Literary analysis and translation of modernist poet Rubén Darío's poem "A Roosevelt." Analyzes the historical and cultural context of the poem as well as its critical treatment of Theodore Roosevelt's and the United States interventionist and expansionist policies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
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developing listening skills through technologyabidayou
The document discusses how various technologies such as radio, audio tapes, language laboratories, and video can be used to develop listening skills for language learners. It describes the benefits and uses of each technology, including their ability to provide extensive and intensive listening practice opportunities, expose learners to native speaker models, and promote learner motivation and creativity. The role of the teacher in selecting materials and activities that target specific listening skills is also addressed.
The United States government has three branches: the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The executive branch is headed by the President, who enforces laws and commands the military. The legislative branch is made up of the House of Representatives and Senate, which create laws. The judicial branch interprets laws through the court system headed by the Supreme Court.
This is the vital assignment for IPE239 Comparative Political Systems, IPED Prpgram, Rangsit University. The course part aims at providing an introduction to the field of comparative politics. Various theoretical perspectives and basic concepts within the field are taken up. The political systems of a number of countries - in relation to formal political institutions and informal aspects of the political order - are presented, discussed and compared. Issues of identity as well as the position of nation states in a global context are also dealt with. The course part includes an introduction to comparative method and sources of knowledge about political systems.
The Government of the USA is based on the Constitution, which was signed in 1787 and established a federal government with powers separated between the legislative, executive, and judicial branches to prevent dictatorship. The Constitution gives Congress lawmaking powers, the President executive powers to enforce laws, and the Supreme Court judicial powers to interpret laws. A system of checks and balances ensures no single branch can gain too much power, such as Congress passing laws the President can veto or the Supreme Court striking down unconstitutional laws. Regular elections also check leaders' power by allowing voters to replace representatives who oppose the President's agenda.
p a t r i c k j . i b e rWho Will Impose Democracy” Sac.docxalfred4lewis58146
p a t r i c k j . i b e r
“Who Will Impose Democracy?”: Sacha Volman and the
Contradictions of CIA Support for the Anticommunist
Left in Latin America*
Short-story writer, anti-dictatorial conspirator, and politician, Juan Bosch took
office as the elected president of the Dominican Republic in early 1963. His friend
on the anticommunist left, Rómulo Betancourt—then president of Venezuela—
observed to President Kennedy that his own nation’s writer-president had lasted
only nine months before being overthrown, and he had been a novelist. Bosch was
merely a short-story writer, Betancourt joked: Could he last even that long?1
He did not. Bosch was overthrown after seven months in a coup led by Elı́as
Wessin y Wessin, a fanatically anticommunist right-wing air-force colonel. Less
than two years later, the Johnson administration issued controversial orders to
occupy the country, which had the effect of blocking an armed uprising that
sought to restore the progressive constitution Bosch had put in place.
Meanwhile, in testimony before a Senate subcommittee, Wessin y Wessin, by
then a general, stated that Bosch and his colleagues were Communists. Asked
specifically about one Sacha Volman, a Romanian associate of Bosch who had
served him as a close but unofficial advisor while he had been president, Wessin
y Wessin said: “Tell me with whom you go, and I will tell you who you are.”2
*As this article has taken shape, it has had many readers who have provided useful comments
and suggestions. I would like to thank Mauricio Tenorio, Emilio Kourı́, Barry Carr, Mark Healey,
Mark Mancall, Sarah Osten, Ben Johnson, Nicole Louie, and the two anonymous reviewers for
Diplomatic History. Dain Borges suggested the idea of Volman as a twentieth-century filibuster. I
also gratefully acknowledge the George C. Marshall Foundation, through the Marshall-Baruch
Research Fellowship, whose financial support made much of this research possible. Input from my
readers has made the article better; any errors of fact or judgment, of course, remain my own.
1. Betancourt was referring to Rómulo Gallegos, best known as author of Doña Bárbara, who
was president of Venezuela from February to November 1948. Robert J. Alexander, Rómulo
Betancourt and the Transformation of Venezuela (New Brunswick, 1982), 316.
2. “The Kaplans of the C.I.A.,” The Herald of Freedom XXII, no. 9 (November 24, 1972): 2.
This conspiratorially minded right-wing publication managed to conclude that the CIA covertly
supported Communism abroad. See also “Wessin Charges Dominican President Aids Reds,” New
York Times, November 19, 1965, 18 and Bernardo Vega, Kennedy y Bosch: aporte al estudio de las
relaciones internacionales del gobierno constitucional de 1963 (Santo Domingo, República Dominicana,
1993), 525–29. For a portrait of Wessin y Wessin’s Manichean anticommunism from the per-
spective of a liberal United States Ambassador to the Dominican Republic, see John Bartlow
Martin, Overtaken by Event.
