media
Saad Ahmed
This study explores the social media activity of political actors in Canada and how it expresses their
values and ideas of national identity. Specifically, the dissertation examines the Twitter and Instagram
accounts of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Leader of the Opposition Andrew Scheer, and their
respective political parties, the Liberal Party of Canada and Conservative Party of Canada, through
some notable reactions to events, celebrations, and issues in recent years. Through examining national
identity discourse and ideas of brand management and constant campaigning, the dissertation analyses
how these social media reactions reflect the constantly evolving transmission of political policies and
values. We see how Trudeau and Scheer, as well as their respective political parties, use visual
imagery and written captions to indicate their views and stress important policy positions. Trudeau
uses social media to burnish his brand as an everyman despite his beginnings and portray himself as a
prime minister for all of Canada and stresses the importance of community and diversity. The Liberal
Party expresses similar messaging. Scheer and the Conservative Party express the importance of
territory and security in national identity giving it a more conditional status, and stress that economic
contribution is more important than diversity for its own sake. More generally, this analysis provides
an important contribution to the study of the communications strategies of political parties to account
for social media and the digitisation of communication. The dissertation finds that while
multiculturalism is a pillar of national identity for both political parties, there is disagreement over its
importance and whether nationhood is conditional.
Keywords
Justin Trudeau, Liberal Party of Canada, Canada, cultural mosaic, social media, Andrew Scheer,
Conservative Party of Canada, multiculturalism, national identity

Contents
Introduction
I. Methodology
II. Literature review
III. Canadian national identity – formation and concepts
a. Nationalism as a concept
b. The Canadian case
IV. Political branding and the transmission of values through media
V. An analysis of the Liberals and Conservatives on national identity and values through
social media
a. Marking Canadian holidays and occasions
b. Reactions to celebrations of foreign origin
c. Immigration and migration: Rhetoric and symbolism
d. Reactions to terrorism and extremism
VI. Conclusion

Introduction
This dissertation examines the social media activities of the Conservative and Liberal Parties
of Canada and how they represent their values and ideas about national identity through
them. Over the centuries, as Canada has become increasingly diverse to the point where
international migrants compose at least 22% of the population (Worldpopulationreview.com,
2019) different approaches have been taken to help define its national identity.
The ‘cultural mosaic’, was first popularised by John Murray Gibbon in 1938. The Scottish-
born writer emigrated to Canada in 1913 and began working for the Canadian Pacific
Railway as General Publicity Agent, a company tasked with building a rail route across the
width of a continent through different cultures and groups. This experience is said to have
influenced his ideas on nationhood (Neilson, 2011).
Gibbon later wrote Canadian Mosaic, and immediately positioned the concept in contrast
with the American melting pot in that it allows different ethnic groups to maintain their
customs and doesn’t demand assimilation (Palmer, 1976). While no one political party has a
monopoly on the cultural mosaic, the Liberal Party of Canada has historically hitched itself to
the idea strongly. The idea powered Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau’s drive for
multiculturalism which became an official policy of the Liberal Party of Canada in 1971
(Pier21.ca, 2019). This would become enshrined in law in 1988 as the Multiculturalism Act
(Laws-lois.justice.gc.ca, 2019).
While the idea of the cultural mosaic has proved enduring it has not been adopted without
question. When it comes to disputing the cultural mosaic narrative or its usefulness, dissent

may even minorities who argue against its harmony through their experiences (Bannerji,
1996).
Since the Liberal Party adopted the multiculturalism policy, we can see that they have
continued to be the standard-bearers for the cultural mosaic and the ideas it encompasses.
Justin Trudeau, since his ascent to leader in 2012 sought to embody the party’s values, and
upon becoming prime minister, those of Canada – at least in his political worldview.
In an age where nativism is rising Canada positions itself as a nation of openness. Unveiling a
young, ethnically and gender diverse cabinet that ‘looks like Canada’ (Murphy, 2015), Justin
Trudeau set the tone for what he envisioned his premiership to be and the values he hoped to
represent. These are a commitment to diversity, openness, and liberal values and they use
social media to show it.
The Conservative Party of Canada takes a different approach to such questions of national
identity. While the majority of recent rhetoric regarding lowering immigration numbers has
stemmed from the People’s Party of Canada, its present leader Maxime Bernier is a defector
from the Conservative Party where he previously pitched an immigration cap when running
for leader (Shivji, 2019). This same contest saw another candidate Kellie Leitch demand that
immigrants take a values test for admission into Canada (Ibid.).
But before we determine what form it takes in Canada it is important to first define the
concepts of nationalism and national identity. While this dissertation looks at the specific
case of Canada, it also establishes themes to draw from.
Anderson (1983) argues that the concept of nationalism was created in the 19th
century, with
particular attention to cultural artefacts created to define and perpetuate a culture and identity.

In the Canadian case, the myth of the wilderness, a need to defend itself, and different
cultures coexisting have all helped to shape ideas of national identity.
This study is a contribution to scholarship on how political communication strategies have
been impacted by social media with a specific focus on Canada.
I. METHODOLOGY
The methodology that will be used for this dissertation will range from evaluation of papers
on nationalism, political party documents, political branding, and investigating social media
presence and behaviour. This decision was taken due to a desire to focus on the way in which
national identity is expressed through political actors in Canada.
In doing so, this dissertation will compare the different ideas of Canadian nationhood
between the Liberal and Conservative Parties of Canada and see how they have been framed
through social media. Framing considers the many factors that may affect how individuals feel
about a subject and is used to encourage the transition of vague ideas into attitudes to influence
public opinion (Ibid.). The other literature will provide a theoretical and more complete
backdrop to the discussion.
The social media presences of Justin Trudeau and Andrew Scheer, and their respective parties
will be analysed visually and textually, and compared with policy platforms to show the
relationship between their stated policies and social media strategy.
These two political parties have been chosen because they account for 71.4% of the 2015
vote (Cbc.ca, 2015) and are the only ones who have governed Canada in the 21st
century

where social media has become a crucial part of campaigning and expressing political
messages.
When analysing social media, the dissertation will focus on events and issues such as cultural
celebrations, Canadian national holidays and the immigration debate to evaluate what
responses indicate about political actors’ ideas of Canadian national identity and their values.
The dissertation will interpret the composition of photos and captions on Twitter and
Instagram and how they relate to the message the political actors are trying to convey.
The influence of images in politics and the transmission of values cannot be underestimated,
especially over social media. Schill (2012) emphasises the importance of visual media in
politics, stating that it is crucial in constructing desired political images. Image bites, a term
meaning brief shots or silent video clips, counted for 25.1% of election coverage in
traditional media compared with 14.3% for soundbites in 2004 (Grabe & Bucy, 2009 cited in
Schill, 2012).
With traditional media, politicians and their teams cannot control exactly what is covered
(Shea & Burton, 2001 cited in Schill, 2012). With social media as politicians and their media
teams can exert more control over what they show and how they frame it, even if reactions
through comments, memes, and re-tweeting can exert different narratives. One example is the
#WelcomeToCanada hashtag which Justin Trudeau uses to show his support of immigration being
used by his detractors to criticise his immigration policy (Conservative Party of Canada, 2019).
Instead of needing traditional media outlets, politicians can make direct appeals to their
public and have more control over the images and narrative even if it is still not absolute.
Through comparing two political perspectives, this paper will evaluate the differences in
national identity and values discourse in Canadian politics and show how they are expressed

through symbolism and rhetoric through social media activity.
II. LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review focuses on literature which discuss the interactions between
immigration, multiculturalism, and national identity, the development of Canadian
nationalism, and Justin Trudeau’s social media activity on Instagram. Together, these texts
help demystify the way culture, media, and personality converge to create ideas of Canada
and its national identity. Additionally, they match the theme of the dissertation and help to
provide a thematic overview and framework for deeper discussion.
In Edensor’s book National identity, popular culture, and everyday life, he uses cultural
events and rituals to examine how nationalism is expressed. This is particularly prominent in
its third chapter, Performing National Identity. Edensor (2002) uses the terms performance,
stage, and theatre to describe the way national identity is expressed in public, stating that by
using these terms he is centring how identities are expressed. He also links this to where they
take place, saying that performances of national identity are always related to their settings
and context. These metaphors prove useful to the discussion as they stress performative
aspects of national identity.
Throughout this chapter, Edensor links national identity performances with their background
and incorporates scholars from different backgrounds, such as Judith Butler’s analyses of
gender performance to reinforce his argument. This discussion incorporates physicality, and
how it can add dimensions to national identity performances, examples which include
gesticulation during speeches or certain facial expressions when expressing points. Edensor
declares the body as ‘a carrier of culture and identity’ (Edensor, 2002, p.72), stating that these

