This document summarizes strategies to reduce alcohol-related harms through policy. It discusses how problem-oriented policing was used successfully in Australia to identify high-risk bars through feedback audits. This allowed police to target enforcement at the small number of bars responsible for most alcohol-related incidents. The document also discusses how increasing the perceived probability of punishment, rather than punishment severity, is more effective at deterring criminal behavior related to alcohol. High-visibility enforcement campaigns that couple intense enforcement with publicity, such as "Drive Sober or Get Pulled Over", have been shown to reduce drunk driving deaths.

1. Reducing Alcohol Harms through Policy
Sarah Wishahy
Hobby Center for Public Policy
The University of Houston
November 11, 2013

2. Wishahy - 2
Introduction
Background
Since the repeal of prohibition, many laws have been passed to control the use of alcohol and
reduce the negative consequences that are associated with intoxication. Unfortunately, there has
been little consensus on how to best address the issue of alcohol-related crimes such as drunk
driving and public intoxication. Some tactics call for stricter punitive laws, while others believe
that shifting to a public health approach would be a more effective alcohol deterrence policy.
Although many public policies have been implemented to deter drunk driving, alcohol-related
crashes still cost an estimated 37 billion dollars annually nationwide (National Highway Traffic
Safety Administration 2013). Substance abuse has become one of America’s foremost domestic
problems, and Houston’s Harris County in particular is facing a serious DWI fatality problem. In
2010, Harris County earned itself the nickname of the “drunk-driving capital” after being
identified as the worst major-metropolitan county in the nation in terms of the number of alcohol
related deaths per capita. Sixty percent of all traffic fatalities in the county were alcohol related,
as compared to the national average of thirty percent (Pinkerton 2009). The problem continued
into 2011 with TxDot reporting 167 fatalities linked to drunk driving in Harris County alone. Jeff
Kaufman, the transportation safety manager at Houston-Galveston Area Council, says “the
region has experienced a DWI epidemic where far too many people have died or been injured on
the roads due to someone driving under the influence” (Stanton 2012).
While progress has been made within the last 20 years, Texas consistently holds the highest
percentage of alcohol-related deaths in the nation (National Highway Traffic Safety
Administration 2013). NHTSA 2011 statistics show Texas as having the greatest reduction in the
number of alcohol impaired driving fatalities in the nation with 57 fewer deaths than in 2010;
however, those 57 fewer deaths only account for a 4.5% reduction of drunk-driving fatalities in
the state. Furthermore, alcohol remains the primary drug of abuse in Texas. “In 2011, twenty-
nine percent of all clients who were admitted to a publicly funded treatment program in Texas
identified alcohol as their primary problem” (Maxwell 2012). Drinking and driving continues to
be a focal point for new legislation in Texas, and while statistics are showing that Texas is

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progressing in the right direction by reducing the amount of impaired-driving fatalities, there is
still work to be done in developing a program that adequately addresses drunk driving and
alcohol-related crimes.
This paper aims to examine the effectiveness of the different types of alcohol control policies in
the United States and the State of Texas and will also identify and review strategies that may
lead to increased compliance and bolster deterrence efforts. Due to the prevalence of alcohol use
in Texas, it is important for legislation to adequately address the multifaceted issue of alcohol
abuse from both enforcement and public health standpoints. Alcoholism is often times a
comorbid illness linked to a variety of mental health issues. It is important, then, that alcohol
control policies and related intervention policies recognize the relationship between these
illnesses and risk factors that are relevant to the community. Houston, for example, has an
estimated population of 2,500 chronically homeless with about half of that population suffering
from mental health problems (Miller 2013). Before policies can effectively counter harmful
drinking behaviors and deter future alcohol related crimes, community risk factors must be
identified so that the proper services and treatment programs can be made available to the
community. By examining the current policies in place, policy makers can use the findings to
implement more effective and cost-efficient alcohol control policies and reduce the prevalence of
alcohol related harms in the community. Additionally, by examining the external costs of alcohol
abuse, administrators can better determine areas of priority while developing a better framework
for addressing this wicked problem.
Literature Review
ENFORCEMENT POLICIES
Many promising alcohol regulation strategies exist which aim to reduce alcohol impairment and
the harms that stem from over-indulgence. The most well-known approaches are two-fold,
involving enforcement and deterrence efforts to keep citizens from engaging in high-risk
behaviors while drinking. Excise taxes and the establishment of a minimum drinking age are two

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of the major federal legislative tools used to regulate alcohol consumption. State beverage
controls regulate the sale and service of alcohol while municipal governments control the
locations where alcohol is sold through zoning ordinances. Alcohol regulation is inherently
complicated, making it difficult to predict the effect of any given regulatory change; many
variables are dependent on the context of the environment in which drinking takes place.
According to the Alcohol, Other Drugs, and Transportation Committee of the Transportation
Research Board, “public health and safety are not priorities for laws at the federal level” as the
federal government is more concerned with tax collection and market stabilization of alcohol
sales. In contrast, “States are given the task of promoting health and temperance through their
regulations of alcohol sales and service [through] licensing and control systems” (Transportation
Research Board 2007). Enforcement is complicated by the fact that laws regarding alcohol
consumption cannot be overly burdensome to the point of adversely interfering with interstate
commerce. In essence, alcohol beverage laws are a “balancing act” between the establishment of
a steady revenue stream and regulation and protection of the public.
Problem-Oriented Policing
Law enforcement agencies frequently recognized the importance of a multidimensional approach
to reduce alcohol-related crime, “employing concepts of traditional policing as well as education
of licensees and servers, prevention strategies, and environmental approaches consistent with the
agency’s mission” (Transportation Research Board 2007). One such approach that has been
particularly successful in Australia applies the principles of problem-oriented policing (POP).
POP relies on “freshly-learned” information, placing a “high value on new responses that are
preventative in nature, that are not dependent on the use of the criminal justice system, and that
engage other public agencies, the community and the private sector when their involvement has
the potential for significantly contributing to the reduction of the problem” (Transportation
Research Board 2007). The South Wales community employed a feedback-audit approach rather
than the traditional reactive policing model. The POP-approach utilized by the police department
enlisted community support to gain a better understanding of the factors contributing to
increased aggression at local bars by creating a broad-based coalition of community members,
bar managers, government regulators and other stakeholders. The approach required various

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stakeholders to respond to a list of questions related to incidents of disorderly conduct occurring
at licensed establishments. The data collected from the various stakeholders helped police create
an alcohol-linkage program that predicted situations where there was an increased likelihood of
an alcohol-related incident to occur. The following are some of critical questions asked by
enforcement officers when analyzing the local problem of assaults in and around bars that could
be easily replicated for other communities. The answers helped officers gather information from
the various stakeholders to design a more effective response strategy:
Table 1. Responding to Violence and Aggression in Bars
Independent Questions
Is the problem primarily one of bar fights, public inebriates assaulting one another, strong-arm
robberies, sexual assaults, bias-motivated assaults, or something else?
What precipitates the attacks (e.g., verbal exchanges/insults, threats, disagreements, long-
standing disputes, or advances to girlfriends/boyfriends)?
Do the assaults stem from conflicts between individuals or between groups? If groups, are they
criminal groups such as gangs?
Do the precipitating conflicts initiate in the bar or elsewhere? How/why do verbal aggressions
escalate into physical assaults?
Is there a widespread perception that certain bars or entertainment districts are dangerous
because of assaults?
What weapons, if any, do offenders use in assaults?
Victim Questions
Who is assaulted?
Do victims report the assaults to the police? (Why or why not)
What are the characteristics of victims who report compared with those who do not?
Are victims typically drunk?
Are many of the victim’s underage drinkers?
Are there chronic assault victims?

