Yo! Can you flow?

Yo! Can ya flow?: A qualitative study of Hip Hop aesthetics and
original rap lyrics created in group music therapy in an urban youth
shelter
Aaron J. Lightstone
Wilfrid Laurier University
Faculty of Music
Music Therapy Department
Supervisor
Dr. Colin Andrew Lee
Methodological key words
Qualitative research, grounded theory, lyric analysis, lyric transcription
Content key words
Music therapy, popular music, hip hop, recording, technology, street youth, high risk youth,
improvised music, groove, electronic instruments, popular culture, African-American culture
Biography
Aaron Lightstone is a graduate of both the Bachelor and Master of Music Therapy
programs at Wilfrid Laurier University. He completed his internship in psychiatric music
therapy in 1998 at the Centre for Addictions and Mental Health (CAMH) in Toronto.
Aaron has had a diverse career in music therapy which has included work with many
populations including: Adults and children with autism; high risk youth; homeless
populations; youth and adults in addictions recovery; children with ADD and learning
disabilities; individuals with mental illness; palliative care; veteran’s care. In addition to
his clinical work, Aaron has experience playing in rock, reggae, folk, and world music
bands, Aaron has studied a variety of music traditions with master musicians from
across the globe including; classical guitar, Arabic lute (oud), Hindustani (Indian) sitar,
West African drumming, and Jewish folk music. In 1998 he spent almost a year as the

Ethnomusicologist in Residence at The St. Lucia School of Music at Castries, St. Lucia,
West Indes (www.lcmusicschool.com). Aaron also works as a composer, bandleader and
performing musician. For more information on Aaron’s work as a music therapist and
musician please refer to the following websites: www.lightstonemusic.com
www.musicistherapy.net www.myspace/aaronlightstone.com

Yo! Can ya flow?: A qualitative study of Hip Hop
aesthetics and original rap lyrics created in group
music therapy in an urban youth shelter.
By
Aaron J. Lightstone
Bachelor of Music Therapy, Wlifrid Laurier University,
1997
Major Research Paper
Submitted to the Faculty of Music
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for
Master of Music Therapy
Wilfrid Laurier University
2004
© Aaron Lightstone 2004-All rights reserved

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Abstract:
Introduction: Rap music and the aesthetics of Hip Hop culture represent a
powerful, counter-cultural art form that is omni-present in the lives of members of
contemporary youth culture. A weekly drop-in music therapy group was held
for residents of a youth shelter in Toronto. The most frequently used clinical
technique was clinical-improvisations in recognizable popular music genres.
Rap was the genre most frequently used. Mixed messages are imbedded in the
culture of rap music as there are many examples of lyrics with anti-social
content and many examples of positive, potentially transformative lyrics. The
positive and anti-social aspects of popular rap music were reflected in the
sessions and resulted in clinical challenges and a rich body of recorded lyrics.
Methods & Analysis: Clinical improvisations were recorded and lyrics transcribed
verbatim. A qualitative, grounded theory method was used, to identify major
themes. Major themes were analyzed to determine what the potential meaning
of the rap-therapy experience might be for the participants, and to determine
the therapeutic potential of this technique.
Results: Major themes discovered in the lyrics closely paralleled verbal self-
expression in psychotherapy. Participants used the performance of rap to
express emotions, spirituality, and vulnerability. The raps were also used to
depict threats and violence. Additionally strong connections were found
between the lyric analysis and a number of traditions in African American oral
culture.
Conclusions: The popularity, expressive power, and cultural context of rap
music combine to make it a potentially important and exciting resource for
music therapists.

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Acknowledgements
A paper of this scope involves the co-ordination, influence, support and
efforts, of many people. I could not have produced this research on my own
and many people deserve my thanks for having a hand in it.
Firstly, I would like to thank all those who were involved in the genesis of
the clinical work that provided the field of data collection for this research. In
2001, I was working part-time at Ve’ahavta: The Canadian Jewish Humanitarian
and Relief Committee, on projects related to assisting the local Homeless
population. Ve’ahavta’s founder, Avrum Rosenswieg, (in his usual visionary style)
asked me to write a program proposal to offer music therapy services to
homeless youth. Avrum was instrumental in getting Greg Rogers and his staff at
the Native Men’s Residence (Na-Me-Res) behind the idea. Music therapy
sessions were initiated in September 2001for the adult residents at Na-Me-Res. A
little less than two years later the program was initiated at Tumivut, the youth
shelter associated with Na-Me-Res.
This type of clinical work required high quality instruments and a basic,
portable recording studio. Special thanks to Ester Lewis (a private donor through
Ve’ahavta) for the generous donation (in memory of her late husband) to
Ve’ahavta for music therapy programs, and to the Canadian Music Therapy
Trust Fund. They provided funding that was used to buy most of the instruments
and recording equipment used in this project.
I would like to thank those individuals who made the year of MMT studies
at Wilfrid Laurier University full of so much learning. Dr. Colin Lee and Dr. Heidi

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Ahonen-Eirkainen were invaluable consultants. They provided the clinical
supervision that led to the decision to focus on my clinical work with youth and
rap music for my research topic. They also provided valuable suggestions and
advice at many stages of the project. Prof. Deena Mandell from the School of
Social Work provided valuable insights into some of the clinical challenges of this
work. My classmates in the MMT program, Andrea Lamont, Megumi Okubo,
Michele Song, and Sung-Yong Shim also provided useful advice, peer support
and an invaluable sounding board. Thanks also to Dr. Kenneth Aigen for helping
to clarify some of the finer points of music therapy qualitative research both
through his published writings and e-mail correspondence.
I would like to thank all the youth who participated in the music therapy
sessions, with out them there would be no research project no matter how great
an idea it was.
The arduous task of editing so many pages of text was ably accomplished
by Paul Riis Joel Amernic, and my father Al Lightstone. Last minute thanks to
Mitch Rosen and Dr. Carolyn Arnason for their last minute grammar repairs on
the final copy. Special thanks go to Joel and Dan Levine for their excitement
and enthusiasm regarding this topic and their insightful contributions to the
analysis.
Of course, none of this would be possible if it were not for the
encouragement of my family. My parents Elaine and Al Lightstone not only
provided the support and encouragement to pursue an education and career
in music therapy, but also the financial means to do so and the computer
technology that made this project feasible and efficient. Thanks to my siblings
Mike and Debbie for their encouragement, personal training, naturopathic
advice, acupuncture treatments, and the mp3 recorder. My gratitude also
goes to my future brother-in-law Tommy Sors for his expert computer advice,
especially at the last minute.

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Last but not least I would like to thank my partner Dr. Heidi Amernic who
has been involved in every aspect of this project. A skilled qualitative
researcher herself, Heidi provided assistance with understanding research
methodology, proof reading, and tolerated many conversations about
numerous aspects of this project. Additionally, her support encouragement,
care and last minute editing and proof-reading were what got me through the
intense final weeks of continuous writing.
Dedication
This paper is dedicated to all the music therapy clients who played a role in the
formulation of the ideas contained in this paper.

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The CD
The enclosed CD is an essential part of this project and is needed to fully
understand the nature of this research. Many writers and thinkers from
ethnomusicologist John Blacking to Jazz pianist Thelonius Monk have
commented on the deficiencies and inadequacies of language when used to
describe music and musical experiences. The CD contains a selection of audio
extracts that are needed to illuminate the descriptions and transcriptions under
study. The icon is used in the text to refer the reader to relevant audio
examples on the CD.
These are extracts from music therapy sessions where creating rap music
was the primary therapeutic intervention. Rap music has always been a music
that was intended to be played loud. Readers of this paper are encouraged to
do so. Voices have been digitally altered as necessary to conform with ethical
standards in research.
The following page lists the CD tracks. For the sake of simplicity, I have
named them after one of the first lines of text in the excerpt. The musical
techniques used to create the music on the CD were diverse and included
various combinations of loop sampling, beat boxing, playing electric guitar,
electric bass, and a drum machine.

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CD tracks
1) Nevah spit fake rhymes
2) Ya’ll deserve to die
3) So tired of this life we’re livin’
4) The need for greed
5) I’m young and Cree
6) Black and Black crime has to stop
7) Livin’ in this world of sin
8) Guyana used to be a beautiful country
9) All I do all day is chop bling
10) You may think you’re high class
11) Nobody to battle
12) Whose style you fuckin’ with?
13) Yo, we was just playin’
14) Send you six feet under the ground
15) Battle like snake
16)I be like Andre the giant
17)What you talk about pain?
18)Tic toc I hear my clock
19)Ya need to quit the smokin’
20)I woke up with tears in my eyes
21)The truth shall remain
22)My mind is full of sickness
23)Elevate poison minds in
24)Not getting’ that brighter
25)Black Terminator
26)Nevah wanna take the life
27)I wanna go back to Antigua
28)Loop Sampler demo

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29)You know what happened today?