This document argues that the civil rights movement cannot be defined as only occurring between 1954 and 1968. It references writings and petitions from the 19th century demonstrating appeals for racial equality and critiques of American hypocrisy regarding its proclaimed ideals of freedom and democracy. The document asserts that the movement was driven by a fight for human rights and dignity, not just civil rights, and that this struggle endured for centuries through oppression, violence and lack of basic safety for African Americans. Limiting the movement to only a few decades ignores centuries of relevant history and the lived experiences of suffering under the system of segregation and racial discrimination.
Mario Vargas Llosa and His Contribution in the Latin American Literatureijtsrd
C. Aguirre Transmodernity this can be a crucial contribution to the already teeming listing on statesman Llosa’s extended flight and oceanic literary and intellectual output, and is one in every of the only a few works that focuses on his role as public intellectual exactly thanks to that, this reviewer was stunned that the author doesn’t cite the necessary work by Maasteen van Delden and Yvon Grenier, Gunshots at the party. Literature and Politics in geographic area 2009 , in one in every of whose chapters, “The personal and therefore the Public Mario Vargas Llosa on Literature and Politics,” they address a number of a similar problems that Diamond State Castro tackles in his book. Van Delden and Grenier build the relevant points that “his positions have modified, however not his inclinations or attitudes,” so inform to a continuity in his role as public intellectual, which “Vargas Llosa may be a fairly consistent and outspoken public intellectual while not being as sure jointly may think”, that speaks to his flight as associate freelance and sometimes maverick intellectual. Mrs. Ayesha Faiz Siddiqui "Mario Vargas Llosa and His Contribution in the Latin American Literature" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-4 | Issue-6 , October 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd33576.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/english/33576/mario-vargas-llosa-and-his-contribution-in-the-latin-american-literature/mrs-ayesha-faiz-siddiqui
developing listening skills through technologyabidayou
The document discusses how various technologies such as radio, audio tapes, language laboratories, and video can be used to develop listening skills for language learners. It describes the benefits and uses of each technology, including their ability to provide extensive and intensive listening practice opportunities, expose learners to native speaker models, and promote learner motivation and creativity. The role of the teacher in selecting materials and activities that target specific listening skills is also addressed.
The United States government has three branches: the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The executive branch is headed by the President, who enforces laws and commands the military. The legislative branch is made up of the House of Representatives and Senate, which create laws. The judicial branch interprets laws through the court system headed by the Supreme Court.
This is the vital assignment for IPE239 Comparative Political Systems, IPED Prpgram, Rangsit University. The course part aims at providing an introduction to the field of comparative politics. Various theoretical perspectives and basic concepts within the field are taken up. The political systems of a number of countries - in relation to formal political institutions and informal aspects of the political order - are presented, discussed and compared. Issues of identity as well as the position of nation states in a global context are also dealt with. The course part includes an introduction to comparative method and sources of knowledge about political systems.
The Government of the USA is based on the Constitution, which was signed in 1787 and established a federal government with powers separated between the legislative, executive, and judicial branches to prevent dictatorship. The Constitution gives Congress lawmaking powers, the President executive powers to enforce laws, and the Supreme Court judicial powers to interpret laws. A system of checks and balances ensures no single branch can gain too much power, such as Congress passing laws the President can veto or the Supreme Court striking down unconstitutional laws. Regular elections also check leaders' power by allowing voters to replace representatives who oppose the President's agenda.
p a t r i c k j . i b e rWho Will Impose Democracy” Sac.docxalfred4lewis58146
p a t r i c k j . i b e r
“Who Will Impose Democracy?”: Sacha Volman and the
Contradictions of CIA Support for the Anticommunist
Left in Latin America*
Short-story writer, anti-dictatorial conspirator, and politician, Juan Bosch took
office as the elected president of the Dominican Republic in early 1963. His friend
on the anticommunist left, Rómulo Betancourt—then president of Venezuela—
observed to President Kennedy that his own nation’s writer-president had lasted
only nine months before being overthrown, and he had been a novelist. Bosch was
merely a short-story writer, Betancourt joked: Could he last even that long?1
He did not. Bosch was overthrown after seven months in a coup led by Elı́as
Wessin y Wessin, a fanatically anticommunist right-wing air-force colonel. Less
than two years later, the Johnson administration issued controversial orders to
occupy the country, which had the effect of blocking an armed uprising that
sought to restore the progressive constitution Bosch had put in place.