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Do victims typically know their assailants?
Do victims typically instigate assaults?
† A recent study of the problem of assaults in bars relied heavily on data collection from
emergency room patients by nurses involved
Offender Questions
How old are offenders? Do they belong to any particular ethnic, occupational, recreational, or
other group?
Are offenders alone or in groups?
Are there repeat-offenders? Do they have prior criminal records for assault?
Are offenders typically drunk? Do they get drunk in the same bar in or around which the
assaults occur?
Location/Times
In or around which bars are assaults concentrated?
What are the lighting conditions both inside and outside bars? Do assaults occur in dark areas
or areas not easily seen by passers-by?
When do assaults occur (e.g., closing time, happy hour, special events, or weekends)?
Where, specifically, do assaults occur (e.g., inside/outside, restrooms, alleys, streets/sidewalks,
parking lots, or around the bar)?
What public transportation is accessible after closing hours (e.g., buses, trains, or taxis)?
What is the nature of the surrounding neighborhood?
Bar Management Questions
Does the bar employ bouncers? If so, do they tend to be aggressive when dealing with
troublesome patrons?
What is the ratio of bar employees to patrons? Is it sufficient to provide timely service and
monitor patrons’ drinking and behavior?
Do bar employees call the police under appropriate circumstances? Do bar managers encourage
or discourage police inspectional visits?

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What is the primary theme of a typical problem bar?
Does the bar offer discounted drinks? What entertainment, if any, does the bar offer? Does the
entertainment contribute to aggression?
Enforcement Questions
Do the police or liquor-license regulators routinely inspect bars for compliance with
regulations?
Do they inspect for serving practices and occupancy limits, in addition to technical license
requirements?
Do the police or regulators take enforcement actions?
Do bar owners believe police will enforce laws?
Do they perceive enforcement actions as fair?
Source: data adapted from Center for Problem-Oriented Policing.
According to Interventions for Addiction, a textbook outlining the most current knowledge on
addictive behavior, “a relatively small number of bars and clubs contribute to the bulk of
incidents of violence and public disturbance.” In one community, ten percent of the operating
licensed premises contributed to more than sixty percent of disturbance cases (Stockwell 2013).
That being said, there is a high potential benefit in increasing policing at high-risk premises as
the opportunity of reducing alcohol-related crime is much larger. Studies of the late-night
drinking environment tend to identify similar risk factors that are not only easy to identify but
also easy to modify. “Permitting overcrowding, selling discounted alcohol, badly arranged
physical spaces in which there is much jostling and bumping between patrons, lax ‘anything
goes’ management, and aggressive security staff who escalate rather than defuse potentially
violent situations” are a few of the risk factors commonly found at high-risk locations. Resources
can be more aptly utilized through targeted policing by focusing on the small proportion of
venues that contribute the most to reported incidents and violations.

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By using a harm-reduction approach to identify high-risk venues, South Wales police were able
to concentrate policing efforts, leading to a reduction of up to 22% in alcohol related incidents
within the first six months after policing strategies were adopted (Transportation Research Board
2007). The informal audits conducted by South Wales police proved to be an effective means of
identifying high-risk locations and conditions, assisting police in applying basic preventative
measures that encouraged compliance from patrons. This study gives credence to the
effectiveness of a multidimensional approach of prevention and enforcement efforts to alcohol
related problems rather than using a single strategy independently of the other.
Furthermore, the extent to which licensing authorities check whether effective responsible
management policies are in place is key to enforcing an overall regulatory environment in
licensed premises. “Regular audits of drinking venues in terms of risk for alcohol-related harm
have been shown to be an effective way for police to monitor and control problems with the late-
night drinking environment” by making it clear to owners, managers, and staff that
noncompliance to existing laws may have serious consequences (Stockwell 2013). Conducting
regular audits that aim to change management strategies at licensed premises operating in a
lackadaisical manner may have a greater lasting effect than punishing venues with occasional
fines. By changing the atmosphere at bars from an “anything goes” environment to one that does
not condone reckless behavior, managers are provided with a greater ability to control their
patrons by placing responsible drinking on the forefront. Dram shop laws hold businesses
accountable for the actions of their patrons even after they have left the establishment. If an
intoxicated patron, whom is already a strict liability to the venue, should end up injuring
someone after they have left the establishment, the victim can hold both the customer and the bar
liable for the accident. Therefore, managers stand to benefit a great deal from controlling their
patrons when the establishment’s license is on the line.
The Probability of Punishment
Continuing, many studies have been conducted on enforcement levels and penalties and their
relationship to compliance. Empirical studies have used a broad array of methodologies

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generally focusing on the structure of laws and the scale of enforcement efforts (Levy 2002).
According to David Levy, senior scientist at the Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation,
“studies that have examined the relationship of enforcement and penalty levels to criminal
activity have obtained mixed results, but most studies find that the probability of punishment is
negatively related to criminal activity” (Levy 2002). Members of society often weigh the trade-
off costs of committing a crime, considering the “primary costs of engaging in [a] crime from the
sanctions generally imposed through government.” In other words, if a violator perceives the
chances of getting caught or punished for committing a crime to be low, he/she will be more
inclined to engage in the law-breaking activity. Furthermore, the probability of punishment
seems to have a greater deterrence effect than the severity of punishment. This would indicate
that increasing the severity level of sanctions might not have the intended effect of deterring
drinkers from engaging in criminal activities; rather, increasing the perceived levels of the
probability of detection and the certainty of arrest/sanction are more consistent in their
deterrence efforts. “Research has shown that an effective way to reduce impaired driving is to
increase the perceived risk of being stopped and arrested by law enforcement” (Fell, McKnight
and Auld-Owens 2013). Police have various ways of heightening the perceived level of risk, but
one of the most successful strategies for doing this “is the coupling of intense and highly visible
enforcement with publicity about the enforcement campaign” (Fell, McKnight and Auld-Owens
2013).
High Visibility Enforcement
Recently, the Harris County Sheriff’s Office has been taking steps to get drunken drivers off the
streets. From January to June 2012, there were 24 traffic fatalities caused by intoxicated drivers.
“In the comparative six-month period, there were 48 in 2011, 27 in 2010, 38 in 2009 and 37 in
2008” (ABC 13 Eyewitness News 2012). The decreasing number of fatalities has been a result of
the crackdown efforts the HCSO’s has been employing to make residents think twice about
getting behind the wheel after a night of indulgence. Various methods of enforcement have been
utilized such as “No Refusal” weekends, drunk-driving checkpoints, campaign ads increasing
residents’ awareness of the consequences of getting busted for a DWI, and increased patrol
during holiday weekends and peak hours.