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Table of Contents
Abstract i
Acknowledgements ii
Dedication v
The CD vi
Table of Contents vii
List of Tables x
CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION
1.0 Vignette 1
1.1 Cultural and clinical context of study 3
1.2 Note on Terminology 6
1.2.1 Rap music and Hip Hop 6
1.2.2 Other terms 8
1.3 Origin, purpose, and focus of study 8
1.4 Research Questions 9
1.5 Hip Hop and Music Therapy: A review of the literature 10
1.5.1 Aesthetics of Hip Hop 10
1.5.2 Music therapy with Street Youth 15
1.5.3 Hip hop in music therapy 17
1.5.4 Groove based music therapy 19
1.6 Reflexive thoughts on the nature of this study 21
1.6.1 On method and distribution of knowledge 21
1.6.2 On presentation of information 22
1.6.3 On theoretical considerations 23
1.6.4 Stance as researcher 24
1.7 Research Paradigm & Epistemological Viewpoints 26
1.7.1 Qualitative research methods 26
1.7.2 Epistemological stance 28

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CHAPTER 2 – METHOD
2.1 Clinical context 31
2.1.1 The clinical setting 31
2.1.2 The participants 31
2.1.3 The music therapy interventions 32
2.2 Research Method 35
2.2.1 Data Collection 35
2.2.2 Grounded Theory Research Method 36
CHAPTER 3 – DATA ANALYSIS - CONSTRUCTING AND DISSCUSSING THEMES
3.0 Data Analysis – Turnin’ from concepts to understand 40
3.1 Authenticity and Emotional Expression 42
3.2 Rapper as Critical Theorist 47
3.3 Battles 57
3.4 Boasting 65
3.5 Drugs 68
3.6 Evidence of Group Process 70
3.7 Spirituality 75
3.8 Violence 85
3.9 Musical Word Play 92
3.9.1 Musical Word Play 92
3.9.2 Shout-outs 93
3.9.3 Play-by-plays 94
CHAPTER 4 – FURTHER DISCUSION
4.1 Rap music as a clinical intervention 97
4.2 Violence, aggression, creative-self expression, and rap therapy 98

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4.3 African-American Oral culture and
culturally sensitive therapy with youth 102
4.4 Groove based music therapy,
rap music, Hip Hop Aesthetics and musicing 105
4.4 Linking music-centred music therapy and music psychotherapy 110
4.6 Clinical applications 112
4.7 Limitations & Strengths of this study 115
4.7.1 The Dual role of clinician researcher 113
4.7.2 Trustworthiness of the study 116
4.8 Recommendations for future research 118
4.8.1 Clinical recording 119
4.8.2 Clinical improvisation and popular music styles 119
4.8.3 Violent and aggressive musical expression
and the catharsis hypothesis 120
4.8.4 Further research with rap and street-involved youth
121
CHAPTER 5 - CONCLUSIONS 122
APPENDICES
Appendix 1: Glossary of technical terms and street slang used 126
Appendix 2: Copy of consent forms 137
REFERENCES 140

x
List of tables
Table 1 - - Expression of emotions 44
Table 2 - - Rapper as Critical Theorist 51
Table 3 - - Boasting 66
Table 4 - - Drugs 68
Table 5 - - Spirituality 77
Table 6 - - Violence 86

Yo! Can ya flow? Chapter 1 1
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Turn it up! Bring tha noise!
-Chuck D. - Public Enemy (1991)!
Vignette
The TV room in the basement of the Tumivut youth shelter has just been set up as
makeshift music therapy/recording studio. The couches are arranged in a circle
around a variety of hand drums, xylophones, and a carton of small, hand held
percussion instruments from various corners of the globe. Off to one side of the circle,
the music therapist stands behind a desk with a maze of wires. On the desk rests a
drum machine, electronic effect pedals, and a 16 track, digital, hard-drive recorder.
On the couch beside the music therapist rests an electric guitar, electric bass, and
acoustic guitar. The session is just about to begin and the music therapist selects an
aggressive Hip Hop beat on the drum machine, turns it up loud and lets it play while he
finishes the last details of his set-up. A handful of residents sitting in other parts of the
shelter hear the music and wander in to see what is going on. Rich arrives first. He saw
the therapist walk through the front doors of the shelter and was intrigued by all the
equipment. His currently incarcerated father taught him how to play the guitar and he
is a skillful blues, rock, and R&B guitarist. He also enjoys singing and rapping. As he
enters the room he asks if he can play the electric guitar, to which the therapist agrees.
Less than a minute later Mel enters the room with Dave, Chris, Julie, and Justin.
Mel, a young Cree man from Saskatchewan, has attended the last four sessions.
He lives a hobo lifestyle and currently finds himself in Toronto. He has had a number of
conversations with the therapist about his difficult past, his life on the road, and his love
of music. In the past sessions he improvised songs in the genres of classic rock and rap.
Chris has also been to a number of sessions. He has a strong voice and can rap very

well in the style of the early Hip Hop MCs who were active in the 1970s. His lyrics offer
little in the way of verbal content but are very musical and encourage others to
participate. Julie attended two sessions before, and, although she has not picked up a
microphone, she seems to enjoy being in the group and accompanying the others on
an African hand drum. Justin, like, Eddie is coming to the group for the first time.
As Eddie picks up the guitar, he starts playing a funky rhythm in time to the drum
machine. While he does this, the music therapist turns down the volume on the mixer,
explains the purpose of this group and invites the others to participate in the music.
Mel and Chris pick up the microphones as the other participants move toward
the hand drums. The therapist picks up the bass. Within a few brief moments, the
therapist, Eddie and the drum machine have a compelling funk/R&B groove going.
Chris begins a light-hearted rap about himself and some of the others in the room.
Over the course of the next two hours, some participants leave the drop-in group and a
couple of new participants arrive. Mel, and Eddie stay for the entire two hours and
improvise seven songs in a variety of genres of popular music including rap, blues, and
funk. The songs articulate a range of themes from fun, lighthearted commentary on the
events of the day to disturbing depictions of violence to serious and painful expressions
of loneliness.

1.1 Cultural and Clinical Context of Research
I’m a DJ and I’m an MC, and I’m hip-hop. I mean, rap is one thing; hip-hop is something else.
Hip-hop is the entire culture, and rap is just one element of it. —Grandmaster Caz1
This study investigates the use of the Hip Hop musical aesthetic in group
music therapy. The participants in this study took part in a voluntary, drop-in
music therapy group held weekly in the basement of a youth shelter in Toronto,
Canada. Although the shelter is operated by a First Nations2 social service
organization, it is a multi-ethnic environment. The temporary residents inhabit
the shelter for a variety of reasons. Some have fled abusive family situations or
relationships; some have been living independently from their families and
suffered recent financial setbacks; some have come in off the street; and some
came to Toronto seeking opportunity only to find themselves financially
destitute. They come with a range of educational levels. Many have
substance abuse issues (mostly alcohol and marijuana), and a small number
presented serious mental health issues.
As a music therapy clinician, I believe in the importance of facilitating the
creative act of music-making with my clients. My training and approach to
clinical work is reflective of a music-centred approach. Music-centred
approaches emphasize the importance and primacy of co-operative music-
1
Quoted in Fricke & Ahearn (2002) p. 37.
2
The terms Aboriginal Canadian and First Nations Canadian are used in this paper. According
to Ian Mcleod (Bilingual Communications Officer, Assembly of First Nations) (personal
communication, 2004) First Nations Canadians refers to the many diverse groups that used to be
known as Status Indians. Aboriginal Canadians refers to all of Canada’s first peoples (Inuit, Métis,
and First Nations).

making in the therapeutic process within the context of a client-centred
therapeutic relationship. My clinical approach relies on improvisational music
and is influenced by the theories of Aesthetic Music Therapy (AeMT) as
formulated and described by Colin Lee (2003), Creative Music Therapy (CMT) as
formulated by Nordoff & Robbins (1977) and Ansdell (1995), and the diversity of
musicians and music cultures that I have studied.
With the exception of Aigen (2002), significant texts on improvisation in
music-centred music therapy (Ansdell, 1995; Lee, 1997, 2003; Nordoff & Robbins,
1977; Robbins & Robbins, 1998) make little mention of the potential importance
of contextualizing clinical improvisation in popular music. None discuss rap
music as a clinical resource for collaborative clinical music-making. This may be
due to the fact that creating authentic sounding Hip Hop music requires the use
of technological devices with which music therapists may not be familiar. Rap
music originated in African-American culture, where musical paradigms and
performance practices can be traced back to West African traditions (Sylvan,
2002). Further, the musicological thinking behind rap operates under musical
paradigms and musical world views that are drastically different from the
European musicology in which most music therapists are raised and trained3.
Music therapy that is culturally sensitive to the needs of clients involved in
3
A complete discussion on the differences between the musical paradigms of European and
African music is beyond the scope of this paper. One significant example is that in many music
cultures from Africa there is an absence of functional harmony as it is understood in European
based musics. This absence of harmony and the primacy of what are often complex
polyrhythms require flexibility and adjusted thinking on the part of musicians who are trained in a
European world view. For a more complete discussion on Afro-centric musicology see Perkins
(1998), Rose (1994), and Keyes (1996).

contemporary youth culture should use the musical vernacular of the clients.
Engaging in music therapy that is culturally sensitive to the needs of youth
culture requires the knowledge of popular music styles.
It is striking that over the last two decades the culture of Hip Hop, and its
musical expression of rap music, has exploded from the cultural expression of a
relatively small and specific sub-culture of young working class blacks in the
Bronx in the 1970’s to a global pop culture phenomenon. Reflecting the
considerable mark that Hip Hop has made on global pop culture, it has been
scrutinized, discussed, examined, and discovered by a broad range of
academic disciplines including social work (Lusane, 1993), feminist studies
(Keyes, 2000), critical theory (Lunine, 1995), ethnomusicology (Starks, 2001;
Keyes, 2002; Perkins, 1998), anthropology (Shabtay, 2003) African-American
studies (Pinn, 1999; Rose, 1994), psychotherapy (Elligan, 2000; Harris, 1995), and
popular music studies (Vinese, 1990; Forman, 2000). These represent a sample of
the dozens of references available in academia to Hip Hop culture and rap
music. However, references to Hip Hop in the music therapy literature are
scarce. As writers such as Ruud (1998) and Stige (2002) have eloquently
argued, music therapy is inseparable from music and culture. Music therapists
must not only keep themselves up to date on the recent developments in
psychotherapy and its related disciplines, but also on the latest developments in
contemporary music and popular culture. I would add that as powerful forces
in contemporary culture and music, Hip Hop and rap music have an important

place in the music therapy literature. Further, I believe that rap is not just
relevant to music therapy because of its popularity, but also because of its
social power. Music therapists are interested in the transformational power of
music. From the earliest days of rap music, important sub-genres have
acknowledged the ability of music to facilitate group experiences and to
catalyze personal and social transformation. Many rap songs are protest songs,
or songs that express pain and trauma, or encourage self development (Perkins,
1998). Rose (1994) notes that rap concerts draw large audiences not only in the
United States, but all over the world, even in countries where English is not
spoken. She acknowledges that this is due in part to the marketing power
yielded by American record companies, but also for a reason that makes it
particularly relevant to its inclusion as a tool in therapy; the power of its
aesthetics.
Rap music, like many powerful black cultural forms before it, resonates
for people from vast and diverse backgrounds. The cries of pain, anger,
sexual desire, and pleasure that rappers articulate speak to Hip Hop’s
vast fan base for different reasons. For some, rappers offer symbolic
prowess, a sense of black energy and creativity in the face of
omnipresent oppressive forces; others listen to rap with an ear toward
the hidden voices of the oppressive forces, hoping to understand
America’s large, angry and “unintelligible population”. Some listen to
the music’s powerful and life–affirming rhythms, its phat beats and
growling bass lines, reveling in its energy, seeking strength from its
cathartic and electric presence. (Rose, 1994, p. 19).