are represented through the way it moves or is positioned.
When discussing public national identity on a large scale, Edensor mentions events such as
stately occasions. Edensor argues that these spectacles are used to display the might and
power of the nation state and legitimise its position. Key to such events are the symbolism
that marching bands, armed forces, and military machines represent in promoting national
pride and strength.
What Edensor does well is introduce a performative aspect to national identity, which fits
within the realms of this dissertation very well. When looking at how politicians signify their
feelings about nationhood and national identity, we have to take into account the occasion,
audience, and purpose. Edensor’s focus on group displays of national identity through grand
occasions really emphasises the pageantry linked to national identity.
Importantly, Edensor (2002) states that many of these ceremonies date back to romantic
nationalism from the late 19th
century to 1914, but are given a sense of timelessness in order
to bind them to the national fabric. Edensor mentions invented traditions such as ‘antiquated’
ceremonies designed for when Prince Charles became Prince of Wales in 1969. An example
that we could add is the haka. What originated as a traditional Maori dance was adopted by
New Zealand in 1888 and performed at rugby matches. Facing accusations of cultural
appropriation, the haka is controversial, and tensions were particularly enflamed when it was
used in an advert for sports brand Adidas (Jackson and Hokowhitu, 2002).
The idea of symbolism in national identity will be explored further later, but Edensor’s
observations form a relevant starting point for this discussion. He expertly dissects the

performance behind public displays of national identity in a manner which will prove useful
to this dissertation’s discussion of political actors.
Ikas’ book Reconstructing National Identity: The Nation Forged in Fire-Myth and Canadian
Literature (Canadiana) gives a detailed look at Canadian national identity. The most
important part of this book that relates to the overall question this paper will explore is the
third, entitled ‘Inventing the Canadian Nation’. Ikas does well to describe the factors that
made generating a Canadian national identity difficult, including ethnic divisions among
English-speakers, French-speakers, and indigenous groups.
Ikas (2018) describes the difficult tightrope in the early days of Canada’s foundation through
the term ‘colonial nationhood’. This concept, Ikas states, existed to keep the newly-unified
colony both British and Canadian at the same time once the Dominion of Canada was granted
self-government in 1867 (Ikas, 2018).
A further exploration of the definition and implications of ‘colonial nationhood’ in this early
section would be welcome, though Ikas includes references to scholars who may be useful for
further investigation. Importantly, Ikas (2018) says that despite the formation of a new state
there lacked an emotional bond between the people and the Dominion of Canada, reiterating
the point that constructing a state unit does not automatically engender national feeling.
According to Ikas (2018), the process of constructing the Canadian nation rested on three
pillars: protecting itself from American aggression, surviving whilst living alongside a much
more powerful country, and mastering its own geography.

This section of Ikas’ book is a welcome introduction to Canadian national identity and
particularly relevant for this paper’s research question, forming a good foundation for further
exploration of these issues in later chapters. Again, though it is aimed at scholars of
nationhood, it is accessible for those not immediately familiar with all of the concepts.
Bannerji (1996) offers an interesting exploration of an alternative view of the relationship
between the Canadian state and its minority groups. In On the Dark Side of the Nation:
Politics of Multiculturalism and the State of “Canada”, Bannerji declares ‘the machinery of
the state has impaled us against its spikes’ (Bannerji, 1996, p.104). This striking line sets the
tone for this article in the Journal of Canadian Studies, in which Bannerji examines and
deconstructs the idea of multiculturalism with reference to the voices and experiences of non-
white minorities in Canada.
She says that the state has a pervasive presence in the lives of non-white minorities,
mentioning her own experiences with immigration officials as an example. Declaring that
‘the political is personal’, Bannerji (1996, p.104) opines that the Canadian state incurs into
people’s lives in an ever-deeper way, such as through what she terms ‘political, economics,
and moral regulation’ (Bannerji, 1996, pp. 105).
Bannerji says that despite the country’s multicultural international profile non-white
minorities exist as outsider-insiders with an ambiguous relationship to the state and its
imagined community (Bannerji, 1996).
Bannerji (1996) does not only focus on non-white minorities, with her paper exploring the
uneasy relationship between French Canadians and English-speakers, though noting that the

relationship is, in her words, based on one of conquest and domination of one-another.
Quebec, she says, regularly challenges Canadian unity politics, which is seen as a major issue
and a natural condition whilst other minorities are seen as only minor challenges when it
comes to national unity (Bannerji, 1996).
Interestingly, Bannerji says that the idea of multiculturalism was used to give what she calls
English Canada a transcendence and using the existence of other minorities to question
Quebec separatism on moral grounds. According to Bannerji, (1996), this emphasis on the
cultural mosaic is designed to counteract Quebec’s greater homogeneity. In this way, she
claims that other minorities are being used as pawns in the long-standing struggle between
the French and English speakers of Canada.
Bannerji (1996) showcases both the cultural power struggles between the French and English
speakers of Canada and how the Canadian state relates to visible minorities whether
indigenous or immigrants. Bannerji’s discussion explores many different factors and
references Anderson’s imagined communities to illustrate points. This paper is very useful to
the dissertation’s research question particularly in relation to challenges in the cultural mosaic
narrative.
Lalancette and Raynault (2017) explore ‘Trudeaumania’ in The Power of Political Image:
Justin Trudeau, Instagram, and Celebrity Politics. The paper focuses on how Trudeau’s
online activity has been carefully managed to project a desired image. Lalancette and
Raynault’s focus falls mostly on the Prime Minister’s use of Instagram in his first year of
office, paying particular attention to elements such as captions, who is included – or not – in
each picture, and composition to build an image of a media-savvy premier’s online presence.

All pictures analysed were taken by Trudeau’s personal photographer, Adam Scotti, the
existence of whom may give some indication into the levels of image-control Trudeau exerts.
The term digital politicking is used by Lalancette and Raynault (2017) to describe political
campaigning which does not stop with the end of the elections. They state that Trudeau
continued pressing on issues and campaigning after his victory, and liken the strategy with
Presidents Obama and Trump. Political image-making is well-explained, and reinforced with
relevant references to Scammell (2015) and Strachan and Kendall (2004).
This paper succeeds in explaining digital politicking in simple terms, despite what may seem
to be a narrow audience of academics in the same discipline. The paper analyses Trudeau’s
Instagram posts in a manner clear to non-experts and does a good job of breaking down
image elements and relating them to Trudeau’s politics and beliefs. While this paper focuses
on political communications after elections, it remains relevant to this dissertation’s research
question as the reactions to events examined in this paper do not fall directly around the time
of elections.
III. CANADIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY – FORMATION AND CONCEPTS
Nationalism as a concept
While scholars agree that nationalism emerged in the late 18th
century in Europe, there is not
necessarily an all-encompassing definition that satisfies all conditions. For the purposes of
this discussion, the terms nationalism and national identity will be treated as interchangeable,
and the paper will use the terms national identity and nationhood.

We take our cue from Anderson, who rejects the capital ‘N’ nationalism as an ideology in
favour of treating it like kinship or religion (Anderson, 2006). It is this which helps to form
the basis behind this paper’s treatment of these terms and how they relate to ideas of identity
rather than considering the term nationalism to refer to a specific political strategy or system.
Benedict Anderson’s definition in Imagined communities can offer a comprehensive take
because it does not depend on borders and also takes into account sentiment – both separate
from and tied to politics - in the formation of national identity. Though the nation can often
be tied to the state, it can exist without it also.
Anderson (2006) discusses this sentimental nature of national identity, speaking about the
need for the idea of the nation to fill the vacuum left by the abandonment of religious belief
in the wake of the Enlightenment. The idea of an ‘immemorial past’ plays heavily into this
discussion (Anderson, 2006) and such sentiments are undoubtedly some of the motivation
behind movements to repatriate historical such as the Ko-I-Noor diamond (Boissoneault,
2017) and the Rosetta Stone (Edwardes and Milner, 2003).
It may be important to distinguish between ethnic and civic nationalisms, particularly in a
discussion about diverse Canada. Civic nationalism describes more willingness, ties are not
necessarily determined by shared race or origin, but require a conscious effort to create and
maintain. Brukbaker (1999) examines and challenges the distinctions between these two
nationalisms.
Civic nationalism is typically described as more liberal, and inclusive and – importantly –
with a more voluntary nature while ethnic nationalism has been described as more exclusive
and particular (Brukbaker, 1999). Modern cases of civic nationalism include the Scottish