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Other police departments, including Harris County Precinct 8 Constable’s Office have also been
taking aggressive steps to reduce the number of drunk driving fatalities in the County, including
participating in the nationwide “Drive Sober or Get Pulled Over” crackdown. “Drive Sober or
Get Pulled Over” is a high-visibility drunk driving campaign designed to raise awareness and
support law enforcement activities in an effort to curb impaired-driving deaths through holiday
seasons. Coupled with the NHTSA’s advertising efforts, more than 10,000 police departments
and law enforcement agencies throughout the country participate in the crackdowns by going out
in force to apprehend drunk drivers and prevent motor vehicle fatalities.
“The solutions to impaired driving lie mainly at the State and community levels” since this is
where the “laws are applied and enforced, where programs are implemented, and where changes
can be made” (Fell, McKnight and Auld-Owens 2013). One of the most successful strategies
seen throughout the nation is the “coupling of intense and highly visible enforcement with
publicity about the enforcement campaign” (Fell, McKnight and Auld-Owens 2013). Currently,
campaign efforts are focused on heightening the awareness of the increased possibility of getting
pulled over while driving drunk by playing advertisements during highly viewed sporting events
to appeal to a targeted crowd. The “Drive sober or get pulled over” is designed to increase
awareness in the community and educate the community on impaired-driving issues. “The focus
of this enforcement strategy is to deter driving after drinking in the first place by increasing the
public’s perception” to the consequences of driving drunk and the likelihood of arrest (Fell,
McKnight and Auld-Owens 2013). There is a great need to raise awareness of what individuals
can to reduce unsafe driving behaviors. In 2006, the NHTSA deployed the national “Over the
Limit. Under Arrest” program that targeted people in the 18 to 34 year old age range. The
NHTSA and 20 participating states spent over $18 million on paid advertising, utilizing both
television and airtime to heighten the awareness of law enforcement efforts to arrest intoxicated
drivers. While the program proved effective at increasing awareness, the overall number of
alcohol-related fatalities stubbornly remained much the same. Many states were unable to
continue the high-visibility enforcement campaign beyond high-risk holiday seasons due to lack
of resources or loss of funding. According to the NHTSA, “one possible approach that has been
shown to work in a number of prior research studies is sustained enforcement throughout the

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year. Unlike [seat] belt use which is affected by periodic…enforcement, reductions in alcohol
related crashes may require a concentrated week after week and month after month effort”
(National Highway Traffic Saftey Administration 2007). While the nation’s alcohol-impaired-
driving fatality rate did decrease 7.4 percent from 2008 to 2009, there has been a wide variability
in change among states. Georgia, which has sustained its highly publicized impaired-driving
enforcement programs and sobriety checkpoints, now has one of the lowest impaired-driving
fatality rates, while Texas has only seen a 4.5 percent reduction in drunk-driving fatalities in the
previous years (Fell, McKnight and Auld-Owens 2013). The 7.4 percent decrease in alcohol
impaired driving fatalities in 2008 to 2009 was low in comparison to motor fatalities not
involving an alcohol-impaired driver which saw a decrease of 10.7 percent. The following graph
created by the Research and Innovative Technology Administration depicts this change:
Many experts believe that “public complacency, competing social and public health issues, and
the lack of political fortitude” have all contributed to stagnation in the reduction of alcohol-
impaired driving fatalities, and that stakeholders need to once again be motivated to implement a
strategy that will sufficiently address this most preventable problem.

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DETERRENCE POLICIES
Continuing, there are many who believe that punitive measures alone cannot effectively curtail
alcohol related crime. There is no denying that alcohol misuse can cause substantial public
health harms, but unfortunately, there is no firm evidence that definitively outlines a strategy
that would “solve” this public health issue. Many times, users who engage in high-risk
drinking behaviors are suffering from a comorbid mental-health illness. Social norms also
contribute to the prevalence of high-risk drinking behaviors by influencing perceptions and
attitudes about what is a normal and socially acceptable behavior. Binge drinking is habitually
boasted about via social media outlets, celebrated in popular music, and encouraged by the
multi-billion dollar liquor industry. The frequency in which alcohol consumption is
romanticized and idealized in American culture has created a serious issue of underplaying the
dangers that come with intoxication. Public perception has placed the seriousness of impaired
driving in the background in lieu of advocating the “good times” that follow irresponsible
drinking. Jeraine Root, John Miller and Susan Zessin, in conjunction with the Robert Wood
Johnson Foundation, proclaim that “incarceration alone has not proven to be an effective
deterrent to future DWI behavior” (Root, Miller and Zessin 2006). Therefore, targeted alcohol
policies must incorporate a broader focus than that of a punitive one and consider the impact
that public support (or lack thereof) plays on the shaping of public policies.
Modifying Societal Norms
Culture plays a prominent role in setting the social norms and expectations surrounding
drinking. Social norms are an important determinant of how likely and to what extent
individuals drink. Exposure to messages that normalize and glamorize alcohol use are at an all-
time high, indicating that contemporary American society fervently accepts the role of alcohol
as a facilitator of social interaction and social bonding. Sometimes the roles of social norms are
clear, defining the temperance of a social gathering based on the choice of drink available. For
example, champagne is synonymous with celebration while beer is more commonly associated
with informal, relaxed occasions. Social norms can also be more subtle, setting perceptions of