Rose writes about rap music from her perspective as a cultural theorist, yet she
provides a very convincing rationale for the use of rap music and Hip Hop
aesthetics in therapy.
1.2 Note on Terminology
We can say what makes it hip-hop is this black, urban experience da-da-da. But no!
Hip-hop is no longer that. I mean, hip-hop has existed in . . . Japan for at least 10 years—
has existed where there are no African American experiences. So what is hip-hop? —
Saul Williams 20014
1.2.1 Rap and Hip Hop
There is often confusion over the terms rap music and Hip Hop. This study
follows the general trend in the academic literature that defines Hip Hop as a
specific cultural group or youth arts movement, while rap is the musical
expression of that social group. At its genesis in the 1970s the original creators
and members of Hip Hop culture were young, urban, African Americans (Keyes,
2002). As the popularity of Hip Hop culture grew, more and more youth from
other ethnic and socio-economic groups began to identify with the message,
style, and culture of Hip Hop which could also be described as a counter-
cultural movement. Hip Hop culture expresses itself artistically in four main
modes; music, dance, visual art, and fashion (Rose, 1994). The musical
expression of Hip Hop culture is primarily rap music and DJing5. Hip Hop culture
is expressed through the body in a dance style known as break dancing.
4
Quoted in Chang (2001) p 2.
5 Sometimes spelled deejaying. Referring to the musical activity and contribution of the
turntablist.

Visually the culture is expressed through urban graffiti art, and its own rules of
fashion which tend to favor oversized clothing, accessories originally designed
for outdoor/wilderness activities, and prominent displays of large jewelry.
Keyes (1996) prefers to define Hip Hop as a youth arts movement that
engages in “’cultural revisioning’— the foregrounding (both consciously and
unconsciously) of African–centered concepts in response to cultural takeovers,
ruptures, and appropriations” (Keyes, p. 224). She further explains that as a
youth arts movement, Hip Hop is an “expression that embodies those attitudes,
language, dress, and gestures affiliated with street culture. However, its
development as an identifiable expression emerged during the wake of the
black nationalist/power movement around African American and Hispanic
Youth” (Keyes, p. 244). Because many regard it as a culture, I will use capital
letters when referring to Hip Hop.
Much of the academic literature on Hip Hop and rap music continues to
identify this movement as the cultural expression of young, urban Afro-
Americans. I argue that although Hip Hop is primarily the domain and cultural
expression of young, urban, Afro-Americans, its appeal is much wider and its
influence on contemporary culture much broader. The popularity of Hip Hop
and the degree to which youth from other ethnic backgrounds identify with it
has elevated it to an important aspect of mainstream contemporary youth
culture.

To the extent that rap music is the music of Hip Hop culture, (or the Hip
Hop youth arts movement) the terms rap music and Hip Hop music can be used
interchangeably. These two terms will be used to describe the musical
expression of Hip Hop culture. The term Hip Hop culture will be reserved for
referring to the culture-sharing group that identifies with Hip Hop. It is worth
noting, however, that some fans use the term rap music to refer to music that
has been co-opted and commercialized by the big record companies. These
individuals reserve the term Hip Hop for music that is the authentic expression of
Hip Hop culture and not tampered with by record executives.
1.2.2 Other terms
The writing of this paper takes an interdisciplinary approach. Ideas, terms,
and theories from many different fields are used in this paper. Explaining all
possible unfamiliar terms would make this writing cumbersome. Readers are
encouraged to refer to the glossary in Appendix 1 as needed. The glossary
contains slang terms from Hip Hop culture as well as technical terms from
disciplines such as music therapy, psychotherapy, ethnomusicology, critical
theory, qualitative research, popular music studies, cultural studies, and African-
American studies.
1.3 Origin & Purpose of this Study

A year before this study commenced, I began work as a music therapist
at a Toronto youth shelter. It quickly became apparent that although
conventional improvisational-group-music therapy techniques6 were engaging
to some clients, these techniques needed adapting if I was going to capture the
interest of the majority of this client group. I began exploring ways of integrating
clinical improvisational approaches with the musical interests and musical
vernacular of the clients. Many of the clients had exceptional musical abilities
and I was challenged both as a musician and as a music therapy clinician. The
nature of working in a situation that used unconventional music therapy
techniques, a relatively unfamiliar musical paradigm, and a musical form that
has generated significant controversy in the popular media, created many
challenges. It became apparent that some of these challenges could become
the core of a research project. The purpose of this study is:
1) To discover and share findings on how the use of Hip Hop aesthetics
can impact the music therapy process with youth.
2) To come to greater understanding of the meaning of the lyrical
expression of youth participating in Hip Hop music therapy.
3) To develop further Aigen’s (2002) notion of groove-based music
therapy7.
6
I am referring here to techniques that are described in the literature on improvisational
approaches to music therapy (Nordoff and Robbins, 1977; Bruscia, 1987; Ansdell, 1995).
7 Aigen (2002) investigates the role of “groove” as a defining characteristic of popular music
styles. He expands on the ideas of ethnomusicologists Feld & Keil (1994) and applies their ideas
to understanding the role of groove-based music in the music therapy process. Groove based
musics tend to be hybrids of Afro-diasporic styles and genres and thus contain many elements of

1.4 Research questions:
The research questions for this study are:
1. What is the therapeutic potential of producing and recording rap music as a
clinical technique in music-centred therapy?
2. What meaning is contained in the improvised and pre-composed rap songs
of youth, as recorded during music therapy sessions?
3. When residents of a youth shelter are given the opportunity to create
spontaneous rap songs, what is the content and nature of this form of self-
expression? Is the content expressed in those songs potentially therapeutic,
harmful, or neutral?
1.5 The Existing Literature in the context of the present study
1.5.1 Aesthetics of Hip Hop
First of all, let me tell you that the music (beats) that makes up hip-hop, comes from
different nationalities and races, especially from black people, ….It comes from many
categories in music, for example: Hip-hop music is made up from other forms of music
like funk, soul, rhythm & blues, jazz, rock, heavy metal, salsa, soca (calypso), TV shows,
kiddie shows, horror movies, techno, pop, disco, african, arabic, reggae -etc. . . . you
will see that the music is made by people from different races or nationalities from all
over the planet, but it’s roots start with black people. —Afrika Baambatta (1995)
the above mentioned Afro-centric musical aesthetics. The power of groove rests largely in its
power to invite participation.

Many writers (Keyes, 2000; Rose, 1994; Salaam, 1995) contextualize rap
music as the latest development in African-American oral culture that can be
traced back to the bardic tradition of the griots of West Africa. As an American
art form with Afro-diasporic roots, it deviates sharply from musical aesthetic
conventions that listeners and musicians from European-rooted traditions take
for granted. In its purest form, rap consists of a programmed rhythm (sampled
turntabling, or drum machine and bass line generator) and a syncopated
rhyming chant. Melody and functional harmony (as they are understood in
Western music) are de-emphasized. The text is usually in a vernacular or slang
that can be difficult for listeners from outside Hip Hop culture to decipher
(Salaam, 1995). Rap performances highlight black language, rhetorical style,
and music-making practices. The lyrical content is often the most
misunderstood and controversial aspect of the genre (Keyes, 1996). Most rap
music is based on “black street speech” (Baugh, 1983, in Keyes, 1996). In this
vernacular, words can have a double meaning or an altered meaning
depending on the tone or inflection of the speaker. For example, since the
1960s the word “bad” has been used to mean “exceptional”. Since the 1980s,
rappers have been replacing the term “bad” with “dope”, “phat”, and “def” as
terms to describe the exceptional. The use of voice rhythms and vocal
inflections are important devices in conveying meaning. According to Keyes,
(1996) “Meaning is achieved, (therefore), by accenting certain words or

syllables in a rhythmic manner, thereby creating fluidity in the text” (Keyes, p.
232).
Hip Hop originated in the Bronx in the 1970s. Disc jockeys (DJs) were hired
to play their records at parties. Over time, the skill and art of mixing one record
continuously into the next became a skillful and developed art form. The more
popular DJs began to bring MCs (or emcees, Master of Ceremonies) to rhyme
and chant over the music to get the crowd more excited. Each of these roles
gradually developed into its own sophisticated art form.8
Rose (1994) identifies three defining characteristics of artistic expression in
Hip Hop culture). These characteristics are found in rap music, break dancing,
and graffiti art. The three characteristics are flow, layering, and rupture in line.
“In Hip Hop, visual, physical, musical, and lyrical lines are set in motion, broken
abruptly with sharp angular breaks, yet they sustain motion and energy through
fluidity and flow . . . Rappers speak of flow explicitly in the lyrics, referring to an
ability to move easily and powerfully through complex lyrics as well as of the
flow of the music. The flow and motion of the initial bass or drum line in rap music
is abruptly ruptured by scratching” (Rose p 39). Layering is an aesthetic feature
that takes place mostly in the instrumental parts where different rhythms and
textures are layered to create a polyrhythmic texture. Some scholars (Rose,
1994; Keyes, 2000) trace this aesthetic feature back to the polyrhythmic
8 For a more complete description of the development and history of rap music, Hip Hop
culture, and the art of DJing and MCing (emceeing) refer to Keyes (2002), Rose (1994), and
Fricke & Ahearn (2002).