National Party’s (SNP) independence movement, and Plaid Cymru, the national party of
Wales, both mentioned by Brukbaker as prime examples.
Interestingly, different separatist movements have aligned or distanced themselves from each
other when advantageous, with Scotland and Quebec as a potent example. After the 1995
Quebec referendum result was blamed on the ‘ethnic vote’, the First Minister of Scotland
Alex Salmond declared ‘Scotland is not Quebec...we follow […] civic nationalism’
(Brukbaker, 1999, p.57).
Renan’s discussion of what constitutes a nation offers a number of points that we can use to
conceptionalise these ideas. These ideas are that it is not dependent on a common ethnicity,
not wholly determined by language, is not underpinned by religion, is determined more by
sentiment than interests, and does not depend on geography (Renan, 1882 cited in Ikas,
2018). The back and forth between a more encompassing idea of nationhood and one which
provides more strict conditions is a useful basis for this paper’s discussion. While both
political parties tend towards a civic model of nationalism that has become an established
norm in Canadian politics, the Conservative Party’s social media discourse suggests more
exclusive and qualified ideas about nationhood.
The Canadian case
As a country with an official policy of multiculturalism (Wayland, 1997), Canadian national
identity is a complex and fascinating concept to examine. Since the beginning questions over
how to include a population of English-speakers, French speakers, indigenous people, and
newly-arrived immigrants from throughout the world into an all-encompassing identity were

not easy to answer.
Early on, political measures emerged which did not stress a desire to ensure plurality. Under
the first Immigration Act, recruitment was focused on people from the United Kingdom, and
despite no de jure restrictions, African Americans were not encouraged to settle in Canada
and saw their applications rejected more often than not (Wayland, 1997).
Furthermore, immigrants, even those from Europe, were considered to be unassimilable and
expected to return to their home countries. Prohibitive fees were put in place for the Chinese
who were denied the right to vote and viewed as obstacles to national unity (Granatstein,
1990 348-349, cited in Ikas, 2018).
Even outside of immigration, the development of Canadian national identity was hampered
by the division between French and English, which was legally enforced, and, in a similar
circumstance, loyalties and connections to the old European powers. Indeed, Quebec
nationalism continued to prove an obstacle, with the 1982 Constitution Act reforming
federalism sparking a surge in separatist movements. This culminated in two referendums in
1980 and 1995, the latter seeing 93% turnout and a 1% defeat for independence (Chevrier,
1996).
Much literature focuses on the tensions between English-speaking and French-speaking
Canadians without also discussing the experience of indigenous people at length. We must
consider whether the First Nations and indigenous people were encouraged into the nation
state or subjugated and absorbed by conquest.

The indigenous peoples of Canada consist of three groups as defined in the 1982 Constitution
Act, the First Nations, the Inuit, and the Métis, the latter descended from indigenous people
and European settlers. Together these groups comprise 4.9% of Canada’s population as of the
2016 Census (Statcan.gc.ca, 2018). The only areas of Canada with majority First Nations and
indigenous populations are Nunavut with 86% (Ibid.) and the Northwest Territories with
50.7% (NWT Bureau of Statistics, 2017).
The extent to which Canadian nation-building initiatives have included the indigenous
cultures is debatable. Attempts to remove indigenous status have persisted over the centuries,
from the Indian Act of 1876 to the 1969 White Paper by members of the Liberal government
under Pierre Trudeau.
While the first Immigration Act was enacted in 1869 it would take more than a century after
this with the Constitution Act to clearly enshrine the rights of indigenous peoples into
Canadian law (Chevrier, 1996). For all the platitudes about including different cultures, the
indigenous people were clearly not seen as a key constituency for Canadian nation-building
efforts until late into the 20th
century.
Accusations of treaty violations and claims of exploitation have characterised the relationship
between the Canadian state and indigenous peoples. A plethora of lawsuits and resulting
settlements have arisen over several decades, with the Canadian federal government having
to pay out more than $2.6bn to settle claims (Gobeil and Montpetit, 2011). Hundreds are still
under contention (CBC, 2019).

The approach to including indigenous people within the Canadian nation state has included
conquest and proposals to remove their legal identities and treaty rights. In considering the
repeal of acts and legal distinctions, the Canadian state has sought to assimilate indigenous
peoples and remove the ‘nation-to-nation' relationship that many indigenous people thought
were the basis of negotiations between them and the federal government (Taylor and Friedel,
2011).
The place of the indigenous people within the notion of Canadian national identity is
uncertain, and does not fit into the narrative of multiculturalism, particularly with its specific
context and ongoing disputes for historic injustices.
Returning to immigration, it wasn’t until 1962 that racial criteria in immigration policy was
no longer on the agenda. The 1966 establishment of the Department of Manpower and
Immigration and the setting up of satellite offices in the Caribbean and Asia pointed to a
desire to increase overseas immigration on new criteria (Wayland, 1997) regardless of race.
The 1971 Multiculturalism Policy was announced by Pierre Trudeau and would later become
law in 1988. The policy was expanded in the 1990s to include various measures such as
support for heritage languages, anti-racism initiatives, and multicultural education.
The development of legal protections for cultural groups shows an evolution from a Canada
focused on assimilation within an English-dominated state. Whether this has been
successfully implemented is debatable, but state-promoted multiculturalism has assured that
at least officially Canadian national identity is considered pluralistic and multicultural.

IV. POLITICAL BRANDING AND THE TRANSMISSION OF VALUES
THROUGH MEDIA
Besides national identity, the other theoretical strand underpinning this dissertation is the idea
of political branding, the use of which shows how the politician himself is a product.
The beginning of political branding in its most meaningful sense can be traced back to the
1990s and the Third Way movement which encompassed Bill Clinton’s Democrats and New
Labour lead by Tony Blair. The rebrand of left-leaning political parties into standard-bearers
for a new political centre, one that supposedly transcended ideology, was not concerned with
old right and left certainties, and helmed by photogenic and media-savvy leaders was a major
turning point in the way politics as a profession was practised.
This does not mean it did not exist until then. Pierre Trudeau, who served as PM through the
1960s, 1970s, and 1980s is often referred to as having had a political brand, equal parts
intellectual, debonair, and quirky (Lalancette and Raynault, 2013). Brands are supposed to
provoke an emotional response and inspire a sense of loyalty in their consumers (Ibid.). In the
political case, the desired impact is the same. A politician or political party creates a brand
and uses it to shape an ideological package within which its policies can be contained.
Measuring a political brand requires looking at the characteristics that images and statement
attempt to invoke (Lalancette and Raynault, 2013).
Blair’s New Labour used this technique adeptly, triangulating to a political position that
balanced the Old Labour policy of public service investment and social justice with
Thatcher’s political settlement of privatisation (Jasper and Klijn, 2012). Another part of this
brand was personalisation, described as ‘being with the people, instead of above the people’

(Jasper and Klijn, 2012, p.7). The Third Way gave Blair and New Labour a unique selling
point, one which they could use to clearly differentiate themselves from their competitors,
wherever on the political spectrum they lay. Third Way-ism was said to stand for aspiration
(Needham, 2005), the desire to improve socially and economically, and developed a set of
values that were packaged as a sort of common-sense fairness; ‘equal worth, opportunity for
all, responsibility and community’ (Blair, 1998a, quoted in Fairclough, 2000, p. 70).
The ideological parallels between Blairism and Clintonism are strong. Both movements were
pro-business and spoke about being tough on crime. New Labour positioned itself as the
party of the middle classes and pandered to their concerns (Needham, 2005).
New Labour’s desire to disassociate with perceived excesses of previous Labour
governments perfectly fit within their new brand and included the introduction of new
welfare and taxation policies. (Ibid.). Key to the upkeep of a political brand is constant
campaigning. This gives an opportunity to stress key messages while also appearing receptive
to voter concerns.
With the rise of social media, politicians can always be in campaign footing, transmitting
their values through carefully-chosen images and captions. Blair and Clinton went to
campaign rallies and spoke to journalists. Trudeau can use one event to broadcast several
images completely controlled by his team. In this new paradigm, constant campaigning is
almost without limit. Additionally, the decentralisation of media has resulted in a landscape
where various actors, including social movements, civil society groups, and lobbyists act to
try to influence the terms of debate. Through using social media, political actors are reacting
to these changes by finding a way to fight through with direct messaging to their followers,

even if this control is still not absolute.
The transmission of values to potential voters is the primary drive behind politicians’ use of
media. In order to keep an image in voters’ minds it must be constantly reinforced. In the
following section, we examine how two opposing political brands, Trudeau and the Liberal
Party, and the Conservative Party and its leaders, have recently used social media to
showcase their brands and values through reaction to events, celebrations, and the
immigration debate. This dissertation focuses on Twitter and Instagram because they force
politicians to express values and ideas in concise ways. Twitter has a character limit of 280,
while Instagram captions, while they can be up to 2,200 characters, are limited to 30
hashtags, and the platform is primarily concerned with images. Neither platform provides
enough space to write long statements or intensely detailed facets of policy. Furthermore,
with a focus on imagery inherent in both Twitter and Instagram are a continuation of the
concept of image bites, brief shots and video clips, designed to construct a political image
(Grabe & Bucy, 2009 cited in Schill, 2012) in accessible medium.