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situational appropriateness. One study conducted at a Montana University found that there was
a large disparity in young adults’ perception of the prevalence of drunk-driving and the
behavior actually taking place. “92 percent of respondents perceived that the majority of their
peers” had driven within the hour of consuming two or more drinks in the last month, while
only 20.4 percent of young adults reported having driven themselves (Linkenbach and Perkins
2005). “When [individuals] perceive that there is social support for or against certain activities,
[they] are more likely to modify or continue [their] behavior to act in accordance with how
others behave or feel about an issue” (Linkenbach and Perkins 2005). Social norm intervention
strategies work to correct and influence personal attitudes when misconceptions exaggerate the
commonality of risk-taking behaviors. “If people’s perceptions are corrected to reflect the less
risky, more proactive behaviors that are actual norms in their communities, they are more
likely to behave in accordance with those positive standards (Linkenbach and Perkins 2005).
Continuing, it is important to identify how misconceptions come about in order to combat and
rectify them. Conversations among peers tend to focus on their exploits and exaggerate atypical
behaviors, while the media constantly sensationalizes shocking, dramatic events.
Misconceptions can be dangerous catalysts of reluctance, as people are often afraid of being
“the only one” and receiving social disapproval from peers. For example, “people are less
likely to designate a non-drinking driver or take the keys away from someone who has been
drinking if they think most others would not take these protective actions” (Linkenbach and
Perkins 2005). Furthermore, data of surveyed individuals from the Montana University who
chose to recklessly drive under the influence of alcohol revealed that they believed that they
were no different than most of their peers, underplaying the severity of their actions. This
illustrates the danger that social norms play on the constructs of behavioral willingness as
individuals have a greater tendency to engage in high-risk activities when they do not fear a
social backlash.
Adjusting social norms to positively influence risky drinking behavior remains to be a
promising but challenging area. There is no question that news media reporting plays a part in
the formation of public opinion and public policy. Media coverage in the past has been used to

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influence the agenda-setting process by highlighting issues of social importance and
manipulating the climate of opinion. “Using mass media to influence social policies offers
much larger potential benefits than attempting to change individual behavior” (Elder, et al.
2004) . Therefore, social norms marketing can be a useful tool in challenging preconceived
notions that have become an accept normality. “A theoretical basis for social norms marketing
campaigns is the assumption that normative misperceptions are causally associated with
behavior”; in other words, believing that drinking and driving is the norm among peers will
lead to actual drinking and driving (Elder, et al. 2004). Therefore, efforts to correct
misconceptions of general drinking behaviors must be made first and foremost before
campaign strategies can be expected to impact cognition and behavior.
Alternative Sentencing
Another area of development that remains ambiguous in regards to its effectiveness in empirical
studies is that of alternative sentencing. Specialized DWI courts aim to provide a more
manageable network of supportive community resources, and provide treatment to an offender
that is effective enough to make a lasting difference. “Deterrence theory requires that penalties
need to be immediate and certain, though not necessarily severe to achieve maximum
effectiveness” (Stockwell 2013). The structure of a DWI court differs from that of a regular
court model in that a DWI court primarily operates within a post-conviction model; this means
that a participating offender cannot use the court system to avoid conviction, but rather must
complete the mandated treatment-program in order to avoid jail-time. The threat of jail-time has
been successful in motivating the majority of participants to not only comply but also complete
the court-mandated requirements (Ojmarrh, et al. 2011). In comparison, “most addicts and
alcoholics, given a choice, will not enter a treatment program voluntarily…” and those who do
rarely complete the program. About 80 to 90 percent of participants who drop out of a treatment
program end up relapsing within the year. This would suggest that participants going through
the DWI courts stand a better chance of modifying their behaviors to avoid future involvement
in alcohol-related crimes.

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While these seem like promising statistics supporting the effectiveness of specialized courts,
there is still the question of whether the behavioral modifications brought on by the treatment
programs have any real, lasting effect on the offender. According to one study conducted by
Mitchell et al, “the effects of drug courts remain post-program” and “do not appear to be
simply a temporary suppression effect” (Ojmarrh, et al. 2011). However, a problem with this
statement is that recidivism rates- returning to jail, are rarely studied beyond a 24 month
period, and still fewer studies track recidivism rates beyond a 36 month period. It is important
then that future DWI court research concerning the effectiveness of specialized courts more
rigorously track recidivism rates beyond a 12 month period.
Combination of Treatment Modalities
One theory discussed by lobbyists pushing for legislative reform states that “in a free and
democratic society, there should be no heavy-handed restrictions on access to alcohol; instead,
the thinking is that people should be simply educated on the risks and be encouraged to
regulate their own behavior” (Stockwell 2013). Much like the studies conducted on high-
visibility enforcement, educational campaigns seem to have little to no long-lasting, discernible
effects on drinking behavior. This is not to say that public education campaigns are inept, but
rather that such a campaign would be much more operational should it be used in conjunction
with other sanctions and treatment programs. One meta-analysis study conducted in 1995 by
Elisabeth Wells-Parker, Robert Bangert-Drowns, Robert McMillen, and Marsha Williams,
found that “education programs [had] not produced meaningful changes in behavior unless
combined with other treatment or intervention modalities (Root, Miller and Zessin 2006). The
authors of the study found that remedial programs in combination with sanctions such as
license-revocation resulted in the greatest reduction in impaired driving incidents as compared
to sanctioning or treatment alone. Furthermore, according to Root et al, “results showed that a
combination of alcohol treatment and license suspension had the lowest recidivism rate, while
jail alone or jail with license suspension had the highest rate” (Root, Miller and Zessin 2006).
Recidivism analyses conducted by Wells-Parker et al suggest that a “combination of
modalities, in particular those including education, psychotherapy/counseling and some follow-

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up such as contact probation” are more effective in reducing recidivism than any single
treatment modality used alone.
Main Body – Research
Methodology
The main research for this paper was heavily dependent on qualitative information acquired
through interviews with key stakeholders in charge of public safety efforts and diversion
efforts. An interview was conducted with the Houston Police Department to obtain a better
grasp on the state of enforcement practices throughout Houston. The interaction was helpful in
understanding the limitations that enforcement officers face when trying to arrest drivers they
believe to be impaired while providing a glimpse into the laws regarding the detection and
punishment of drunk-drivers. Furthermore, Councilmember Ed Gonzalez’s staff was contacted
in regards to the current intervention strategies that were implemented earlier this year to defer
publicly intoxicated individuals to treatment facilities and keep them out of the jail system.
Current statistics about the Sobering Center’s operation revealed areas that need to be further
addressed in order for the facility to reach maximum effectiveness in preventing future alcohol-
related crime.
Interviews
In order to grasp how the City of Houston is currently addressing drunk driving and other
alcohol related crimes, a public information officer speaking on behalf of the Houston Police
Department was contacted in regards to the current policies in place. This information provided
a starting place in identifying what areas were seen as lacking in resources from a law
enforcement agent’s point of view.
Houston Police Department (Paul Lassalle, Senior Police Officer, personal
communication, Oct 18, 2013).