drumming of West Africa that is at the root of many Afro-American forms of
musical expression.
Salaam (1995) adds to the discussion of Hip Hop aesthetics by identifying
four key aesthetic features; lyrics, style, flow, and sound. Lyrics refer to the words
used in the song and to the subject matter and construction of the song. Style
refers to the tonal quality of the rappers voice and the delivery of the lyrics. For
example, some rappers have a style that could be described as a seamless
monotone, while others are very emotional and dynamic. Salaam (1995)
defines flow similarly to Rose, adding that it describes the rappers sense of
timing. He argues that because rap lyrics are recited in rhythmic cadence, one
can say that the concept of flow differentiates rap music from other forms of
music with spoken lyrics. He also argues that like the great singers and
instrumentalists in other genres, the great rappers have an intangible quality to
their sound that distinguishes them from other rappers.
Keyes (1996) adds the concept time to the discussion of rap music
aesthetics. She considers the construct of time to be one of many Africanisms
that remain in rap music. According to Keyes, the Western concept of linear
time is not useful in understanding African music. She references a number of
ethnomusicologists who have shown that the concept of time in African and
African-derived musics is a network of layered structures. One of the most
important distinctions to be made between Afro-centric and Euro-centric
conceptions of time is the importance, role and meaning of repetition. Keyes

compares her studies of rap music to Chernoff’s (1979, in Keyes 1996) study of
Ghanaian drumming where,
the repetition of a well chosen rhythm continually reaffirms the power of
music by locking that rhythm, and the people listening or dancing to it, into a
dynamic and open structure. The power of music is not only captured by
repetition, it is magnified. Similarly, rap DJs, are revered for their sustaining
prowess on the turntables; however they do not sustain their music by
repeating the same record, but rather by selecting a danceable tempo with
the pitch control, then spinning a succession of records for a long period of
time. (Keyes, 1996, p. 236).
Further, time is not just an element in a rhythmic sense, but interacts with timbre
and texture. The unique sound of Afro-diasporic music results from the
manipulation of timbre and texture in ways that are unfamiliar to Western music.
Performances are intensified by quickly alternating between a variety of vocal
and instrumental timbres, juxtaposition of textures, alternating pitch and
dynamic levels, and the use of digital sampling to fuse all the disparate timbres
and textures together.
Sampling is perhaps the most controversial aspect of the Hip Hop
aesthetic as it stands in opposition to Western music’s notions of copyright laws
and ownership of intellectual property. According to Porcello (1991) this is not
coincidental in that rap musicians intentionally use the sampler in a way that is
oppositional and counter-cultural as it challenges capitalist ideals by using
tabooed modes of quotation. Fricke & Aheren (2002) describe the origins of Hip
Hop in the impoverished urban ghettos of America. Few had the economic

means to afford music lessons. Many of the original Hip Hop artists were
electronics repair technicians. They were able to modify and manipulate the
conventional record player into a musical instrument of quotation and
reinterpretation. Turning the conventional record player into a musical
instrument of reinterpretation made the music making experience accessible.
The turn table is still an important instrument in Hip Hop performances but the
sampler is perhaps the most important instrument in creating the sound track for
rap music. During production it allows the musician to create many complex
levels of flow, layering, and rupture in line.
Rap music techniques particularly the use of sampling technology, involve the
repetition and reconfiguration of rhythmic elements in ways that illustrate a
heightened attention to rhythmic patterns and movement between such
patterns via breaks and points of musical rupture. Multiple rhythmic forces are
set in motion and then suspended, selectively. Rap producers construct loops of
sounds and then build in critical moments, where the established rhythm is
manipulated and suspended…These features are not merely stylistic effects, they
are aural manifestations of philosophical approaches to social environments . . .
these “rhythmic instinctions” are critical in understanding the meaning of time,
motion, and repetition in black culture and are of critical importance to
understanding the manipulation of technology in rap (Rose, 1994, p. 68).
Noise is another aesthetic feature used by many Hip Hop musicians. The
noise and buzzy timbres that many musicians prefer to hear in their final mix is an
aesthetic specific to African derived music where the artists’ preferences for
environmental sounds and factors are an important part of the musical event

(Wilson, 1974, in Keyes, 1996). Since Stevie Wonder added the street sounds of
sirens, traffic, and arguments to his song Living for the city (Wonder, 1973; Keyes,
2002) it has become a standard feature in many forms of black music. Keyes
(2002) also points out that much Hip Hop is produced in home studios,
sometimes with low fidelity equipment. This has resulted in a sometimes
intentionally lo-fi production sound by successful producers, referred to as the
“basement” or street level sound.
1.5.2 Music therapy with Street Youth
Street-involved youth are not a widely discussed clinical population that
appears in music therapy literature. There are only a few music therapists in
Canada who work with street youth. To my knowledge none have used the
clinical recording of original songs in popular music styles as a primary
intervention. Noelle Bird is the pioneer of this work in Canada. Her Vancouver-
based program, I am Dangerous with Sound, focuses on working with youth in
group process and preparing the group for a public performance of original
songs and improvisations. Her reports do not specifically mention the use of
electronic instruments, recording devices, or Hip Hop aesthetics (Bird, 1998).
In recent years, therapists trained in different disciplines have come to
realize the importance of culturally sensitive and culturally appropriate therapy
techniques. Contemporary thinking considers multiculturalism the “fourth force”

in therapy, following the forces of psychodynamic, behavioral, and humanistic
movements in psychotherapy and counseling (Pedersen, 1991, in Bula, 2000).
Street youth in a multi-cultural environment, such as Toronto, represent a wide
variety of ethnic backgrounds. Cultural identity is made up of more than
ethnicity. For most youth it includes gender, level of education, musical tastes,
and a variety of group affiliations. While the youth involved in this study come
from a variety of ethnic groups, they are united by varying degrees of
identification with contemporary youth culture. They are further united by
varying degrees of affiliation to the subculture of street-involved youth. Moreno
(1988) discusses the common practice of music therapists using the ethnic music
of clients to establish trust and relationship. I argue that for many individuals
who identify with contemporary youth culture, Hip Hop music functions as their
“ethnic music”, often irrespective of their national, racial, ethnic, or religious
backgrounds.
Though rap music began as the specific musical expression of young
African Americans in the Bronx (Keyes, 2002), it is well documented that the
genre’s popularity quickly spread to most other Afro-American communities in
North America, then became popular with youth in many diverse parts of the
globe. Though some writers (Pinn, 1999; Starks, 2001; Conyers, 2001) continue to
identify Hip Hop as an Afro-American cultural phenomenon, and though the
majority of successful artists are in fact African Americans, it has been well
demonstrated that the appeal of Hip Hop is a global phenomenon. Youth from

many cultures have adopted the style, language, attitude, aesthetics, political
imperatives, and world view of Hip Hop culture as their own (Shabtay, 2003;
Osumare, 2001; Lusane, 1993). Record industry figures clearly show that rap
music transcended barriers of race, culture, and socioeconomic position to
become a multi-billion dollar industry. Additionally, as described at the top of
section 1.5.1 (Baambaata, 1995), one of Hip Hop’s founding artists sees it as a
phenomenon that has origins in the Afro-American community, but is
transcendent of race in the present.
Elligan (2000) partially explains rap’s appeal to young black men because
the “lyrical expression represents the realities of their lives and struggles” (p. 30).
However, he does not discuss its wide appeal beyond this group. Though I have
worked with many black youth, none were African Americans. My clients were
Canadians of varied ethnic backgrounds. It is important to note that my clients
of African heritage are of a different demographic than their African-American
counterparts. Most of my black Canadian clients are recent immigrants (2nd or
1st generation ) from the West Indies or Africa. Their families have not been in
North America for multiple generations. Furthermore, rap music was a useful
therapeutic modality for many clients who were not of African heritage or
ethnicity. An example is First Nations youth. CBC journalist Shelia Cameron
(2002) documented the popularity of Hip Hop music amongst youth on
reservations throughout Canada. Many First Nation youth in Canada envision

themselves as the downtrodden and oppressed people in Canada thus
identifying with the culture and message of Hip Hop.
1.5.3 Hip Hop and Music Therapy
Oppressed people across the world were like, "Wait, we're gonna speak up
through this art form, because it's fucking powerful. In this way, we can just
deliver speeches over beats. And since we nod our heads to beats, that's instant
affirmation.—Saul Williams (2001)9
It is curious that the most commercially successful genre of popular music
of the last decade (Rose, 1994; Tyson, 2002) is scarcely mentioned in the music
therapy literature. The existing music therapy literature on rap music focuses on
receptive rather than active techniques (Tyson, 2002; Wyatt, 2002; Rio & Tenny,
2002). Elligan (2000), a psychotherapist, outlines five stages of Rap Therapy. His
process is based on cognitive-behavioral and social learning theories. One of
his stages is termed reframing where the creation of rap lyrics is used as a
technique to broaden the client’s expressiveness and conceptions of rap music.
Elligan makes no mention of applying these lyrics to a musical context.
The idea that musical expression or exposure can initiate personal or
social transformation is alluded to in the literature, on rap and Hip Hop. A
number of writers (Sylvan, 2002; Keyes, 2000; Pinn, 1999; Lusane, 1993) discuss the
transformative power of rap music and other related Afro-American genres.
Tyson (2002) uses the widespread popularity of rap music as a rationale for its
9
Quoted in Chang (2001) p.1.

inclusion in therapy. He cites the “social, cultural, and political lyrical content
and underlying themes” as useful therapeutic tools (Tyson, p. 132). His findings
demonstrate that by utilizing the clients’ strengths and interests, he was able to
engage a challenging client population in a therapeutic process. Although I do
not dispute his findings, it should be noted that he studied clinical techniques
based on lyric analysis of existing material and not the creation of rap songs.
An important component of therapy with oppressed and marginalized
people is working towards feelings and realities of empowerment, and learning
to use the sense of empowerment to overcoming the oppression they suffer
(Bishop, 2002). Forty seven percent of street youth report a background of
physical or sexual abuse (Delivering Health Care to the Homeless, 2003).
Achieving mastery, and learning to trust others are the pillars of recovery from
trauma (Buchele, 2000). Engagement in group music experiences can be one
means of learning to trust others and feel a sense of mastery, particularly when
this occurs within a genre to which the participant feels a connection. Further,
rap music can act as an empowering transformative agent by offering
challenges to the politics and ideology of the dominant culture (Stephens&
Wright, 2000; Pinn, 1998).