V. AN ANALYSIS OF THE LIBERALS AND CONSERVATIVES ON
NATIONAL IDENTITY AND VALUES THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA
Marking Canadian holidays and occasions
Social media provides opportunities to give reactions to important events and issues. For this
part of the analysis, we will focus on Canadian national holidays, which are an opportunity
for politicians to express their ideas about national identity. This was chosen because these
holidays are designed to celebrate the nation and its history. The inclusion – or not – of
particular groups in these celebrations or narratives surrounding them can provide indications
of who is considered a part of the nation. Additionally, focusing on these holidays for this
section provided parameters for the social media analysis that made it easily identifiable and
possible within the frame of time and research.
The first thing we can see from examining political social media accounts is a varying
attitude to Canada’s bilingualism. Justin Trudeau and Andrew Scheer use both French and
English in their Instagram captions and tweets, indicating that they accept Canada’s bilingual
nature and want to spread their messages to people from both linguistic groups. Both political
parties have two Twitter accounts, both English and French, and the Liberal Party uses
English and French in its Instagram captions. The Conservative Party, however, only uses
English, despite its official policies (Conservative Party of Canada, 2015).
Justin Trudeau defeated an incumbent MP from the Bloc Québécois, a Quebec nationalist
party, to win his seat in 2008 (Ibid.). In his 2015 victory speech, Trudeau asserted, in French,
that he would be a prime minister for all Canadians and trumpeted the comeback of Quebec
to the Government of Canada (Macleans.ca, 2015), stressing the French-English unity that his

father also embodied (Marland, 2013).
An interesting situation where a difference in messaging is showcased is in how the parties
responded to Canada Day, on the 1st
of July 2019. The Liberal Party’s Instagram page
showcased a smiling Justin Trudeau surrounded by Canadian flags celebrating Canada Day
weekend. In the picture, we see the Prime Minister bending down to smile at a small child
from a visible minority alongside potential family members wearing red and white, with the
assumed mother wearing a hijab (Fig.1). This photo was designed to transmit values of
inclusion and the idea that Canada Day is for all Canadians regardless of background.
Trudeau posted two Instagram pictures for Canada Day, one greeting a crowd with the
Canadian Parliament in the background, with two black women in the foreground, one of
which he seems to be talking to (Fig. 2), and another, also with a racially-diverse crowd and
an elderly man foregrounded (Fig. 3).

Figure 1. Instagram post on June 28, 2019
This follows the script of the transmission of values through carefully-chosen social media
activity. Lalancette and Raynault (2017), in their analysis of Justin Trudeau’s Instagram
pictures a year after his election, analysed elements such as which groups were included in
pictures, whether they were children, and which organisations were highlighted. The Liberal
Party and Trudeau clearly transmit the values they want the public to believe they possess
through these Canada Day posts, which highlight visible minorities as part of Canada’s
multicultural patchwork.

Figure 2. Instagram post on July 1, 2019

The Canada Day Instagram posts by Andrew Scheer and his party do not seem as carefully-
planned. The Conservative Party’s Instagram features a GIF that reads ‘Happy Canada Day’
with the caption composed of the same words – in English only (Fig. 4). Scheer’s Canada
Day post consists of three images, one with the Canadian flag foregrounded, one of him
shaking hands with a person in front of a somewhat diverse crowd, and a third of him in front
of crowd of people holding Canadian flags.
This day was used partially as a campaign trip, as Scheer makes clear, mentioning
Conservative candidate Tracy Gray by name, and attending Canada Day celebrations in

Kelowna, the district in which she is running for public office (Figs. 5, 6, and 7). Few
collective nouns were used in his Canada Day posts.

While Trudeau and the Liberal Party use the opportunity of Canada Day to showcase their
ideas about inclusion by different minority groups, Scheer and the Conservative Party are not
as clear in articulating values. Subtle hints to diversity exist in Scheer’s Instagram post,
though the photos do not look professional. Furthermore, as opposed to Trudeau and the
Liberal Party’s images, minorities are not as obviously foregrounded in Scheer’s images and
the Conservative Party opts for a generic post. While this is not to say that Scheer and the
Conservative Party does not share these values, they have not been clearly expressed on
Canada Day, a prime opportunity to express one’s ideas about the nation and who fits into it.

On Twitter, the Liberals and Justin Trudeau once again take a different approach to Scheer
and the Conservatives. While Scheer uses the same images and a truncated version of the
Instagram caption, Trudeau adds more media. He posted two videos, one with a montage of
performances from different cultures (Fig. 8) and one speaking directly to his followers
(Fig.9).

Figure 8. Twitter post on July 1, 2019
The content and language of the video hearkens back to Jaspen and Klijn (2012) ideas of
politicians who seek to communicate that they are of the people and not above them. Instead
of centring his government and himself in developments such as new jobs added to the
economy Trudeau centres the viewer, telling Canadians that these are their achievements and
using 'we’ to position himself as one of them. The video tries to point to a collective spirit
and Trudeau’s endorsement of community.

In the video which is under two minutes long, collective words such as ‘we’ and its variants
such as ‘we’re’ ‘we’ve’ etc. and ‘our’ are used a total of 14 times. The word ‘I’ is not used,
and direct appeals to unity and a collective approach to progress are, urging Canadians to face
challenges and move forward together (Trudeau, 2019). Trudeau’s political brand emphasises
his ability to engage with people online and in person (Marland, 2013), and through filling
his Canada Day address with collective pronouns he seeks to reinforce this. This is a common
pattern in Trudeau’s use of social media, with Lalancette and Raynault’s analysis of his
Instagram account a year after his election to Prime Minister found 32.4% of posts using a
collective tone (Lalancette and Raynault, 2017).

If we compare the Canada Day video with the Liberal Party’s election platform of 2015,
Trudeau manages to work in references to policy, hitting the key ideas in a bite-sized video
which can be easily consumed by thousands, and has had more than a quarter of a million
views. The party platform says a Liberal government would reduce poverty, cut taxes for the
middle classes, create more jobs, and combat climate change (Liberal Party of Canada, 2015).
These objectives are alluded to in the video, and urges a communal attitude to allow everyone
to advance together. He hints at differences in outcomes across Canada, and stresses the need
to ensure that everyone in the country benefits equally.
To reinforce the message of unity and inclusion shown on Instagram, Trudeau retweeted
posts by a politician showing an ethnically diverse crowd (Fig. 10). The Liberal Party

retweeted politicians celebrating Canada Day with New Canadians, posing with people
holding their citizenship papers (Figs. 11 and 12). These images chime with the Liberal
Party’s stated aims of ‘Security and Opportunity’ (Liberal Party of Canada, 2015). This
section states the desire to create an immigration system rooted in ‘compassion and economic
opportunity for all’, and includes commitments to reuniting families, and making it easier for
students and temporary residents to become citizens. The pictures of Liberal Party politicians
celebrating new Canadian citizens shows they value diversity and immigration.

The Conservative Party meanwhile posted the same GIF and retweeted Scheer’s tweet (Fig.
13) with no further exploration of what Canada Day means for the party or their values.
Analysing political responses to Canada Day provides an insight into politicians and political
parties’ ideas about national identity and symbolism. The framing of Trudeau’s photos with
diverse crowds, in addition to retweets of Liberal Party politicians showcase an idea of an
inclusive national identity which can be acquired. Trudeau’s Twitter address also shows a
commitment to improve the lives of all Canadians and encouraging a collective approach to
Canada’s success and future.

The Conservative Party’s response to Canada Day does not show as much careful thought to
framing and messaging, opting for a generic GIF instead of spreading a deeper and more
specific message about Canadian nationhood. Scheer used the occasion to push a political
candidate rather than spread a message of unity or explain through photography what
Canadian-ness is to him.
Another occasion which may provide insight into cultural values of policy of the Liberals and
Conservatives and their leaders is their reaction to National Indigenous Peoples Day. Justin
Trudeau, the Liberal Party, and the Conservative Party did not mark the occasion through

many social media posts, though Andrew Scheer posted photos which provide indications
into his political policy and values regarding indigenous people and Canadian-ness.

Through showing time spent in Nunavut and celebrating at a barbecue (Figs. 14 and 15),
Scheer showcases a recognition of indigenous people in line with his party’s 2015 platform
which announced measures to support these communities (Conservative Party of Canada,
2015). In this way, Scheer demonstrates views and actions in line with party policy.
However, Scheer’s visit and images serve a dual purpose. Scheer spent a few days in
Nunavut, and in addition to posting images specifically referring to National Indigenous
Peoples Day, supplied photos posted on the same day with a variety of activities with
captions that hinted at economic policy to ‘unleash the potential of the North’ and military
policy.