17. Wishahy - 17
1. Is there a local impaired-driving or traffic safety task force, coalition, or council? If so,
what are its strategies to increase compliance to drunk-driving laws?
HPD organizes and participates in multi-agency task force operations known as
saturation patrols during the big holiday weekends. These operation[s] have
consisted of as many as 15 agencies and over 100 officers dedicated to DWI
enforcement. These operations are not only held in Harris County but we also
work with surrounding jurisdictions to assist with operations in their areas as
well.
The Houston-Galveston Area Council, our local council of government has a
TxDOT grant that is used in conjunction with the above-mentioned
operations. Their grant provides overtime funds to the smaller agencies that do
not have their own traffic safety grants to allow up to 50 additional officers on
holiday weekend nights.
2. What are the existing resources for impaired driving enforcement?
Each agency has their own resources. However, as far as the breath testing
program is concerned, we are now all under DPS for that purpose. This now
allows any officer that is certified as a breath test operator (BTO) to conduct a test
on any other instrument. This means that if a certified BTO from HPD arrests a
DWI in Kingwood then they can process that person at the Humble substation
instead of driving an additional 25 miles to downtown Houston.
HPD still has mobile DWI processing capabilities with the use of Breath Alcohol
Testing Vans. These vans can, and have been, used as a portable station where
breath testing and blood draws have been conducted during No Refusal
Nights. No Refusal Nights are the nights where the Harris County DA’s office
provides ADAs and a nurse for the purpose of expediting the search warrant
process and thus gathering a specimen from all suspects arrested for DWI.

18. Wishahy - 18
3. Are sobriety checkpoints allowed in the Texas? Are they conducted in
your jurisdiction?
Presently, sobriety checkpoints are not allowed in Texas despite the statistics
showing that by their usage we can drop the rate of offenses by as much as 28%.
4. Are there potential barriers or opposition to high visibility efforts in the community?
We are very fortunate that we have a tremendous amount of support in our joint
task force operation. Many civic organizations support and actually come out and
participate in the operations by providing food and drinks for the officers at the
facility hosting a No Refusal Night.
5. Is there political support from community leaders to conduct programs to reduce
alcohol related crimes? (e.g., mayor, county supervisors, sheriff, criminal
justice system).
Yes, the leadership of each agency, the Commissioner’s Court, the Mayor’s
Office, and others attend press events and authorize their resources for saturation
patrols and No Refusal Nights.
6. What are the biggest limitations in the greater Houston area for enforcement efforts for
alcohol related crimes? (Does the lack of public transportation present a problem for
getting drivers to comply with existing laws? Is there a lack of resources? Does the
homeless population complicate the issue, etc.?)
I can only speak to DWI as an alcohol related crime. I am unaware of any efforts
or statistics in regards to any other division’s efforts to deal with other crimes
outside of the Homeless Outreach Team.
As far as DWI, the biggest issue is that we have a large population (as you stated,
without public transportation) who regularly go to alcohol establishments and
then drive. According to TABC, there are 14,000 late night permitees [licensed
establishments] in Harris County and law enforcement combined only arrested

19. Wishahy - 19
about 13,000 DWI’s. That is less than one [person] per bar per year! We are
outnumbered at an extremely high rate and therefore do not arrest an appreciable
amount of the DWI drivers to really create a deterrent. Until we can increase the
violator to arrest ratio, new laws, fixed assets and resources, political support, or
multi-agency operations will not really have the effect that we wish to make.
7. Has the Sobering Center been a helpful tool in diverting Public Intoxication charges
from jail time and preventing future occurrences? Are there other similar tools that have
been helping in reducing recidivism for alcohol-related crimes?
With a few exceptions, all persons arrested for PI by HPD are brought to the
Sobering Center. They have created the best possible facility outside of a jail in
order to deal with persons arrested that are addicted to alcohol or drugs. By law
they are not allowed to hold anyone.
A second interview was held with Robert Sanderson of the Galveston Police Department.
Officer Sanderson provided excellent insight into the issues of drunk driving in the community
through his work with DWIs and Fatality Accidents. He is also certified in the Standardized
Field Sobriety Tests and an Accident Reconstructionist. The interview was particularly useful
in realizing that social norms under-emphasizing the seriousness of impaired driving go
beyond the city limits and are quite pervasive. Officer Sanderson also pointed out that the lack
of punishment for first time DWI offenders may also play a role in why Texas drivers choose
to get behind the wheel after a night of drinking. He believes that the lack of punishment plays
a more significant role than a lack of public transportation.
Galveston Police Department (Robert Sanderson, Evening Watch Patrol, personal
communication, Oct 24, 2013).
1. Is there a local impaired-driving or traffic safety task force, coalition, or council? If so,
what are its strategies to increase compliance to drunk-driving laws?

20. Wishahy - 20
We don’t have a local safety task force or coalition. But we as the Galveston
Police Department have a grant from the State of Texas that pays officers
overtime to go out and enforce drunk driving [laws]. Also, all major weekends,
i.e. during spring break, Memorial Day, 4th of July, Labor Day, Motor Cycle Rally
Weekend, and Mardi Gras, our County District Attorney’s Office has no refusal
weekend. They make the public aware of the no refusal weekend through the
news media and also with the TX DOT signs located through the County. The no
refusal weekend consists of usually 2-3 prosecutors, a judge and a nurse. During
the times that we do the no refusal, officers are able to apply for a search warrant
if a person who was arrested for DWI refuses to provide a specimen of their
breath or blood.
2. Are sobriety checkpoints allowed in the Texas? Are they conducted in
your jurisdiction?
Sobriety Checkpoints are not allowed in Texas based on the States interpretation
of the U.S. Constitution. In all, twelve States do not allow Sobriety Checkpoints
and thirty-eight States do allow them.
3. Are there potential barriers or opposition to high visibility efforts in the community?
I feel like the vast majority of the Community does not oppose high visibility
enforcement. We receive a lot of encouragement in enforcing the [laws
regarding] alcohol related crimes.
4. Is there political support from community leaders to conduct programs to reduce
alcohol related crimes? (e.g. mayor, county supervisors, sheriff, criminal
justice system).
We do receive political support for enforcement actions. Our District Attorney’s
Office, including the District Attorney himself, has [designated] a special
prosecutor for Alcohol related offenses such as intoxication assault and
intoxication manslaughter. Our Chief has also supported our actions and has

21. Wishahy - 21
recognized several officers for their enforcement actions on DWI and alcohol
related offenses. Also, our department works with TABC (Texas Alcohol and
Beverage Commission).
5. What are the biggest limitations in the greater Houston area for enforcement efforts for
alcohol related crimes? (Does the lack of public transportation present a problem for
getting drivers to comply with existing laws? Is there a lack of resources? Does the
homeless population complicate the issue, etc.?)
I can’t really answer the Greater Houston area. The limitations that I see are that
drunk driving arrests can take up to several hours to finish with all the paperwork
involved. Also, I would say that just the shear amount of people on the roadway
after certain hours [that] have been drinking; it’s hard to get them all. I would say
the cost is a big limitation on most agencies; it’s a large expense to add extra
officers to just do strictly DWI enforcement with all the training involved and
overtime that is paid in going to court hearings. Another limitation in my opinion
is the public doesn’t see a DWI [as] being a bad crime until someone is killed or
severely injured in an accident.
I can say in our area we have several cab companies that are constantly in the
area of our bars and they are readily available. I know that Texas A&M has a
program where they will pick you if you need a ride and drive you home if you
go to college there. I don’t think the lack of public transportation presents a
problem as to why people don’t comply with the existing laws. I just think it’s
the lack of punishment for the laws, and I don’t blame the prosecutors for this. It
just seems that until you have been arrested for multiple drunk driving offenses,
there is hardly any punishment.
6. What are the viable alternatives to a would-be impaired driver?
The viable alternatives for would be drinking drivers would be have a designated
driver, or get a cab.