1.5.4 Groove based music therapy
It don’t mean a thing
If it aint got that swing
-Irving Mills
Aigen’s (2002) work, Playin’ in the Band, provides a qualitative look at the
use of popular music in clinical improvisation. He documents a single case study
with a non-verbal, severely disabled client, working with two music therapists.
Despite the important differences10 in our clinical work, many of his conclusions
apply to the clinical recording of popular music styles with highly verbal clients
including youth in urban shelters. In his conclusions, Aigen touches upon some
key ideas that are particularly relevant to my work with popular music styles and
street involved youth.
These observations on the function of style point to the value of music therapy processes
occurring within popular music styles. They also provide insight into the role that relating
in these styles can have in creating identity, or more accurately, in engaging participants
actively in the ongoing, never-ending process of identity formation and evolution…A
form of expression that might be a consequence of motor regularity has taken on stylistic
significance and all of its implications regarding participation in social life and individual
identity. One can imagine Lloyd’s [the client] internal sense of self as articulated by
thoughts such as, I am someone who plays rock and roll, who enjoys its boldness, vitality,
rebellion, bodily and sexual energy, and life affirmation (Italics in original). (Aigen, p. 111).
10 Aigen’s study examined his work with a mentally-disabled, non-verbal individual using acoustic
popular music intervention facilitated by two music therapists. I am working with groups of highly
articulate street youth using electronic instruments, recording equipment and the Hip Hop
aesthetics.

Aigen further suggests that different human attitudes are manifested by different
popular music styles. While “cool jazz expresses sophisticated restraint and
subtle sexuality” (Aigen, 2002, p. 111). I suggest that Hip Hop expresses rebellion,
overt sexuality, confidence, and outsiderness. “These are gratifying and self-
affirming experiences for all those who participate in these forms of music, but
particularly so for clients in music therapy for whom this may be the only
connection to these essential, foundational experiences (emphasis mine)”
(Aigen, 2002, p. 111).
Aigen’s conclusions about the importance and usefulness of popular
forms are supported by Wigram (2004) in his concept of “frameworking”. In
frameworking the therapist uses the structural characteristics of a popular music
style and song form as the basis of improvisation. When this concept is applied
to popular music styles that have a high degree of rhythmic structure and
organization (or groove), Wigram and Aigen seem to be presenting the same
concept. Although this concept may at first seem restrictive of the client’s
creativity, it provides creative freedom because the boundaries of expression
are manageable11. This is particularly important for clients with limited musical
experience or knowledge.
11
I have often offered clients the experience of free improvisation with out any guidelines or
suggestions. Some clients are able to express themselves effectively in this music. However,
many become confused or overwhelmed by the infinite choice they have in creating
completely free music. For many clients it is far more effective and engaging to offer them a
groove or a musical framework. By providing these clear musical guidelines, the clients’
creativity can then be expressed, because it is expressed within clear limitations.

1.6 Reflexive thoughts on the nature of this study
If you know your history
Then you will know where I’m comin’ from
You wouldn’t stop to ask me
Who the hell I think I am
-Bob Marley (1992)
1.6.1 On method and clinical research
This study examines data from one aspect of the music therapy
relationship. As an examination of the “final product” of a large number of
music therapy sessions with many different clients, this study provides insight into
some of the issues that are important to clients in this particular setting. It is
important to be aware that there are many aspects of the music therapy
process. Studying all of them is beyond the scope of this paper. The purpose is
to convey some of the unique stylistic attributes and clinical issues of working
with this particular medium. I will also portray, through their own words in rap,
the concerns and experiences of my clients.
Aigen (2002) states that music therapy theories must be presented in the
context of clinical work. In attempting to formulate a theory of rap music as a
clinical resource, I wanted to use research techniques that would yield theory
that is firmly grounded in the data. This was the rationale for choosing a
research approach based on content analysis and grounded theory (Berg,
1995; Strauss and Corbin, 1998). I agree with Aigen’s statement that the best
way for others to judge the value of clinical work is to present a sense of the

client’s development. Because I was dealing with a transient client population
and seeing individuals for a very short period of time, I am not able to provide a
detailed picture of client development. In this clinical/community setting at the
youth shelter, clients may participate for one session or 12 sessions. There is no
way of predicting how long any given client will be involved. At every session,
the group membership is different. For these reasons, every session must be
treated as a first and last session. The nature of working under these conditions
demands more attention to the Here and Now (Perls,1969) than to tracking
development. Though there is little in the way of observable progress to present
about any client, their emotional/creative/musical expression of their Here and
Now at the time of the session is captured and presented through the transcripts
and audio documents on the CD.
Like Aigen (2002), I am committed to the idea that “the researcher has an
obligation to generate and present knowledge in a form that others can
assimilate and apply in their own local context, which in music therapy can be a
particular culture, clinical population, age group, or model of music therapy”
(Aigen, p. 22). It is for this reason that I will not only analyze the data, but I will
also describe the clinical techniques that produced the data)12. The
prevalence of Hip Hop in youth culture and the growing accessibility of high
quality portable recording equipment makes this research relevant to any music
12 Refer to chapter 2. 2

therapist or mental health worker who chooses to work with members of youth
culture in a culturally sensitive way.
1.6.2 On Presentation of information
This study is not just a presentation of the musical events that occurred
within the music therapy session. Extracts of recordings are included with this
paper to help the reader have a vicarious experience of the session. These
experiences can be used to better judge the validity of arguments presented in
this paper, and ideally to create meaningful dialogue in the field of music
therapy, culturally sensitive therapy, or qualitative research. Readers wishing to
fully understand this paper must listen to the audio examples while reading. The
transcripts are a useful tool for analyzing the data, but they are a faint
representation of the phenomena under study. The icon is used to indicate
audio extracts that must be listened to.
The audio examples on the CD are needed for taking readers closer to
the research milieu. However, readers are cautioned from thinking that audio
represents a complete and objective record of what occurred in the music
therapy session (Perakyla, 1997). The audio recordings only portray the
performance of an improvised or pre-composed piece of music. None of the
events leading up to or following the music are depicted in this study. This does
not diminish the importance of such events; they are simply not the object of
research in this project. There is also a limit to the number and length of audio

excerpts that could reasonably be included. I have attempted to choose audio
excerpts that are representative of the data, and that readers will find
engaging. The selection of excerpts clearly involves biases. I have made every
attempt to keep mine in check, but another researcher working with the same
data set would not necessarily make the same decisions.
1.6.3 On theoretical considerations
Music is an important and multi-functioning object in human life. This is
particularly true for members of youth culture where music is an ever-present
and deeply influential cultural force. Music touches so many areas of human life
and living that music therapists should:
seek concepts and theories to support or shed light upon their clinical work, any
and all of these areas of human inquiry are available. Rather than expecting
any one area to provide support and insight for all forms of music therapy
practice, it is most fruitful for theorists to choose that area which is most
congruent with the particular form of clinical work being examined, in terms of its
epistemology, and phenomena of interest (Aigen 2002, p27).
This research leans on the concepts developed by writers in music therapy
and related fields. Though Aigen (2002) does not refer to Hip Hop in his writings,
his work on popular music and groove-based music in clinical improvisation is
invaluable in terms of clarifying both clinical and research approach. The
ethnomusicologist Cheryl Keyes (1996, 2000, 2002) and American studies scholar
Trica Rose (1994), demonstrate a clear understanding and analysis of the

structure, aesthetics, and functions of rap music in American society. The
ethnomusicologists Steven Feld and Charles Kiel (1994) provide important
information regarding the social role of groove-based music experiences. During
this study I increased my understanding of rap music by listening repeatedly to
songs by such artists as Tupac Shakur, Paris, Eminiem, Public Enemy, 50 –Cent
and the Wu-Tang Clan. The scholars Stephens & Wright (2000) were influential in
alerting me to the potential of using rap music lyrics as a source of qualitative
data. All of these writers and artists have helped to increase background
knowledge that was invaluable in the process of data analysis.
1.6.4 Stance as a Researcher
My interest in studying the rap lyrics of these music therapy clients is
grounded in my belief that this project can contribute to the growing body of
qualitatively derived information on the clinical-improvisation process in music
therapy. The aesthetics of Hip Hop are omnipresent in the lives of the youth.
Using their music can provide a powerful tool in the music therapy process, not
only because it is their music but because this music invites participation through
its groove or compelling rhythmic structures (Feld & Keil, 1994). Additionally, its
aesthetic and historical context naturally promotes creativity, self-expression,
and change to those who share in its culture.
Throughout this study I have been careful to monitor my biases. The
trustworthiness of this study depends on my ability to be an honest and accurate

instrument for reporting the results. To maintain a systematic and rigorous
approach to the research I returned to the data many times. A bias that I have
held throughout this study is that in music therapy with youth, contemporary
music is an important medium, as is the process of using high quality instruments
and recording equipment. During the course of data collection I developed an
interest and belief in the importance of using groove-based music in the music
therapy process with youth. As the process of data collection ensued, I focused
on the music therapy process more and more and on the clinical recording of
rap and related popular styles. I offered less of the other possible music therapy
techniques to my clients.
My musical interests cover a broad diversity of styles, genres, and geo-
cultural areas. I have long maintained a strong interest in the music of many
cultures and a passion for thinking about how diverse musics and music cultures
can inform clinical practice. Over the years I have maintained only a passing
familiarity with rap music, but through my deep interest in and performance
experiences with jazz, blues, and reggae music, I have always been interested in
and aware of the socio-cultural issues and realities related to musical systems
created in the African diaspora.
Working in the youth shelter and engaging in this research project has
rekindled an interest in contemporary popular music; particularly Hip Hop. It has
also motivated me to improve my skills on electric bass. The Hip Hop aesthetic
relies heavily on activity and syncopation in the lower frequencies, making the

electric bass an important accompanying instrument for clinical improvisation
when Hip Hop is being used as a clinical resource.
Although I have previously worked in a shelter for homeless men, I found
that working with homeless youth challenged some of my preconceptions of
homeless youth specifically, and youth culture in general. My diverse work
contracts keep me in relatively good contact with youth culture. Yet, each year
that I age removes me slightly from the nuances and developments of ever
changing aspects of youth culture. In this regard, work at the shelter is a
constant and evolving learning experience. The work in the youth shelter
challenged many of my notions about therapy, how it works, and what are
appropriate boundaries.
As these and other related issues were identified, they were discussed in
research and clinical supervision and a peer support group. The support group I
belonged to consisted of four other students conducting master’s level research
in music therapy. Supervision and the support group helped to ensure that I was
acting as a responsible researcher, clinician, and research instrument in this
study.
1.7 Research Paradigm and Epistemological Viewpoints
1.7.1 Qualitative research methods