Scheer points to another key policy of the Conservative Party through the language used in
his Instagram captions. While praising the ‘warmth’ of Canada’s northern people, Scheer
stresses a commitment to defending the country’s Arctic territories. ‘The Arctic IS Canada,’
he states in one of the image captions, ‘and we need to show the world our sovereignty over
the North’ (Fig. 16). In another post, Scheer reaffirms this desire to 'defend Canada’s
sovereignty in the North’ (Fig. 17) and criticises Trudeau (Fig.18). Scheer used his trip to the
territory of Nunavut to highlight Conservative Party policy for a military strategy to secure
and retain its northern lands.

Images of him with his son exploring Frobisher Bay, boating on the water, and fishing
juxtaposed with the words ‘belongs to Canada’, ‘defend’, and ‘sovereignty’ invoke images of
nationalism tied to asserting control over territory and ownership. Geography is clearly still
an important component of Canadian-ness as asserted by Scheer, seems to hearken to the
enduring idea of a myth concerning the Canadian wilderness (Ikas, 2018).
The invocation of the North has a long history in Canadian national identity construction.
‘The Myth of the Far North’ turned a geographical direction into a concept and mythos
known as ‘nordicity’ (Ibid.). The capitalisation of North in Scheer’s posts stresses its
importance and hearkens back to mythical ideas of its unspoiled nature and importance in the
Canadian psyche.

The context in which the North - which includes the Northwest Territories, the Yukon, and
Nunavut, and makes up 40% of Canada’s landmass - is seen as having to be defended afresh
consists of a series of interconnecting issues. Climate change has made the extraction and
exploitation of the vast mineral resources present in the region easier, piquing international
interest and territorial disputes with Denmark and the United States in the Arctic. In addition,
Russian plans to build ports in the Arctic are seen as another challenge to Canada’s
sovereignty in the region (CBC, 2019).
A commitment to asserting Canada’s sovereignty over its northern regions is within the 2015
party platform, and stresses using military means, as well as diplomacy and economic
development (Conservative Party of Canada, 2015). This weaving of a tribute to indigenous
people with a reassertion of military might and control over the northern regions is a
fascinating demonstration of how political images can serve multiple purposes. The visit to
Nunavut was both to mark indigenous cultures and remind everyone – including those living
in the northern regions – that the area belongs to Canada and under the Conservatives will be
strongly defended.
In contrast, the Liberal Party’s platform on Canada’s north contains no mention of
sovereignty or defence, instead focusing on health and social programs, tax deductions to
lower the costs of living, and a commitment to preparing for climate change (Liberal Party of
Canada, 2015).
Trudeau tweeted a link to a statement for National Indigenous Peoples Day with a picture
showing an excerpt from it (Trudeau, 2019b). Unlike Canada Day, where the Prime Minister
poses with diverse crowds and blitzed social media with videos and photos, the response to

National Indigenous Peoples Day is altogether more sober.
The statement celebrates the cultures and heritage of indigenous groups and states that
Canada prosper if the indigenous people do not (Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada,
2019). The statement announces new legislation to support indigenous languages and reform
child and family services. What most points to Liberal Party policy and attitudes towards
indigenous people is a desire to improve improving the relationship between Canada and
indigenous people. This commitment to a ‘renewed’ relationship and reconciliation seems to
take accountability for injustices and accept culpability by stressing a need to ‘rebuilt trust’
(Ibid.). A key difference with the Conservative Party is that while it presents policy to
improve outcomes for indigenous people it does not take responsibility.
Trudeau’s statement draws ideas from party policy as presented in the Liberal Party’s 2015
platform using words such as ‘truth’ and ‘reconciliation’ to characterise the changes needed
in the Canadian state’s relationship with indigenous people. He uses the opportunity of
National Indigenous Peoples Day to reaffirm a commitment as Prime Minister and
representative of the Liberal Party to address injustices faced by indigenous people, including
the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, which seeks
to investigate the murders and disappearances of 1,200 indigenous females (Liberal Party of
Canada, 2015).
Additionally, the statement points to the party policy of reforming social and health outcomes
for indigenous people, closing the gap between them and the rest of the population, and even
refers to changing colonial laws and policies to address grievances and issues (Prime Minister
of Canada, 2019).

National Multiculturalism Day on the 27th
of June was not marked on the social media
accounts of Andrew Scheer, or the Conservative Party. The Liberal Party of Canada
published an image of Trudeau in front of a Canadian flag with the picture bearing words
from a statement. The tweet celebrated Canadians from ‘all backgrounds’ and stated that
‘diversity is our strength’ (Fig.19).
Figure 19. Twitter post on June 27, 2019
Trudeau released a statement on Twitter with an accompanying tweet that seeks to celebrate
different cultures and includes them in the definition of Canada by saying they make it a great
place to live (Trudeau, 2019c). The statement mentions the need for Canadians to learn about
each other, embrace diversity, and celebrate being Canadian, and includes, as in the statement
for National Indigenous Peoples Day, an appeal to learn from past mistakes (Prime Minister

of Canada, 2019b). The statement also includes a call to combat hatred and extremism, using
more collective pronounces, indicating that it is the responsibility of all Canadians to spread
tolerance and uphold harmonious multiculturalism.
Both Trudeau and Scheer used National Indigenous Peoples Day in 2019 to spread their
agendas and point to their values, in line with the policies of their respective parties. Both
politicians show different priorities and which issues they value as the most important. Scheer
mentions the indigenous people and a commitment to increasing economic development as
well as support for languages. His primary focus during his time in Nunavut as indicated
through Instagram was a desire to show that his party can be trusted to defend the North in a
way that he thinks Trudeau and the Liberal Party cannot. It draws on the traditions of the
mythos of the North and asserting Canada’s sovereignty over its north, particularly Arctic
territories in light of disputes with other countries in the region.
Trudeau shows a willingness to reset relations with indigenous people and uses language with
suggests the state needs to atone for past transgressions against them. He uses a statement, a
more serious response than his typical flurry of Instagram posts, to announce policies to
investigate missing indigenous women and girls, improve outcomes for indigenous groups,
and a promise to review policy to seek to address grievances. In this case, a lack of visual
imagery on Trudeau’s part still provides information about his attitude towards indigenous
issues and how they should be addressed. The reactions are extremely different, one is of
inclusion, redress, and reconciliation, while the other stresses military might and territorial
claims by the state of Canada.
Reactions to celebrations of foreign origin

In a nation that is composed of more than 200 different ethnicities (Ikas, 2018) and with 22%
of its population foreign-born (Worldpopulationreview.com, 2019), celebrations and festivals
that are not native to Canada are undoubtedly celebrated by a significant number of people. A
key insight into ideas of national identity and who – or what – can still be considered
Canadian is politicians’ and political parties’ responses to celebrations that originate from
other cultures.
We will look at Diwali, which last occurred on the 7th
of November 2018, and Eid al-Adha on
the 10th
of August 2019. Diwali is celebrated by Hindus and Sikhs primarily, which compose
1.5% and 1.4% of Canada’s population respectively, while Muslims, who celebrate Eid, are
3.2% of the population (Ibid.). As they are not very large segments of the population a
political entity’s decision to mark celebrations by these groups could send a message of
inclusivity and importance to all cultural traditions, not just those celebrated by the majority.
This is what the cultural mosaic is slated to stand for.
The Liberal Party did not specifically celebrate Diwali on Twitter or Instagram in 2018,
though Trudeau did. On Twitter, Justin Trudeau marked Diwali with a video montage which
begins with him entering a packed hall filled with celebrants as a chorus of tabla, Indian
drums, sounds in the background. He greets the crowd with the namaste, a traditional Indian
greeting holding the hands together and bowing, and stops to shake hands with people, before
taking to the stage to say ‘Happy Diwali, my friends. Namaste’ (Trudeau, 2018). The word
namaste means ‘I bow to you’ in Sanskrit, indicating Trudeau’s respect for the culture of
Diwali celebrants (Merriam-webster.com, 2019).

Figure 20. Instagram post on November 8, 2018
The video continues, and shows various shots of traditional decoration as well as Trudeau
shaking hands and speaking with more people, primarily of South Asian descent. The same
video was posted with a French caption, and in addition a statement was released. The
statement announced that it was an occasion to honour the communities who celebrate
Diwali, and praised the South Asian diaspora in Canada for ‘[shaping] our country for the
better every day’ (Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada, 2018). On Instagram, Trudeau
posed for pictures with Diwali celebrants, some of which appeared to be from the same event
as on the Twitter video, and paid tribute to a Hindu temple in Richmond Hill for welcoming
him to the celebrations (Figs. 20, 21, and 22).

As with his marking of Canada, here Trudeau shows an inclusive approach to Canadian
national identity, pointing to the cultural mosaic idea of Canadian-ness, in which different
cultures and practices can exist tessellated seamlessly into the whole. This thinking is in line
with Liberal Party policies on immigration and migration, which show a desire to reunite
families, encourage refugees, and easing rules for becoming a resident (Liberal Party of
Canada, 2015).