22. Wishahy - 22
A third interview was conducted with the chief of staff, Jerry Peruchini for Councilmember Ed
Gonzalez of District H. Councilmember Gonzalez, along with HPD Lieutenant Mike Lee,
hatched a plan that would get the City of Houston “out of the jail business” by diverting
otherwise law-abiding citizens arrested for public intoxication into an alternate facility. The
Houston Center for Sobriety, also known as the Sobering Center “is a kind of forced
intervention and educational experience” that diverts people whose only offense is public
intoxication from what would be jail to a medically-monitored environment. Once detainees are
placed in the Sobering Center, they are assessed by professional counselors who can provide
referrals to appropriate medical services. According to Mayor Anise Parker, “a significant
percentage of the people we were putting in jail were there for being generally inappropriate in
public because they were under the influence of some sort of substance” (Dam 2013). She views
the center as an “innovative solution to a costly problem that diverts [Houston] police from
other matters and crowds the city jail” (Dam 2013). The Sobering Center aims to divert an
average of 19,000 public intoxication arrests, saving the city 3.5 to 4.5 million in taxpayer
dollars.
City of Houston Council, (Jerry Peruchini, Chief of staff for Councilmember Ed Gonzales,
personal interview, Sept 26, 2013).
1. What prompted the action by City Hall to create the Sobering Center?
The City of Houston is committed to “getting out of the jail business” and
pursuing innovative ways to keep Houstonians safe. Council Member Ed
Gonzalez was passionate about a Sobering Center to address misdemeanors,
save operating dollars, and get officers back out on the streets.
2. What did the Sobering Center initially aim to address? Was the driving force behind the
Sobering Center a financial one, or was Councilmember Gonzalez more concerned with
a public safely outlook/prevention etc.?
The city aims to divert an average of 19,000 annual public intoxication arrests
through the Sobering Center. Those arrests cost tax-payers between $5-6

23. Wishahy - 23
million annually; the Sobering Center will cost about $1.5 million to operate.
Beyond the financial gain, Councilman Gonzalez, as a retired police officer,
understood the need to creatively approach public safety. Patients at the
Sobering Center are exposed to counseling and community resources with the
aim of tackling homelessness and mental health issues.
3. What were a few of the criticisms vocalized by the opponents of the Sobering Centers?
The Sobering Center has enjoyed broad support in Houston.
4. Do you think Councilmember Gonzalez’s past of being an HPD officer influenced his
decision to push for the implementation of a program addressing alcohol abuse as a
public health initiative rather than criminal justice alone?
Absolutely.
5. Was the Sobering Center modeled after other similar programs implemented in other
cities?
San Antonio sets the gold standard, and the Sobering Center reflects some
aspects of their approach.
6. Have there been any unforeseen issues that have arisen since the opening of the
Sobering Center in March 2013?
The Sobering Center continues to be effective but the need for service
providers in the city is notable as there have been challenges in connecting
clients to outside resources to aid in their recovery.
7. This may be too early to ask, but have there been any quantitative or qualitative results
produced related to the effectiveness of the Sobering Center? Has the Sobering Center
been as effective as originally hoped, or are there areas that still need tweaking?
It has been effective and it is approaching the levels that we would expect. I
have attached a recent presentation to the Public Safety Committee with a full
Sobering Center update.

24. Wishahy - 24
8. Overall, do you think the Sobering Center was a good policy for City of Houston?
Where do you see Houston as succeeding and where do you see us as failing in our
mission to end alcohol-related crimes?
I think it is a great policy for the city. We are ensuring that we take steps to
get out of the jail business and we are addressing addiction which leads to
repeated offenses and added costs for taxpayers in an innovative and
compassionate way.
A fourth and final interview was conducted with Marsha Scott, the program manager at the
Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT) in charge of all the Traffic Safety media
campaigns. The interview focused on the various media strategies that TxDOT currently utilizes
to combat the harms associated with alcohol use.
Texas Department of Transportation, (Marsha Scott, Program Manager, personal interview,
October 25, 2013).
1. Can you tell me more about Faces of Drunk Driving or any other media campaign
focused on decreasing drunk-driving occurrences in the state?
We have several annual campaigns focused on lower[ing] drunk driving by
educating the public about the dangers and consequences of drinking and driving.
1. Football Season Impaired Driving Campaign (October thru January)
2. Christmas and New Year’s Holiday Impaired Driving Campaign (December 1 –
January 1)
3. Hispanic Impaired Driving Campaign (Thanksgiving, Easter, Cinco de Mayo,
Fiesta, Deis y Seis)
4. College & Young Adult Impaired Driving Campaign (focused on Spring Break –
March, and also fall back to school --Sept)
5. Faces of Drunk Driving (focused in the summer with emphasis on July 4th)

25. Wishahy - 25
6. Labor Day Impaired Driving Campaign (August 1 – Labor Day (first week in
September)
The Faces of Drunk Driving media campaign is one of our most popular and
longest-running campaigns and has been active for over 6 years. The campaign
runs during the summer with a focus on July 4th and includes a statewide
memorial tour. You can find more information on the website.
www.facesofdrunkdriving.com
2. How does TxDOT reach the largest audience possible for the different Drunk-Driving
awareness campaigns? (Marquees, Billboards, Radio Ads?) Are there any paid media
efforts, or does it all rely on public funding?
TxDOT uses a combination of different types of media platforms to reach the
broadest audience; so each campaign includes some billboards, some radio ads,
some TV, some Internet advertising, etc. Our research has shown this approach
works best for most target audiences. Almost all of our campaigns include paid
media, as well as free (donated) public service announcements (PSAs). The
funding for paid media comes from federal grants, as well as state grants. We
also do a huge amount of “earned media” such as news interviews, blogs, editorial
articles in newspapers, guest interviews on specialty TV shows, etc.
3. Are there any private sector partnerships to support the public education campaign to
stop drunk-driving?
Yes, sometimes we partner with private sector enterprises to support these
campaigns.
4. How frequently are campaigns’ messages advertised? Do the advertisements tend to
run only over high-risk holiday seasons or are they year-long?
Our research has shown that holidays are the highest risk periods, but as you can
see from the list above, our campaigns are spread over the year and cover most
every month of the year. Although each of the campaigns listed above is focused