During the last decade, many music therapists and music therapy
researchers have recognized that few quantitative research studies have
yielded clinically useful information about the nature of the music therapy
process. As a result, the use of qualitative research methods has grown
tremendously in the field of music therapy (Wheeler, 1995). During this time,
there have been interesting developments in research techniques for clinically-
improvised, process-driven music therapy (Lee, 2000; Brown and Pavlicevic 1997;
Arnason 2002; Aigen 2002). With the exception of Aigen, none of these studies
investigate the use of popular music structures in improvisational music therapy
and none investigate the nature of improvised lyrics in the music therapy
process. Rap music and Hip Hop culture are the subject of a number of
qualitative studies (Stephens and Wright, 2000; Pinn, 1998; Rose, 1994; and Keyes,
2002) Stephens & Wright (2000) specifically suggest the use of commercial rap
lyrics as a qualitative source of sociological data. They argue that selected rap
lyrics could provide valuable data about the lived experiences of some urban
Americans. The value that rap fans place on authenticity (keepin’ it real)
suggests that the analysis of rap lyrics from music therapy sessions may be an
even richer data source about the lived experience of the rappers. Attempting
to extrapolate many details about my music therapy clients’ quality of life and
lived experiences from the lyrics of their songs is beyond the scope of this
project.

Qualitative research methods are particularly well suited to the study of
music therapy. In both music therapy and qualitative research the practitioner
is the main instrument of practice. Quantitative methods are important in the
demonstration of the efficacy of music therapy, but these studies are difficult to
design in the reality of an individualized clinical approach. Music therapists
have turned to qualitative research paradigms that afford a better
understanding of the meaning and process of various aspects of music therapy
(Aasgaard, 2002; Kenny, 1995; Amir, 1996). Music therapists use a variety of
different models and methods of qualitative research ranging from
ethnographic research (Ely, 1990), phenomenological research (Forinash, 1995),
philosophical research (Aigen, 1996), and grounded theory (Nagler,1993; Amir,
1996).
Music therapists have borrowed and adapted theory from related
disciplines for many years. According to Aigen (1995), music therapy needs to
develop an indigenous theory from within the profession. According to Corbin
and Strauss (1998), theory should be grounded in the data. A grounded theory
is one that is inductively derived from the study of the phenomena it represents.
“One does not begin with preconceived theory in mind. . . . Rather, the
researcher begins with an area of study and allows the theory to emerge from
the data” (Corbin and Strauss, 1998, p. 12). Nagler (1993) writes:
It is through active participation in the music making process that a new clinical
understanding will ensue. As this understanding develops, the researcher is able
to draw conclusions and create a foundation for a theory. This is a significant

and necessary stage in the evolution of a research paradigm. As members of a
new and emerging field, music therapists are need of grounded theories that
have risen from clinical practice (Nagler, p.19).
I hope this study adds to the growing body of music therapy knowledge and
theory that is grounded in music-based data.
1.7.2 Epistemological stance
To obtain new knowledge about the phenomena under study, it is useful
to have an ongoing exploration of the relationship between the investigator
and the object of study. Although attempts are always made to minimize and
acknowledge biases, it is presumptuous to suggest that the findings of a study
are not influenced by the researcher. Choosing a topic, a method, and making
the plethora of micro-decisions needed for data analysis are always value laden
and subjective activities. Reality, according to the constructivist paradigm
(Bruscia, 1995; Guba & Lincoln, 1998 in Aasgaard ,2002), is always relative
because it is constructed out of the interaction of the data, the researcher’s
bias, pre-knowledge, and subjectivity. I am interactively linked to the data
under investigation because I acted as the music therapist in the sessions and
producer of most of the musical soundtracks for the raps. I therefore have a
high degree of nearness to the data (Aasgaard, 2002) as I am linked to both the
object of research (the raps) and the subjects of the research (the music
therapy clients). I share some experiences related to the phenomena in

question, but there are probably more experiences connected to the raps that I
do not share. I can not provide the definitive interpretation of the raps, and in
fact no one can. There are many possible interpretations and mine are one of
many possibilities. However, the strength of my analysis is that it is informed by
immersion in the data, broad knowledge of related subject areas, and
knowledge of the context in which the music was created. It is my belief that
through rigorous data analysis, keeping biases in check, and following a logical
method, one can arrive at interpretations that are grounded in the data and
result in a meaningful and clinically useful theory. To achieve the goals of this
research, a qualitative paradigm was chosen. The relatively small sample size,
the inability to control variables in the clinical/community environment, and the
objective to better understand process, meaning, and aesthetics, all pointed to
the use of a qualitative method and paradigm. The details of the method are
described in Chapter Two.
According to Strauss & Corbin (1998), grounded theory “analysis is the
interplay between researcher and the data” (Strauss & Corbin, p 13). In this
research, this interplay involved many dialogues between the data and my pre-
knowledge and evolving knowledge from a wide variety of fields. These include
Afro-diasporic music and culture, music theory, psychotherapy theory, cultural
studies, and many others. The heavy involvement of the researcher’s pre-
knowledge in a study of this nature suggests the use of abductive reasoning in
the analysis of data and the formation of conclusions (Pierce, 1965).

CHAPTER 2 – METHOD
2.1 Clinical Context
This study is an examination of the meaning, process and product of new
music therapy techniques involving rap and related musical styles and digital
recording technology. As such there are two levels of method in this study. First
are the clinical methods, from which the data were collected. The second level
is the research method used to organize and analyze the data.
2.1.1 The Clinical Setting
All of the data were collected during weekly “drop-in” music therapy
sessions in the large TV room at Tumivut, a mid-town youth shelter in Toronto.
Tumivut is operated by the Aboriginal community of Toronto and most staff are
First-Nations Canadians. The residents are a diverse multi-ethnic mix. Many of
the youth express membership in contemporary urban youth culture, through
their slang, clothing style, and musical preferences.
2.1.2 The Participants
The music therapy group was open to all residents of the shelter. The
shelter accommodates youth from a diversity of ethnic backgrounds between
the ages of 16 and 24. The drop-in nature of the group meant that individuals
could arrive and leave at anytime during the two-hour session. The group size

ranged from 1-12 participants. The recordings which were analyzed were
made with many people singing and playing instruments. The recordings
represent the creative output of 33 different vocalists. Due to the drop-in nature
of the group it was not practical to keep a record of the exact number of
instrumentalists who participated. This research will focus on the lyrical
expression of the 33 participants. Formal data were not kept on demographic
characteristics of the participants. However it is known that they came from
diverse ethnic backgrounds such as Aboriginal Canadians, West-Indian
Canadians, white Canadians, and new immigrants from East- Africa.
2.1.3 The Music Therapy Interventions
The room was arranged with a variety of pitched and un-pitched
percussion instruments. In addition to the acoustic instruments, electric
instruments (vocal microphones, guitar, and bass) and electronic instruments
(drum machine and a Line-6 loop sampler)1 were set up through a stand-alone,
16-channel mixer/ hard drive recorder (Korg D16). The D16 is a 16 channel
mixer with an internal, two gigabyte hard drive. In addition to its functions as a
mixer, it has many of the functions one would find in recording software on a
1 This device is a foot controlled instrument. It allows the user to record and instantaneously
playback a recording of up to 28 seconds. Additionally, it allows for unlimited layering, for
example, a bass line can be recorded and switched seamlessly to playback. Then a rhythm
guitar part can be added, and as it again switches seamlessly to the beginning of the loop
another guitar part can be added. Thus I am able to create multi layer, instrumental tracks,
while improvising live music , with out taking my hands off of the instrument. I have found this to
be very useful tool in a variety of music therapy contexts. Listen to CD track # 28 , for a
demonstration of four separate guitar parts being played live in real time by one guitarist
through the Line 6.

computer, or the recording hardware of a recording studio. This allows for the
recording and playback of CD-quality, multi-track audio. Each of the tracks can
be mixed during recording or playback. The output of the mixer was connected
to a medium sized keyboard amplifier.
Once the equipment was set up, the process of music therapy was briefly
explained to the participants and they were asked about what type of musical
activities they would like to experience. They would usually be offered four
experiences:
1) To play and record improvised songs.
2) To play and record songs or poetry that they had prewritten (many of
the youth kept journals where they write their own poetry and original
rap songs).
3) To engage in acoustic free-form music therapy improvisations.
4) To do relaxation and music exercises.
The group members chose a variety of experiences, but most sessions
revolved around giving different group members the opportunity to try different
roles in the first two activities. The different roles that members played in these
activities were: rapper/singer, listener/encourager, instrumentalist, and
percussionist. At times, some members wanted to operate the drum machine;
although I learned that showing them how to operate the machine took too
much time away from the group. Nagler (1993) studied the use of digital music
technology with children in crisis. One of his conclusions was that the

technology needs to be “transparent” to be accessible to clients in the music
therapy process. He defines transparent technology as devices that can be
used as easily as hitting a cymbal with a drum stick.
The state of transparency in present technology is marginal at best. Before wide scale
acceptance can be considered by the therapeutic community…, there is a need for a
fundamental shift from the oblique to the transparent in the way digital music
technology are manufactured and configured for use. (Nagler, 1993, p. 151).
Early on in this process I realized that the drum machine was not a sufficiently
transparent piece of technology. I therefore decided to use it as a tool that I
would operate to facilitate the music, but not involve the group participants in
its operation. When the youth opted to record songs, they were asked to
suggest a stylistic framework. Rap, classic rock, reggae, and, alternative rock
were all requested. I then offered a choice of musical frameworks2 in the
requested style to work within.
I made an effort to get everybody involved, whether it was creating the
framework, providing the vocal part, or keeping time on a ride cymbal.
Participation among the group members ranged from competent guitarists who
could provide the musical framework, to group members who preferred to
listen. Since the group was a drop-in format with a transient population, it was
not possible to predict how long any one participant would stay in the process.
Due to the indefinite length of the process, every session was treated as a first
2 Frame working (Wigram, 2004) is a common technique in music therapy improvisations, where
the therapist provides structure by improvising within the stylistic confines of a recognizable style.
It usually involves utilizing characteristic rhythms, chord progressions, or riffs.