Trudeau’s use of bowing and clasping his hands together in the Diwali video points to a
greater point, the importance of physicality in transmitting values. Culture and identity can be
transmitted through performance (Edensor, 2002) by adopting certain poses or stances, and
using the body to indicate one’s feelings or send a message. Trudeau’s performance of the
namaste, which includes bowing and clasping of hands whilst saying the word, may denote
cultural sensitivity, and an acceptance that Diwali is a valid celebration which fits within
Canadian culture despite its origins.
In a brief response to Eid al-Adha, Trudeau tweeted a video of him giving an official
statement to mark the occasion (Trudeau, 2019d). In addition, picture of himself at an event

in Richmond Hill addressing a crowd of celebrants, many of them visibly Muslim (i.e.
wearing the hijab) while proclaiming that the celebration is about community and support
(Fig. 23) The same picture was posted with text in French. The Liberal Party did not mark the
occasion in 2019. Trudeau’s Eid image and tweet echoes much of the same sentiment as that
of Diwali, placing value on the traditions of other cultures and not marking them as alien
traditions in the context of Canada.
Figure 23. Twitter post on August 13, 2019
The Conservative Party elected not to mark Diwali on Instagram or Twitter in 2018, though
Scheer shared a video on his Twitter account ‘on behalf of Canada’s Conservatives’ (Scheer,
2018). His video addresses the celebration, explains what Diwali is about, though takes the
form of a statement, rather than participation in ceremonies. Scheer introduces ideas of

inclusiveness by specifying that ‘Canadians across the country come together to participate in
Diwali’ and praises the contribution of the South Asian community to Canada (Ibid.).
Scheer’s address marked Diwali and made clear that he considers Canadians of South Asian
descent as part of the country and stresses their contribution and importance. However, the
video suffers from some stylistic issues, with some angles that show Scheer facing the wrong
camera. In addition, instead of Trudeau’s brand of personal politics which included a visit to
a Hindu temple to partake in celebration, Scheer chose an official statement from an office.
The delivery of the statement did not seem natural and the inclusion of a shot from where
Scheer was not facing the camera did not help this. There was no celebration of Diwali on
Scheer’s Instagram page and neither Scheer nor the Conservative Party marked Eid al-Adha
in 2019.
From Trudeau and Scheer’s differing approach to responding to celebrations from other
cultures, in addition to Canadian holidays, we start to see a pattern emerging. Trudeau’s
responses emphasise his personal approach to politics, showing him among the people at
celebrations and making appeals to Canadian unity and collectiveness during festivities. He
prefers meeting in person and taking photo opportunities among crowds than simply
statements or video addresses, though these are often also used to express greater seriousness
as in the case of National Indigenous Peoples Day, or to reinforce messaged already
expressed through social media. The Liberal Party takes a similar approach, following their
leader’s example. When celebrating occasions, the Liberal Party either reposts Trudeau’s
social media posts or retweets those of other Liberal politicians among the people, such as the
Canada Day citizenship celebrations, to emphasise their policies and attitudes.

Andrew Scheer has attended some gatherings in celebration of Canada Day and National
Indigenous Peoples Day, though there is less obvious expression of his values towards
cultural diversity in these pictures. Furthermore, the Diwali statement does come across as
natural. We can compare this with the Conservative Party’s use of a simple GIF to celebrate
Canada Day, as if it were a cursory gesture, without indicating whether through a caption or
video what it means to be Canadian. The plethora of posts for National Indigenous Peoples
Day, while some indicate policy ideas for protecting indigenous culture and language and
promoting economic policy, are more an assertion of Canada’s ownership and sovereignty
over the North and Arctic regions and Scheer’s attitudes towards this topic.
As important as reactions to celebrations are in showing cultural values and ideas of national
identity, responses to challenges, particularly those from minority groups in society, which
may cause intercommunal tensions, may be even more so. When values are tested and the
cultural mosaic seems strained by the weight of strife, we can more accurately see the true
character of people’s ideas and how they respond to challenges to ideas of national unity
across cultural lines.
Immigration and migration: Rhetoric and symbolism
Canada’s immigration system is not celebrated by everyone. The country welcomed 321,065
new immigrants in 2018, 104,180 people were granted temporary residency, making
international migration responsible for 80% of the country’s 528,421 population growth in
that year (Katem and Turner, 2019).
Though different polls have yielded different results, a startling poll by Ipsos-Mori for Global
News Canada found that 54% of respondents thought that Canada was accepting too many

immigrants (Vomiero and Russell, 2019). The poll found that attitudes towards migration
were hardening and that 40% feared immigration would make it harder for Canadian citizens
to find employment (Ibid.).
Though both parties and candidates have expressed a continuing belief in Canada’s
acceptance of migrants from different parts of the world, their policies towards different types
of migration differ. Both parties political platforms express an acceptance and encouragement
of immigration, with the Conservative Party stating its ‘historic levels of immigration’
(Conservative Party of Canada, 2015) and the Liberal Party saying that immigration is the
story of Canada (Liberal Party of Canada, 2015). Where the policies diverge is the way it is
framed, with the Liberals stressing an immigration system that should be based on
compassion as well as economic opportunity (Liberal Party of Canada, 2015) versus a
Conservative policy trumpeting a system that is tied to the needs of the economy
(Conservative Party of Canada, 2015).
In addition to immigration, asylum seekers and refugees also make up part of Canada’s
population, and the Liberal and Conservative party policies are not aligned when it comes to
this. Social media, unsurprisingly, is a key battleground when it comes to immigration and
asylum policy, not just between angry opposing commenters among the public but the official
accounts of politicians and political parties. A stark example of this battleground politics and
differing attitudes is the Conservative Party advert criticising Trudeau’s asylum policy. The
2018 advert, which proved controversial, showed a black man walking across a Trudeau
tweet through a broken fence to cross Canada's border (Fig. 24).

Figure 24. Ad by the Conservative Party of Canada, 2018
The ad was controversial for a number of reasons. The image of the man in advert was taken
from a group photo of asylum seekers crossing into Quebec and he was seen to have been
marked out. Thee tweet he is edited walking on was decried by Conservatives to have caused
an influx of asylum seekers (National Post, 2018). The tweet itself was from 2017, and it in
Trudeau affirms his commitment to welcome those fleeing persecution and violence that
Canada will welcome them (Trudeau, 2017). The use of a black man in a message about
migrant policy was seen to stoke racial tension and was eventually removed from circulation
after such complaints, with the Conservative Party claiming they were not singling out any
particular group of people (Paling, 2018). The ad was shared on the Conservative Party’s
official Twitter account before it was later deleted.

Andrew Scheer’s Twitter presence has been used to criticise Trudeau’s immigration and asylum
policies, with him questioning its effectiveness. In a video in front of a racially-diverse crowd with a
Canadian flag as a backdrop Scheer delivers a criticism of Trudeau’s policies, promising to focus on
economic immigration and only allow asylum for those facing ‘true persecution’, which he does not
strictly specify (Scheer, 2019). He mentions a focus on the four atrocity crimes, which are defined by
the United Nations as genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing
(Globalr2p.org, 2018), though this may exclude situations such as persecution of people due to their
membership of a particular social group, for example on the basis of sexuality, and political
persecution which are covered under the Refugee Protection section of the 2001 Immigration and
Refugee Protection Act (Immigration and Refugee Protection Act 2001). This position comes despite
the Conservative Party’s commitment to being a ‘world leader in refugee protection’ (Conservative
Party of Canada, 2015).
Scheer also claims Trudeau misleads Canadians over illegal border crossings into Canada,
complaining that it causes backlogs in the immigration system (Fig. 25). The image features a
chain link fence to evoke images of borders and frontiers, similar to the broken fence used in
the Conservative Party’s attack ad against Trudeau, with a blank white background –
reminiscent of a wall - used to frame the message that only a Conservative government with
Scheer at the helm can fix the system.