26. Wishahy - 26
on a holiday, the PSAs, and paid advertising will usually run about a month prior
to the holiday
5. Are there any problems related to resources that prevent TxDOT from spreading its
campaign messages to a wide audience? Are there other limitations that prevent
TxDOT’s drunk-driving awareness campaign from doing everything it would like to?
Yes, buying paid media, or “air time”, is extremely expensive, and we must
compete with a very crowded marketplace. It’s hard for us to compete with the
budgets of companies like Budweiser who spend hundreds of millions of dollars
on TV ads alone.
6. Are there any targeted audiences (age groups, etc.) that TxDOT aims to reach the most
with its campaign efforts?
Our research has shown the target audience is 18-34-year-olds – especially
males. This is the demographic that accounts for the largest majority of all
alcohol-related traffic crashes. I am including a link to our crash statistics page.
http://www.txdot.gov/inside-txdot/forms-publications/drivers-
vehicles/publications/annual-summary.html
7. Are there any quantitative or qualitative results produced related to the effectiveness
of the campaign efforts? How is the program assessed?
Yes, some qualitative and quantitative studies are done each year related to these
campaigns. However, drinking and driving is a difficult thing to measure. We
cannot do an observational study. We cannot totally rely on drivers to assess their
own behavior through surveys that ask questions about drinking
behaviors. Nevertheless, we do surveys and we also measure the number of
DWIs issued, the number of DWI crashes, the number of fatalities. And while the
number is showing a downward trend, it is not declining as fast as we would
like.
8. What are the biggest areas of concern that drunk-driving awareness campaigns aim to

27. Wishahy - 27
address (awareness of the problem, adjusting perceptions about normality of drunk-
driving, increasing the perception of the likelihood of arrest?)
Our strategy is to take a lot of different approaches because there are a lot of
different individuals. Some campaigns such as Christmas take a softer approach,
while others like Faces of Drunk Driving, or Labor Day – stress the awareness of
the problem and the life-altering consequences of getting a DWI, or worse –
injuring someone.
9. Is there more information about the program model of awareness campaigns that you
could attach?
I think you will find a wealth of information on the links provided. But feel free
to contact me if you have questions.
http://www.txdot.gov/driver.html
Research Discussion
All the interviewees are in agreement that similar issues in relation to social norms and resource
availability contribute to limitations in punishing and preventing DWIs and PIs. According to
HPD officer Lassalle, HPD is highly outnumbered in the amount of DWI violators to the
amount of arrests:
“According to TABC, there are 14,000 late night permitees in Harris County and
law enforcement … only arrested about 13,000 DWI’s. That is less than one per
bar per year! We are outnumbered at an extremely high rate and therefore do not
arrest an appreciable amount of the DWI drivers to really create a deterrent.”
(Lassalle 2013)
This low number of arrests represents a serious issue as offenders in the greater Houston area
have more of a reason than mere perception to believe that there is a low likelihood of being

28. Wishahy - 28
arrested for driving impaired. As stated earlier, when offenders perceive the probability of
punishment to be low, they are more likely to engage in risk-taking behaviors. It is suggested,
then, that a cost-efficient way to tackle the issue of drunk driving is to deploy a mass-media
campaign strategy that works to generate a change in thinking and behavior long-term rather
than utilizing less effective fear-based strategies.
According to social norms theory, “fear-based media efforts can compete with positive social
norms by solidifying already-exaggerated misperceptions about the prevalence of impaired
driving” (Linkenbach and Perkins 2005). Sensationalizing and exaggerating atypical, risk-
taking behavior contributes to the misperception about the frequency and prevalence of said
behavior. Unfortunately, mass media outlets undermine the influential role of entertainment
and continue to focus on emotionally evocative stories. This is particularly damaging to social
norms campaigns as people are continually led to believe that these high-risk activities are a
practice of the majority, therefore normalizing the behavior in the public’s eye. Frightening
messages have also been shown to be ineffective in deterring individuals from participating in
potentially dangerous behaviors (Linkenbach and Perkins 2005).
Social media is a powerful tool that not only has the means of reaching a large audience, but
also plays a particularly influential role in many young adults lives. A widespread, mass media
campaign using social media as a primary means of spreading the message can be a cost-
effective, easy-on-the-resources route of disseminating a message focused on modifying social
norms. A Youtube video posted on September 3, 2013 went viral after receiving over 2 million
views in its first two months. The currently trending video features a confession from Matthew
Cordle about his previous drunk-driving experience that landed him in court for a vehicular
homicide charge. In the video, 22 year-old Cordle describes the events that led up to the death
of 61 year-old Vincent Canzani, after a wrong-way crash in a Columbus, Ohio suburb. Cordle
makes an emotional appeal to the audience at the end of the video, stating:
By releasing this video I know exactly what it means…but I’m willing to take that
sentence for one reason. And that reason is so I can pass this message on to you. I beg

29. Wishahy - 29
you, and I say the word beg specifically, I’m begging you, please don’t drink and drive.
Don’t make the same excuses that I did. Don’t say that it’s only a few miles, or you’ve
only had a few beers or you do it all the time it’ll never happen to you, ‘cause it
happened to me. And all those are just excuses to make yourself feel better about a
decision that you know is wrong and could cost lives.
Cordle’s video was spread through “Because I Said I Would”, an organization aiming to create
a “social movement dedicated to bettering humanity through the power of promise … and
encourag[ing] positive change and acts of kindness” (Sheen 2013). The efforts of Because I
Said I Would are a paramount example of how social media can be used to reach a large
audience and encourage positive, social change by influencing others to make responsible
decisions. The video was posted with a hashtag #saveyourvictim, which further works to
increase the video’s exposure while also forming a more emotional, lasting impression on
viewers.
The NHTSA communications resource for campaign materials and marketing techniques,
Traffic Safety Marketing, recognizes the power of social media outlets, describing social media
as “the perfect place for social norming messages to affect change. …The implications of
positive peer pressure via social networking indicate a high degree of message credibility, since
users decide with whom to interact” (Traffic Safety Marketing 2013). Social media may be
used as a particularly useful tool in mobilizing “power of group dynamics” to heighten and
correct perceptions as well as encourage responsible decision-making.
Furthermore, it is recommended that campaign efforts working to increase perceptions of the
likelihood of arrest extend beyond the holiday season to deliver a bigger payback and achieve
long-term effects. There is strong evidence indicating that more involved, ongoing initiatives
have a higher rate of success in altering perceptions. In order to achieve significant-behavioral
shifts in drinking and driving behavior, a persistent and clear message must be broadcast for
extended periods; longer campaigns have greater ability to negate the deleterious effects of
time which are common in low-dose campaign strategies. Messages should avoid placing
blame on offenders, as people tend to ignore campaign messages that remind them of their