Meanwhile, in testimony before a Senate subcommittee, Wessin y Wessin, by
then a general, stated that Bosch and his colleagues were Communists. Asked
specifically about one Sacha Volman, a Romanian associate of Bosch who had
served him as a close but unofficial advisor while he had been president, Wessin
y Wessin said: “Tell me with whom you go, and I will tell you who you are.”2
*As this article has taken shape, it has had many readers who have provided useful comments
and suggestions. I would like to thank Mauricio Tenorio, Emilio Kourı́, Barry Carr, Mark Healey,
Mark Mancall, Sarah Osten, Ben Johnson, Nicole Louie, and the two anonymous reviewers for
Diplomatic History. Dain Borges suggested the idea of Volman as a twentieth-century filibuster. I
also gratefully acknowledge the George C. Marshall Foundation, through the Marshall-Baruch
Research Fellowship, whose financial support made much of this research possible. Input from my
readers has made the article better; any errors of fact or judgment, of course, remain my own.
1. Betancourt was referring to Rómulo Gallegos, best known as author of Doña Bárbara, who
was president of Venezuela from February to November 1948. Robert J. Alexander, Rómulo
Betancourt and the Transformation of Venezuela (New Brunswick, 1982), 316.
2. “The Kaplans of the C.I.A.,” The Herald of Freedom XXII, no. 9 (November 24, 1972): 2.
This conspiratorially minded right-wing publication managed to conclude that the CIA covertly
supported Communism abroad. See also “Wessin Charges Dominican President Aids Reds,” New
York Times, November 19, 1965, 18 and Bernardo Vega, Kennedy y Bosch: aporte al estudio de las
relaciones internacionales del gobierno constitucional de 1963 (Santo Domingo, República Dominicana,
1993), 525–29. For a portrait of Wessin y Wessin’s Manichean anticommunism from the per-
spective of a liberal United States Ambassador to the Dominican Republic, see John Bartlow
Martin, Overtaken by Event.
This document argues that the civil rights movement cannot be defined as only occurring between 1954 and 1968. It references writings and petitions from the 19th century demonstrating appeals for racial equality and critiques of American hypocrisy regarding its proclaimed ideals of freedom and democracy. The document asserts that the movement was driven by a fight for human rights and dignity, not just civil rights, and that this struggle endured for centuries through oppression, violence and lack of basic safety for African Americans. Limiting the movement to only a few decades ignores centuries of relevant history and the lived experiences of suffering under the system of segregation and racial discrimination.
Mario Vargas Llosa and His Contribution in the Latin American Literatureijtsrd
C. Aguirre Transmodernity this can be a crucial contribution to the already teeming listing on statesman Llosa’s extended flight and oceanic literary and intellectual output, and is one in every of the only a few works that focuses on his role as public intellectual exactly thanks to that, this reviewer was stunned that the author doesn’t cite the necessary work by Maasteen van Delden and Yvon Grenier, Gunshots at the party. Literature and Politics in geographic area 2009 , in one in every of whose chapters, “The personal and therefore the Public Mario Vargas Llosa on Literature and Politics,” they address a number of a similar problems that Diamond State Castro tackles in his book. Van Delden and Grenier build the relevant points that “his positions have modified, however not his inclinations or attitudes,” so inform to a continuity in his role as public intellectual, which “Vargas Llosa may be a fairly consistent and outspoken public intellectual while not being as sure jointly may think”, that speaks to his flight as associate freelance and sometimes maverick intellectual. Mrs. Ayesha Faiz Siddiqui "Mario Vargas Llosa and His Contribution in the Latin American Literature" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-4 | Issue-6 , October 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd33576.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/english/33576/mario-vargas-llosa-and-his-contribution-in-the-latin-american-literature/mrs-ayesha-faiz-siddiqui
This document provides a summary of a book titled "Reds in America" that examines the status of revolutionary movements in the United States. It describes the Communist Party as a highly disciplined and secretive organization ruled by a minority leadership. The party assumes democratic forms to gain mass support while establishing a dictatorship remains its objective. Members face strict rules and punishment for infractions in order to maintain control over the movement. The goal of the Communists is to influence the larger unorganized public through control of trade unions and other groups.
This document summarizes the organization and activities of the Communist Party in Russia based on Senate hearings and official Communist Party documents:
1) The Communist Party is a highly disciplined and secretive organization that strictly controls its few hundred thousand members and screens new applicants rigorously.
2) Party members are expected to propagandize against religion and are not allowed to participate in religious activities. Infractions of rules can result in penalties up to expulsion from the party.
3) As the only legal political party in Russia, the Communist Party maintains a monopoly on political power. All high-ranking government officials are also party members.
4) The party leadership uses its influence over the legal system to intervene in
Essay Elaborations on the concept of identitity from Huntington's -Who are we Julio Cepeda
1) The formation of American national identity was shaped by early British Protestant settlers who established core values like the English language, Protestant Christianity, and principles of self-governance. This identity was reinforced by race-based exclusion and expansion westward over centuries.