The repeated use of fence imagery to present the immigration and asylum system shows that
the Conservative Party wishes to emphasise the Canadian border and the country’s right to its
territory, hearkening back to the language used to promote Canadian ownership over the
North. This feeling also evokes ideas of Canada’s old discomfort at having a powerful nation,
the United States, running across its border (Ikas, 2018), a border which has since become a
point of entry for asylum into Canada.
The Conservative Party repeatedly refers to illegal border crossings despite the fact that
Canadian law makes the country duty-bound to assess all claims for protection made within
Canada regardless of how the people enter (Canada.ca, 2018). As a consequence, Scheer’s

determination to clamp down on what the Canadian government terms ’irregular crossings’ is
a desire to reduce asylum into Canada given how the process works. This is in line with his
stated aims and those of the Conservative Party to focus on economic immigration and ensure
that it meets the needs of the Canadian economy as they see it.
Figure 25. Instagram post on December 5, 2018
The Conservative Party’s Instagram regularly features images attacking Trudeau’s policies,
as is expected of a party in opposition. Many of these focus on perceived political scandals
and aim to stress an apparent lack of transparency and loss of trust in Trudeau. The most
recent posts that focus on immigration criticise Trudeau’s ‘global agenda’, reject the

authority of the United Nations, and push for a ‘Canada First’ agenda from the Prime
Minister (Figs. 25 and 26).
Figure 26. Instagram post on December 11, 2018
Another image criticising Trudeau’s management of asylum and migration invokes the
natural world. The image bears words claiming that the number of irregular – described as
illegal – border crossing will exceed the 25,000 Syrian refugees accepted into Canada in 2016
has woodland in the background (Fig. 27). It is clear that this is supposed to evoke images of
clandestine entry in Canada through its wilderness, again linking Canada’s border with its
natural landscape. Nature has been associated with Canadian national identity since its
inception, particularly through art such as the Group of Seven Paintings and even through
coinage (Richard, 2012).

The Group of Seven paintings were created in the 1920s amidst a rise in nationalist feeling
(Richard, 2012) by seven Canadian landscape paintings. An emphasis on Canadian nature
was used to distance the country from its former colonial homelands, Britain and France, and
departed from the European tradition of nature paintings which characterised the land as
ordered. The Group of Seven created what they thought was a distinctly Canadian style of
landscape painting, depicting nature as untamed wilderness and evoking imagery of being
tougher than other countries due to a harsh climate (Ibid.). The implication of the land being
unspoilt and virgin is that indigenous claims of ownership of such land were not considered
to be an integral part of the Canadian story. This is a way to deepen claims to the land as
though they are something more ancient and primal, despite Canada’s existence as a settler
colonial state.

Evidently it is not only the mythos of the North that uses the natural world to assert claims of
the Canadian state’s power and reach. In using this imagery, the Conservative Party is
adhering to traditional connections between national identity discourse and the natural world,
and further reinforcing a mentality tied to territory which must be protected and guarded. The
visual symbolism of asylum seekers breaking through a fence and wandering through the
woods position them as penetrating the Canadian wilderness, and is seen as a violation.
In their response to Trudeau’s immigration policies and what they have perceived as failures,
Scheer and the Conservative Party make it clear that they do not promote immigration or
migration for its own sake. The focus on the economic contribution of migrants to Canada by
the Conservatives and their leader demonstrates that encouraging pluralism and promoting
Canada as a welcoming country open to diverse groups of people is only extended so far to
those who will make an economic contribution that they see as useful to the economy.
Current refugee and asylum policy are seen as too light, and the Conservative Party seeks to
tighten the rules, invoking imagery of Canada’s wilderness being violated and using the
spectre of Syria to play up concerns over the levels of irregular entries at Canada’s borders.
When Trudeau himself has addressed immigration on social media, it has been to welcome
people to the country, to stress a desire to allow different cultures to contribute to the country,
and as a safe-haven for would-be Canadians. His 2017 tweet promising to keep Canada open
to migration indicated his values and sparked ire in conservative circles who claim it
provoked an explosion in irregular border crossings. Despite this uproar, Trudeau has
continued to stress a willingness to grant asylum as well as welcoming immigrants into the
country regardless of background.

One tweet perfectly embodies Trudeau’s attitudes to immigration and his desire to portray a
personable and approachable style in his politics. Later on the same day as the much-
criticised tweet, Trudeau used the hashtag #WelcomeToCanada, as the only text,
accompanying a picture of him sat on the floor smiling at a young girl in an airport (Fig. 28)
who was reported to be one of the Syrian refugees accepted into the country (Global News,
2017). These tweets were posted the day after the United States imposed a travel ban on
seven predominantly Muslim countries (Ibid.), in what was clearly a signal opposing such
policies and a desire to state that Canada is open and willing to accept people even if they are
from an Islamic background. The picture used was not recent, it was from 2015, reinforcing
the message more strongly as it was deliberately chosen rather than chosen from recent
photos. The hashtag was also used on his earlier tweet.

Figure 28. Twitter post on January 28, 2018
With one carefully-timed picture and a simple hashtag, Trudeau transmits his values and
those that he hopes Canada embodies, a spirit of openness and multiculturalism. His own
brand of politics, personable, inviting, and of the people is on show through the image, and
the use of a single hashtag shows a knowledge of how social media works -
#WelcomeToCanada soon became a trending hashtag on Twitter. Trudeau used the same
hashtag again in a light-hearted response to a video of Eritrean immigrant children playing in
the snow for the first time (Fig. 29).
Figure 28. Twitter post on November 12, 2018
These questions of immigration and asylum are another metric in addition to celebration of
holidays where politicians can show their attitude to the arrival of different cultural groups

and what it means for the national fabric. Trudeau’s policy has emphasised openness and
embracing people from different cultures while Scheer and the Conservative Party place
conditions on this. The Conservatives demand that migrant flow is linked to the needs of the
economy as they see it and wish to tighten refugee policy, invoking controversial imagery to
do so.
Reactions to terrorism and extremism
Crime and terrorism can affect the way different communities relate to each other within a
political unit. Incidences of terrorism or crime perpetrated by individuals of certain groups
risk stigmatising the demographic as a whole and rendering entire communities suspect. This
theory is known as the suspect community thesis and was first used to describe the
experience of the Irish community in the UK in the 20th
century.
Recently the term has been largely used to describe the experience of Muslims in the Global
North in the 21st
century after high-profile Islamist terrorist attacks including 9/11 and 7/7
(Cheney and Murphy, 2016). Politicians in the Global North have often invoked the ‘failure
of multiculturalism’ and linked the existence of separate communities to home-grown
terrorism, decrying that cultures live separate lives apart from the mainstream (Cameron,
2011 cited in Ragazzi, 2016). Canada is not immune to the suspect community thesis, with
initial reports of the 2017 Quebec mosque attack by a white supremacist being linked to a
Moroccan Muslim man (Greenwald et al., 2017), misinformation that was widely
disseminated in the press and on social media.
Canada’s official government policy of multiculturalism can come under fire for these
reasons. If the existence of parallel cultures is seen as a mechanism of causing the kind of

cultural isolation that leaves extremist views unchallenged, it can be – and is – argued that it
fosters beliefs that are antithetical to Western societies and could result in terrorism. In this
way, reactions to terrorist attacks can indicate a politician’s views about society and whether
they think multiculturalism encourages this kind of extremist thinking.
Attitudes towards Muslims in Canada have been hardening in recent years with polls
indicating that almost half of Quebecers possess a negative view (Montreal, 2016) and 43%
of Canadians profess distrust when compared to other religions (Frisk, 2017).
Justin Trudeau has expressed his belief that it is by promoting values of diversity and
multiculturalism that societies can combat terrorism. In a 2017 statement in the aftermath of
an attack on a mosque in Egypt, Trudeau expressed his condolences and said all must
promote diversity, inclusion, and peace to counteract hate (Prime Minister of Canada, 2017).
The Edmonton Attack of September 30th
2017 is the most recent Islamist-linked terrorist
attack to occur in Canada and is such a key opportunity for analysing responses to terror
when it is seen to originate from a particular subset in society. On the 4th
of October, Justin
Trudeau posted a video on Twitter standing with Rachel Notley, the former Premier of
Alberta, expressing condolences over the victims of the Edmonton Attack and Canadian
victims of the Las Vegas shootings that occurred on the 1st
of October (Trudeau, 2017b), all
of which were Albertans.
In the video, Trudeau and Notley stand in an official setting in Ottawa with Canadian and
Albertan flags in the background. Once again using collective pronouns such as ‘our’ and
invoking ‘all Canadians’ the Prime Minister thanks the emergency services and first
responders and expresses sympathy for victims. Notley also speaks, and crucially, uses the

phrase ‘we did not expect to see this in our community’ (Trudeau, 2017b). This is important
because Notley does not separate the incident and use it as example of an outside and isolated
element, instead referring to it as a tragedy that all Albertans are faced with. As the video
continues, Notley and Trudeau take turns to speak, careful to emphasise support for first
responders, using collective nouns, and reinforcing the idea that Canadians pull together in
times of difficulty in unity (Ibid.).
Andrew Scheer tweeted a link to a statement written in both English and French on Facebook
in response to the Edmonton Attack. Similarly, to Trudeau and Notley, Scheer praises those
who came to the aid of victims after the attack. His message is also one of unity, stating that
‘unity, resolve, and determination’ will help to defeat terrorism (Scheer, 2017). Responding
to terrorist attacks with appeals for uniting in difficult times is a typical response by
politicians, though this does not stop politicians and parties later invoking terrorism or threats
to national security to argue against policy.