and last session. As it was important to build as much trust as possible, a non-
threatening and usually non-directive approach was taken.
Once the genre was selected and agreed on, the group started to play
the instruments and use microphones patched through the mixer. The recorder
was kept on standby and when the music developed, I switched it into record
mode3. The groups improvised music until the music found its own ending or
until I facilitated an ending because the group was losing its focus.
In order to approximate the Hip Hop aesthetic4 as closely as possible, I
realized that repetition and layering would both be important characteristics of
my musical interventions. I was able to create the necessary repetition and
increase the number of musical layers that were operating in the music via a
Line-6 loop sampler5 which was used for the guitar and bass lines.
Often group members would express interest in rapping to the
accompaniment of their favorite CDs. When this occurred I connected the CD
player to the Line-6 loop sampler, and played the CD until a complete beat
cycle was heard without lyrics. By triggering “record” on the downbeat of the
beat cycle and by triggering “playback” on the downbeat of the next beat
3 Ideally I would have liked to record the entire piece. Usually it would take the group a few bars
to a few minutes to get a groove together. Unfortunately, my hard drive recorder has a
relatively small memory (2GB) and would run out of memory mid session if it was left recording
constantly. This means that some interesting beginnings and endings were not recorded. Music
therapists wishing to do similar work are advised to get as large a hard drive as possible. Many
affordable contemporary devices come with 40-60 GB drives and built in CD writers.
4 Refer to the literature review for a discussion on the components of the Hip Hop aesthetic.

cycle, I was able to create a loop out of their favorite pieces that they could
use as an accompaniment.
2.2 Research Method
2.2.1 Data Collection
Over the course of the year that the sessions were being performed, 69
recordings of songs were made. Forty-four songs were improvised or had mostly
improvised content, while twenty-one had lyrics that were prewritten by the
youth, four songs contained both prewritten and improvised sections. All were
in popular music styles including rap/spoken word (52/ 4), classic rock (2),
alternative rock (2), funk (3), blues (2), heavy metal (1) and reggae (3 Thirty-
three individuals participated in the recordings as vocalists. Some appear in
only one song while six appear in 7-9 separate recordings. Thirty-one of the
songs were collected prior to the formulation of this research topic. Ethical
approval for the use of these recordings was granted from the research ethics
committee at Wilfrid Laurier University (WLU) (See appendix). The committee
allowed the use of the first thirty-one songs as secondary use of data. Informed
consent was obtained for the subsequent pieces. The names of participants
have been changed, and their voices have been digitally altered on the
recordings.

2.2.2 Grounded Theory Research Method
This study employs a qualitative research method based on the procedures
of content analysis and grounded theory as described by Strauss & Corbin
(1998), and Berg (1995). Kenny (1996) implores researchers to adapt method to
the demands of the data and to accurately detail and convey the method
used. Once the data were gathered and transcribed verbatim they were
analyzed according to an adapted version of grounded theory procedures that
are described in detail below.
1. Following each music therapy session, I transferred the recordings from
the hard drive recorder to my computer, where the recordings were
archived in mp3 format. The songs were listened to and mixed during this
operation, gaining a preliminary familiarity with the data.
2. The recordings were loaded into audio play back software. I was then
able to easily listen to each recording in the order in which they were
made. The entire body of work (rap and all other pieces) was listened to.
Playback was only paused between, and not during the pieces at this
stage. While listening, I made notes of anything that might have
potential significance. Statements were considered interesting if they
included: possible themes and categories for analysis; comments about
group process; comments about musical interplay between my musical
facilitation and the vocalists singing/rapping and transcriptions of lyrics
that stood out as potentially significant.

3. I listened to the recordings a second time. This time, playback was
frequently stopped to make additional notes about anything that stood
out as potentially significant. At this point I had achieved adequate
familiarity with the data to begin forming categories.
4. Step three was repeated twice. The second time I added more detail to
the notes and looked for more themes that were emerging from the
data. These first three stages of analysis were labeled “preliminary
listening”. The notes from this stage were reviewed. During this review
themes, and categories began to emerge. At this point I determined
that a greater depth of analysis would be beneficial. A smaller number
of pieces were selected for lyric transcription and more detailed content
analysis (Berg, 1995). I decided to focus the study on rap music ,pieces
that exemplified the Hip Hop aesthetic were chosen for further analysis.
5. All the non-rap pieces were eliminated from consideration for
transcription and detailed analysis. Then additional pieces were selected
on the basis of increasing the diversity of content, and finding pieces that
appeared to be similar to those already transcribed. Fourteen raps were
then transcribed verbatim. In accordance with the methods of
ethnographers and ethnomusicologists (Heritage 1997, Keyes 2002) the
transcriptions were made, to reflect the slang, inflection and speech
patterns of the participants.

6. The transcripts were subjected to content analysis6 (Berg 1995, Strauss
and Corbin, 1998) in which themes were organized into different
meaning units, or categories. 7 The preliminary categories were formed
through a simultaneous process of open and axial coding (Strauss &
Corbin, 1998). This was done by using a word processor to cut sections
from the transcriptions and paste them into a “theme chart”.
7. The pieces were then listened to again while following the transcript.
Notes were made about the overall theme(s) in each piece and this was
cross checked to the original “theme chart” on the word processor.
8. The “theme chart” which contained data only from the transcribed
pieces was then compared with the “preliminary listening” chart to see if
new transcriptions might generate new themes, or otherwise enrich the
data analysis.
9. Each category was examined independently. At this stage of analysis
connections were made between sub-categories to determine if any
6 On another level, analysis of these music examples began before I choose a research topic.
As the clinician involved in the music’s production I had listened critically to many of these
examples and taken some into my clinical supervision sessions with two different supervisors
representing different models of music therapy practice. During this process, ideas and theories
were beginning to be formed and tested in the primary data, (the recordings) and the
secondary data (recordings and notes of supervision sessions, notes made during the analysis,
and continuing analytic memos.)
7
Only the lyrics were transcribed. Rose (1994) warns that the unconventional techniques for
music making in Hip Hop are an important aspect of the meaning and subtext and should be
included in a thorough analysis of rap music. For example, the popularity of sampling could be
read as subversive commentary on capitalist copyright laws. Her point is an important one and
I would be more concerned about my omission of the musical analysis if the participants were
more involved in the creation of the music. I was responsible for creating most of the
soundtracks for the rappers, and the lyrics alone provided a source of data that were sufficiently
rich for the purpose of this study.

sub-categories could be consolidated together. Each time a category
was re-examined sub-categories were consolidated and new sub-
categories were formed. Then the entire body of data was examined
again to determine if any other examples belonged in the sub-category
in question. This was done for every category, thus the complete data
set was re-examined and restructured ten times.
10. Each category and sub-category was then counted to determine how
many examples and how many participants were represented. This was
an important step in the analysis. Some categories had to have their
significance reevaluated and restructured when it became apparent
that a large category was the work of only one or two participants.
11.The analysis was further analyzed in this final step, connections between
categories and themes were made.

Yo! Can ya Flow? Chapter 3 40
CHAPTER 3 - DATA ANALYIS AND DISCUSSION
…And I can’t believe turning from a boy to man
But bettah yet I’m turning from concepts to understand
Processin’ in my mind and that’s why I freestyle
-Faisal1- Faisal with Dollah Improvisation
3.0 Data Analysis –Turnin’ from concepts to understand2
The initial open and axial coding of data (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) yielded
21 categories. These categories each contained up to nine sub-categories.
Further analysis of the data allowed themes and categories to shift, to reveal
nine main theme areas, each with multiple sub-categories. These theme areas
revealed a rich variety of topics and issues that the participants expressed
during the course of data collection. The final categories represented the
following themes:
1. Authenticity & Emotional Expression 9 sub categories
2. Rapper as critical theorist 5 sub categories
3. Boasting 6 sub categories
4. Rap Battles/ Insults 3 sub categories
5. Drugs 5 sub categories
6. Evidence of group process 4sub categories
7. Spirituality 6 sub categories
1
Names have been changed.
2
Following the recommendations of researchers involved in conversation analysis, attempts
were made to transcribe the raps phonetically (Heritage, 1997). This is done to preserve the
speaker’s inflection, and to allow the readers to get closer to the data source. These words
were “spoken” in the context of music, and readers are requested to listen to the enclosed CD
to gain a clearer picture of the data under examination.

8. Violence 4 sub categories
9. Musical word play 3 sub categories
In grounded theory research, techniques need to be adapted to the unique
demands of any data set (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). This data analysis is a lyric
analysis. In any form of poetry, there may be surface meaning, double
meanings, sub texts, context, and literary tropes such as metaphor (Rumelhart,
1993). Individual units of datum frequently fit multiple categories. When this
happened, data were included in all relevant categories. The Evidence of
group process category often had overlaps with other categories. For example,
when James performed spoken word, he was clearly expressing deep pain and
loneliness. His expression took the form of a prayer, and another group member was
providing him with encouragement. So the example:
J: Well My mind is filled with sickness
Sexual disease
Come Jah3, fill me Jah
Oh Jah oh you have forsaken me Jah
Please do not leave me Jah
K: Feel it
J: Fill me Jah I am the only one left
K: Got nothin’
J: And I’ll still be the only one left
was categorized under the following categories and sub-categories: Spirituality;
Prayer: Evidence of group process; Lyrical encouragement; Expression of
emotions; Loneliness. There was a lot of overlap between different sections and
this will be discussed throughout this chapter.
3
Jah is a name of God used in the Rastafarian religion.