30. Wishahy - 30
shortcomings. Additionally, messages that accurately frame the context in which impaired
driving occurs should be emphasized over ones that focus on legal or health consequences that
occur after an incident of drunk-driving has occurred. Underscoring messages that discourage
individuals from committing a crime in the first place promotes a sense of individual
responsibility and encourages the adoption of self-protective measures, which can work in
congruence with the deterrence effect.
High-intensity media interventions have powerful deterrence effects when the right resources
are devoted to the campaign. To encourage statewide change and support legal deterrence
policies, there should be special emphasizes on establishing new partnerships and continuing
the existing partnerships with paid media entities to strengthen broadcasting efforts. For the
2013 holiday season, NHTSA estimates that 67% of the broadcasting budget will be allocated
towards television, as a good percentage of the media ads will run during NFL and NBA game
times which carry a hefty price tag (Traffic Safety Marketing 2013). Another 12% of the
budget will be devoted to network radio, including placements in social components such as
Pandora, Daily Motion and Twitter and Facebook feeds. Collaborating with paid-media entities
can increase campaign budgets and available resources, making it easier to disseminate
messages to a broader audience. Additionally, billboards and marquees can be used to increase
the visibility of local campaigns. TxDOT frequently displays messages warning against drunk
driving which can be continued at a low cost. Local newspapers are suitable for reaching local
populations, allowing individuals to learn about current police interventions that are occurring
in the area. Print media also has the added bonus of being relatively inexpensive in comparison
to broadcast media.
Continuing, one of the ways the City of Houston and surrounding jurisdictions are attempting
to keep roadways safe is the implementation of a Sobering Center, where citizens charged with
public intoxications can sober up under medical supervision instead of being placed in jail. Ed
Gonzalez and Lieutenant Mike Lee are being touted as the brainchildren behind the operation.
After interviewing Jerry Peruchini, chief of staff for Councilmember Ed Gonzalez, two
pertinent issues were revealed. According to Peruchini, “the need for service providers in the

31. Wishahy - 31
city is notable as there have been challenges in connecting clients to outside resources to aid in
their recovery” (Peruchini 2013). Secondly, data on detainees placed in the Sobering Center
revealed that a small percentage of repeat clients account for a large percentage of diversions.
Twelve detainees were on their third visit by September 19th, only six months after the grand
opening, while one client was on their nineteenth visit by the Center’s six-month anniversary.
The number of repeat clients indicates that a percentage of clients with severe mental health or
addiction problems are not receiving access to the right services to help them make better life
choices and stay out of legal trouble.
The age group that makes up the largest percentage of clientele is individuals between 41 and
48 years of age. This suggests that a place to start when developing strategies aimed at
providing treatment and services to Houstonians would be directing messages to that particular
age cohort so that they are aware of the services that are available to them.

32. Wishahy - 32
A previous study conducted on early-stage problem drinkers indicated that “while only a
minority of early-stage problem drinkers reduce their consumption … [after] receiving [brief]
interventions, it has been estimated that if this approach was employed routinely in a majority
of health care facilities, then there would be substantial impacts on the levels of problem
drinking and related harm” (Stockwell 2013). Accordingly, the Sobering Center may be the
best approach the City of Houston has implemented to date, due to the shift to a public health
approach. The Sobering center allows for the redeployment of officers to the streets so they
may patrol for more serious crimes; the added savings in taxpayers’ dollars is just a bonus to
the operation. Overall, the Sobering Center is a remarkably innovative approach for providing
interventions to problem drinkers by connecting them with health practitioners that can best
address their needs. Further efforts should be made to identify resources and health
practitioners that would be willing to offer their services to strengthen the impact of a stay at
the Sobering Center. Connecting problem drinkers with appropriate resources and assisting in
rehabilitative efforts will go far in combating alcohol-related harms present in the community.

33. Wishahy - 33
Conclusion
The methodology in this paper began with formally inquiring about the different strategies law
enforcement agencies currently use to address impaired-driving, the various statewide
campaign efforts against impaired-driving conducted by the Texas Department of
Transportation, and an innovative alternative treatment program recently implemented by the
City of Houston to address public intoxicants. It was evident that law enforcement agencies in
the State of Texas face many legislative constraints and resource limitations in their quests to
punish drunk-drivers. Most notably, current laws in the State of Texas do not allow for sobriety
checkpoints, though studies show usage of such tools can lower the rate of offense by as much
as twenty-eight percent. The two officers interviewed from HPD and GPD both noted that the
shear amount of people on the roadway far outnumber the agencies’ manpower; thus their
ability to catch the majority of DWI’s is severely restricted especially, when considering
budgetary constraints, time limitations and the large costs in training and overtime that go
along with DWI enforcement. From a bureaucrat’s perspective, it was noted that resource
limitations, too, adversely affect the City’s operations at the Sobering Center, as the need for
more service providers has been a challenge in connecting constituents with the proper health
services. Due to these resource limitations, it is evident that future prevention strategies must
be mindful of the different constraints and utilize resources wisely. It was concluded that the
most cost-effective strategy would lie not within the enforcement realm, but within the
deterrence domain, tackling societal views that drunk-driving is not serious unless somebody is
injured.
It is suggested that effective local alcohol policies need to start with ensuring that the public’s
perception about the frequency in which drunk driving occurs is in line with actual facts.
Another place to start an educational and awareness approach is to develop a high-visibility
campaign strategy that increases perceptions of the likelihood of arrest and probability of
punishment for DWIs. Awareness campaigns are critical in heightening these perceptions and
increasing cognizance of the relationship between drinking patterns and a range of serious
health and social problems. Wide spread communication of public education messages,
including social media tools, broadcast media, and if possible, local and respected

34. Wishahy - 34
spokespersons, should all be adopted in a cohesive, high-visibility campaign strategy addressed
at increasing awareness of the seriousness of impaired-driving. Furthermore, it is important that
campaign strategies also address issues of social normality, emphasizing that drunk driving is
atypical and not a socially acceptable behavior. Due to the research provided in this paper, it is
recommended that a combination of highly visible campaign strategies aimed at addressing
misconceptions and altering perceptions along with treatment modalities providing
interventions for problem drinkers delivered by health practitioners be utilized to deter drunk-
driving and other alcohol-related crimes.

35. Wishahy - 35
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Albany: Mississippi State University & University of New York, 1995.
EXCELLENT JOB, SARAH! VERY WELL-WRITTEN AND THOROUGH. YOUR
ACADEMIC SOURCES AND CHOICE OF INTERVIEWEES ARE VERY GOOD. NO
NEED FOR ANY REVISIONS – CONGRATULATIONS ON A GREAT JOB!