While the word terrorism is not always specifically used, when we return to the subject of
irregular border crossings words such as security are used to invoke these connotations. The
Conservative Party of Canada highlights that 11,745 asylum seekers did not have security
screenings, invoking the idea that asylum seekers and refugees pose a security risk (Fig. 29).
The perpetrator of the 2017 Edmonton terrorist attack was a Somali refugee (Reuters, 2017)
which may in some people’s minds lend credence to the idea that all those seeking asylum are
a security risk.

Trudeau’s policy on ISIS returnees has been recently enflamed as a result of the man dubbed
Jihadi Jack by the British press being stripped of his British nationality. Jack Letts, his real
name, has Canadian citizenship, and Scheer is opposed to his repatriation and questions why
Trudeau isn’t, even accusing him of actively working to bring him back to the country (Fig.
30). The Conservative Party represents comments that Trudeau made about the contribution
that former terrorists could have in deradicalisation efforts as the Prime Minister ‘fighting for
a terrorist organisation’ (Fig. 31).

Extracting the words ‘powerful voices’ and ‘extraordinarily powerful’, the Conservative
Party seeks to brand Trudeau as soft and even sympathetic to terrorism and essentially
accuses him of committing a crime. Further compounding this issue is the fact that the
Liberal Party repealed an act allowing terror convicts to be stripped of Canadian citizenship
and Trudeau’s own belief that citizenship should not be conditional, arguing that it devalues
the entire concept (The Globe and Mail, 2015). Trudeau’s position is that they should be in
prison. Despite the desire to remove citizenship from terrorists, the Conservative Party or its
leader have not made calls for Letts or the person responsible for the Quebec City mosque
shooting in 2017 to be denounced as Canadians.
The full comment on ISIS returnees was made in an interview with news channel CTV. In
full, Trudeau said, ‘We know that actually someone who has engaged and turned away from
that hateful ideology can be an extraordinarily powerful voice for preventing radicalisation in
future generations and younger people within the community’ (CTVNews, 2017). In addition,

Trudeau’s position as pointed out in the debate with Stephen Harper is that those charged of
terrorism should be in prison, possibly in Canada, rather than discharging them of their
citizenship which he sees as contrary to the rule of law. Those who subscribe to the idea that
terrorism is uniquely barbaric compared to other crimes may consider Trudeau’s comment
that citizenship can’t be removed for doing something that ‘you don’t like’ (The Globe and
Mail, 2015) as minimising terror. Such comments and speaking of the way that former ISIS
members could be useful to deradicalisation have been framed as being soft on terrorism,
which has allowed the Conservative Party to conflate irregular border crossings with security
concerns and paint Trudeau as unconcerned or worse, as collaborative to terrorists.
For the Conservative Party and Andrew Scheer Canadian plurality is not absolute. Though
responses to the most recent high-profile Islamist terror attack have struck a tone of unity and
coming together to combat extremist elements, criticism of Trudeau for a willingness for ISIS
members to return to Canada to face justice, as well as the idea that their stories could be
helpful for deradicalisation efforts have shown that Canadian-ness is indeed conditional. As
there have not been calls for domestic terrorists that are not Islamist-linked to have their
citizenship revoked, it highlights the idea that citizens belonging to minority groups are
indeed present in Canada under conditions. Terrorism is a crime, but the rhetoric linking it to
asylum seekers and its elevation as a singular type of crime allows for nationality discourse to
be flavoured with questions of national security.
This is in line with the values tests for new immigrants proposed by members of the
Conservative Party of Canada in the past (Shivji, 2019) and former PM Stephen Harper’s
widely criticised 2015 comments. In response to a question about the Anti-terrorism Act
2015, Harper stated that terrorist ideology spreads in basements and mosques. Harper

specifically painted terrorism as an issue endemic in Muslim communities (Payton, 2015),
invoking the suspect community thesis. This leaves no doubt as to which communities he
specifically had in mind with the anti-terror legislation, which made it easier to arrest
someone seen to have the potential to a commit a terror attack.
There have not been calls for any proposed values test to be given to all Canadians, which
again promotes the idea that new Canadians must prove themselves beyond what is expected
of the rest of the population, an expression of conditional citizenship to immigrant groups.
This implies an inherent adherence to cultural values - which are no defined - by Canadians
who are not new immigrants, marking new arrivals as inherently different and with a need to
prove themselves to be worthy of inclusion. This hearkens back to a time when many
immigrants were considered unsuitable for citizenship (Granatstein, 1990 348-349, cited in
Ikas, 2018).
Beyond discussions of Canada’s apparent commitment to multicultural from both political
parties and leaders, times of public pressure and stress can better reveal the commitment to
values and exactly what they are. When it comes to controversial and emotive issues of
terrorism as well as immigration, the Liberal Party uses social media and other media
appearances to stress unity and a continuing commitment to Canada being a country of
communities that come together but are allowed to exist with their own practises. In contrast,
the Conservative Party links terrorism with migration and asylum, accuses Trudeau of being
soft on terrorism, insists immigration should only be for economic reasons, and advocates for
conditional citizenship.
VI. CONCLUSION

The analysis of the social media activity of Justin Trudeau and Andrew Scheer, as well as
their respective parties, has yielded significant information and insight into their values and
which issues they prize, particularly when it comes to questions of national identity and who
is included within Canada. Through using theories of political branding and the importance of
visual imagery in politics, this paper has highlighted pointed references to values as
expressed within Twitter and Instagram images and posts.
Through analysing these clues with reference to corresponding parts of the party platforms of
the Liberal and Conservative Parties of Canada, we reinforce the link between social media
presence and political activity, showing how Trudeau, Scheer and their respective political
parties remain on constant campaign footing through appealing to their followers. With the
introduction of the context of national identity and how it has evolved in Canada, we are able
to link the messages of political actors with a vast history of national identity discourse,
showing that it exists as a part of it.
The analysis yielded significant information concerning the values and priorities of the Prime
Minister and Leader of the Opposition and their parties that they wish to express to the
public, particularly when it comes to values concerning Canadian national identity and ideas
of Canadian-ness. Canadian national identity has largely settled on the idea of pluralism, that
people from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds can still come together and be counted
as part of the country. However, these are expressed in different ways and exist in different
contexts between the two main political parties of Canada.
The Trudeau and Liberal Party approach to national identity as expressed through social
media is without condition. It allows people from different cultural groups to have a stake in

Canadian society, encouraging people from all backgrounds to come together and share in
Canada’s successes. It seeks to atone for the past, acknowledging that indigenous peoples
have not always been treated equally, and seeks reconciliation. It does not consider national
identity to be attached to cultural or behavioural conditions, and does not consider removing
citizenship an option. Finally, it encourages migrants from all situations and does not attach
caveats that they must be deemed useful to Canada’s economy to be able to fit into the
cultural mosaic. Values are driven by pluralism and inclusivity, and this does not come with
conditions.
Andrew Scheer and The Conservative Party also pays lip service to other cultures, but this
commitment is not shown so obviously on social media. They seek to empower indigenous
people with economic opportunities and cultural support through language programmes but
do not feel as though they need to apologise or enter into a dialogue over the past. Territory
and the symbolism of nature plays a significant role in their concept of national identity, with
promises to uphold Canada’s sovereignty in the North, thereby playing into a vast mythos of
nordicity.
Criticisms of Trudeau’s asylum policies are linked directly to Canada’s borders, with imagery
showing people penetrating Canada’s unspoiled land through irregular border crossings.
Asylum and migration policy are linked to national security issues, and they seek to harden
the rules for asylum. Immigrants are welcomed if they give an economic boost to the country,
and this further influences the desire to tighten asylum rules. Citizenship is seen as
conditional, with terrorism considered a justification to remove citizenship from individuals,
though it has not been discussed in regard to domestic terrorists of Canadian origin. By these
political actors, economics and national security are the conditions by which Canadian

multiculturalism is judged. Values are driven by economics, asserting control over territory,
and national security, and multiculturalism is seen through this prism.
Through this thorough analysis of social media activity, combined with national identity
discourse, policy proposals, and theories of political branding, we see that the Liberal and
Conservative Parties of Canada have attached different conditions to Canadian-ness and what
shapes their national identity. Audience studies would be welcome additional methods and
complement the analysis of social media content as they would indicate the extent to which
these values have become digestible to wide audiences. This could not have been given
justice within the time and length-constraints of this dissertation. Social media has allowed
these political actors to make their ideas more accessible through Twitter and Facebook, with
a focus on visual imagery.
The analysis in this dissertation demonstrates that social media has allowed these political
actors to stay on permanent campaign footing, toting their values direct to their followers
without intermediaries, and trying to control the narrative by doing so.

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