During the first stages of data analysis, I had formed the following
preliminary expectations:
1) The self-expression articulated in most raps was rich in meaning and
was of potential therapeutic value. However there was content in a
number of songs that was of questionable therapeutic value, or
seemed to raise a number of questions regarding its therapeutic value.
2) Creating Hip Hop music requires an attention to technological devices
that is not found in other types of music therapy work. I worried that
the attention the technology required, and the drop-in nature of the
group was interfering with group process to the extent that there may
not be enough group process occurring to call the process "group
therapy".
The data supported the first expectation and challenged the second. The
codes that emerged strongly paralleled the issues, topics, or categories that one
would expect to hear people expressing in various forms of verbal therapy.
Keepin’ it real–Emotional expression&Authenticity.13
Not trying to put ya off
And make ya feel bad
‘Cause inside you know I be the man
Who feels sad
-Sam: James Freestyle Apr 16
…Nevah fuckin’ spit fake rhymes we always stay true
Me and my crew we got to do what we got to do
To survive, just to get by everyday nevah lie

We walk the streets with a mean ass look
‘Cause I aint no half way crook…
-Sun May 2003
Listen CD Track #1
As illustrated in the second example there were a number of references in
the songs and the literature on Hip Hop (Keyes, 2002) related to the importance
of authenticity or keepin’ it real as a cultural value in Hip Hop culture. From the
perspective of rap music fans, it is of great importance for expression in rap
songs to be real and to reflect the lived experiences or direct observations and
thoughts of the rappers. This point is reflected by the absence of cover songs in
Hip Hop. For rappers, an important part of being authentic is the creation of
their own texts that reflect who they are (Keyes, 2002). For members of youth
culture who are involved in Hip Hop, this makes rap music a potentially
compelling therapeutic tool. Music therapists generally hope to engage
clients in authentic, self-reflective, self-expression. It is usually assumed that
when people express and connect with their emotional states and triggers, they
will develop greater insight into their own human condition, and become better
able to develop creative ways of improving their circumstances (Yalom,1980).
For rap music fans and members of Hip Hop culture this is a natural step when
using rap music in music therapy. The expectation to be authentic and self–
expressive is built into rap music.
Expression of authentic emotions was a frequent category that emerged
during the process of open coding. The clients expressed sadness, frustration

with life on the streets, hope for the future, hopelessness, loneliness,
abandonment, hatred and other emotions. The following table illustrates the
sub-categories that emerged during the process of axial coding of this
category, with one example from each category.
Sub-category Example
Hope
/Hopelessness
7 examples
5 participants
But here we are as young people we
are
We have to think positive toward the
future
And learn
from the mistakes we make
Tami improvised poetry
Expression of
Emotions
Sadness
8 examples
5 participants
God send me an angel
from the heaven’s above
to wipe the tears from my eyes
…
“Send me an angel to heal my broken
heart from being in love
Cause all I do is cryin’
to wipe the tears from eyes.”
Angel –Apr 8 2003

Anger
3 examples
3 participant
Yo cops ya’ll deserve to die
Yo bitch niggaz ya’ll deserve to die
Yo rats ya’ll deserve to die
Yo FBI ya’ll deserve to die
Yo government ya’ll deserve to die
Faisal with Dollah
Listen CD Track #2
Loneliness
3 examples
3 participants
4My life is endless no limit to it
My destiny is vague, I look up I see
nothing but rain
Many say life is all struggle, yes indeed
it is
Come Jah oh please
Oh Jah don’t leave me Jah please
My life is the dark moon
I don’t know who to follow
James Freestyle Apr. 2
Frustration with
hardships
6 examples
5 participants
Our visions getting faded
So tired of livin’ this livin’ we are livin’
Make you weak minds feel
they gotta give in
Now’s the time to live prosperity…
Sue: Sue Apr. 8
Listen CD track #3
Hatred
2 examples
2 participants
Yo my brain’s sharper than thistles
I hate you blow you up into
evaporated sweat crystals
Bill : Group Improvisation
Table 1
This category of expression of emotions had important overlaps with all
other categories; suggesting that emotional expression is at the root of, or
motivating, most of the expressions in the other categories. It is clear from the
data that this rap music is a useful tool to share and vent both positive and
negative emotions. This is important in group psychotherapy for cathartic
reasons and for group process, thus allowing the group to capitalize on the
therapeutic factors of universality and instillation of hope (Yalom, 1995).
4 This example was categorized in the sub-categories loneliness and hopelessness.

An important sub-category was Frustration with Shelter Life. The stresses of
poverty, unemployment, disconnection from family and the stress of over 60 youth living
under one roof were expressed in this category. In the following example Calvin uses
the spoken word sub-genre of rap to express his frustration with the daily routines in the
shelter.
You know what happen today
I was upstairs
And I had a chore
And the lady who works in the building
Told me to go wash some dishes
But I refused
And then she said
The key words
If you refuse
You shall be amused by getting’ discharged
And I said that’s not fair
Beause I don’t want to stick hands in no water
But no
This lady was disrespectful
and immune to a man’s feelings
But
in the end
I did for mine
My heart and soul
Because I need a place to sleep for the night
Ya know
As I look at it
It is not to much to ask
For one lonely guy
to do some dishes
But the fucked up thing is
I was already assigned to a chore
But instead the lady crossed my name off a that one
and put my name and put it on another one
So what am I supposed to do?
Calvin : Spoken word #1
Listen CD Track #29
It is also important to investigate negative cases, or examples in the data
that contradict the main findings (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Chris was a client

who came to many sessions. He had a very good voice and could flow. That is,
he could ably rhyme within the rhythmic constraints of rap music. Music from
Chris reveals lots of word play and verbal/musical improvisations by an individual
with strong musicality and musical sensibilities. However he expresses and says
very little. He rarely engaged in self-expression. Because he came to so many
sessions as an active participant, I do not think that the sessions were any less
valuable to him than to the other participants. Although he did not express
much in the way of deep thoughts, emotions, or reprocessing previous
experiences, he was deeply involved in a satisfying music-making experience.
The implication of this finding is further discussed in the analysis of the category
Musical Word Play.
3.2 Rapper as a Critical Theorist (RACT) - Signifyin’
And so the need for greed causes that one to lead
Can’t no one believe
How much one can deceive
So while the’re dreamin’ and sceamin’ and claimin’ truth and their lies
Somebody really needs to tell ‘em they need a better disguise
Cause real eyes, real lies
Real lies…
-Karen: Group Improvisation #1
Listen CD Track #4
As a person who has traveled across the world, to over 40 countries, I can attest to the
fact that the common people on the earth have long suffered, and swallowed the
bullet of the greed of governmental rule and arrogance. Power is a funny thing, when
poured on the few individuals that are selected to govern people, no matter where

they’re at on the earth... it makes manipulation a close cousin. Mad questions abound.
- Chuck D (Leader of Public Enemy) Sept. 13 20015
This category was formed in response to the observation that rappers
(both commercial rappers and my clients) often performed lyrics that critique
social institutions and structures. Commercial rappers tend to represent young,
urban, Black America. Artists such as Paris, Public Enemy, Arrested Development,
2Pac Shakur, and others posit themselves as critical theorists 6as they critique the
obvious and subtle social structures and institutions that have contributed to the
ongoing oppression and marginalization of their people for centuries. This
practice has been identified as an African American oral tradition that goes
back to the times of slavery (Jackson, 2004; Levine, 1977; Campbell, 1995). In
African American oral culture this practice is referred to as signifying.
“signifying”- meaning, in this case a way of rendering powerless through
language an uncompromising oppressor…I see signifying ultimately as the use of
language or discourse to affirm cultural identity and community in the face of
the imposition of cultural dominance and oppression. (Campbell, 1995 p.1)
5
Retrieved from the archive of Chuck D’s essays at
http://www.publicenemy.com/index.php?page=page3&item=43 on June 4, 2004.
6 Critical theory is being used in this context to refer to a multifaceted critique of social structures
and institutions that maintain the socially unequal and unjust status quo. Critical theory often
has Marxist influences calling for the redistribution of wealth, and power to the disenfranchised
(Stige, 2002). Cresswell (1998) defines Critical Theory as “the scientific study of social institutions
and their transformations through interpreting the meanings of social life; the historical problems
of domination, alienation, and social struggles; and a critique of society and the envisioning of
new possibilities” p. 253

The participants represented a wide variety of cultural backgrounds.
However, as street youth, my clients represent a distinct marginalized group
irrespective of their individual ethnic backgrounds. Many of the youth are in
the shelter system because they have been marginalized and abused by their
families and by mainstream society. Although none of my clients are African-
Americans, many come from traditionally marginalized ethnic groups such as
First Nations Canadians, West Indian immigrants of African and Indian descent,
African immigrants, and other immigrant communities. Like any individual, their
personal identities are a complex matrix of life history, ethnic group, religion,
age, race, class, experience, and education level. Youth of many ethnic
groups and social classes (even those of traditionally privileged backgrounds)
may experience marginalization by virtue of being adolescents. Adolescence
can be a difficult developmental stage even under the best socio-economic
conditions, because childhood is over, but acceptance into the world of adults
has not yet been accomplished. Youth in shelters typically belong to a number
of disenfranchised groups.
Now, see my name is me
I’m young and Cree
I’m almost legendary
I grew up with no family
This makes me crazy in my mind
Makes me rewind
Makes me go crazy
Makes me almost go blind
Mel: Mel and Eddie Rap
Listen CD Track #5

Yo! Can you flow?

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