2) In the late 20th century, increased globalization, immigration from Asia and Latin America, and civil rights movements weakened the previously dominant conception of American identity. A divide emerged between more nationalist populations and increasingly cosmopolitan elites.
3) The 9/11 terrorist attacks marked a turning point, strengthening American nationalism and religious aspects of identity while increasing barriers against some immigration and multiculturalism. Similar impacts were expected in European national identities.
This document is a typed broadcast for a national radio station recapping American experiences before and after World War I. It discusses several topics related to America's changing role in the world during this time period, including the movement from isolationism to expansionism under the Roosevelt Corollary, key domestic and international figures during the war, and how the post-war United States was positioned to become a superpower. The broadcast must be a minimum of two pages and cite at least one source from the CSU online library.
Rev. William F. Hartigan Medal - Essay SubmissionAnthony V. John
1. Hispanic/Latino parishes emerged in the late 1960s as Catholic migrants mobilized to integrate into American society and address challenges like undocumented migration and lack of political representation.
2. U.S. foreign policy in Latin America, including military interventions and support for authoritarian regimes, contributed to economic instability and violence that drove Latin American migration to the U.S. in large numbers starting in the 1980s.
3. Hispanic/Latino parishes have created faith-based movements advocating for immigration reform, greater political influence, and social justice, drawing on Catholic social teaching and grassroots organizing models.
A Continent Of Color Langston Hughes And Spanish AmericaAllison Thompson
This article discusses the transnational dimensions of the Harlem Renaissance and Langston Hughes' engagement with Latin America. It notes that early black American anthologies and collections like The Book of American Negro Poetry and The New Negro included writings from the Caribbean and Latin America, recognizing a broader African diaspora. Figures like Alain Locke were aware of parallel movements in Mexico and Latin America. The article then focuses on Langston Hughes' travels to and writings about Latin America, which demonstrated his awareness of black cultural connections across the Americas.
Richard Hofstadter was a prominent 20th century American historian known for his works on consensus history and political culture. While he was associated with the consensus school of history, Hofstadter challenged some of its core ideas. Growing up in industrial Buffalo, Hofstadter was exposed to Marxist ideology as a student which influenced his later skeptical views of American politics. His book The American Political Tradition criticized traditional heroes of American history like Jefferson and Roosevelt. Hofstadter believed historians needed to take a more analytical approach beyond sentimental appreciation. He emphasized changing social values and the relationship between politics and ideas. Hofstadter is considered the most prominent historian of the 20th century for transcending consensus history and applying psychoanalysis
Ideology, Interest, U.S. Foreign Policy HistoriographyTravis Beecroft
This document discusses the historiography on how ideology and interest shaped US foreign policy during the Progressive Era. It examines how historians have analyzed the role of ideology related to slavery, treatment of Native Americans, and expansionism. The document argues that a racial hierarchy established through slavery provided ideological justification for later foreign policy. It also discusses how ideologies of emancipation, guidance, assimilation, and progress were used to influence policy toward Native Americans and expand US territory. The summary examines both ideology and interest in shaping imperialism in Latin America and Asia during this period.
This document provides an overview of a thesis paper examining how racial identity played a role in the reconfiguration of power dynamics during the Cold War from 1959-1990. The paper argues that traditional Cold War historiography fails to acknowledge the experiences of Latin America and Africa, where communist and anti-communist forces directly clashed in violent conflicts. It aims to analyze Cuba's role in Africa and how both Castro and the U.S. exploited notions of racial identity and threats of foreign influence to disguise their true objectives of expanding and maintaining domestic and international power. Racial oppression and imperialism were key ideological justifications used during the Cold War that masked underlying pursuits of geopolitical influence.
This document provides an overview of a thesis paper examining how racial identity played a role in the reconfiguration of power dynamics during the Cold War from 1959-1990. The paper argues that traditional Cold War historiography fails to acknowledge the experiences of Latin America and Africa, where communist and anti-communist forces directly clashed in violent conflicts. It aims to analyze Cuba's role in Africa and how both Castro and the U.S. exploited notions of racial identity and threats of foreign influence to disguise their true objectives of expanding and maintaining domestic and international power. Racial oppression and imperialism were key ideological justifications used during the Cold War that masked underlying pursuits of geopolitical influence.
In explaining American history from the beginnings of the n.docxaryan532920
This document discusses American history from World War II through the Cold War era. It explains that while the US had the largest economy prior to WWII, it maintained isolationist foreign policies and a relatively small military. However, after the US entered WWII in 1941 following the attack on Pearl Harbor, it became a global superpower alongside the Soviet Union by 1945. The document notes tensions then emerged between the two new superpowers during the Cold War as they promoted opposing political and economic ideologies worldwide.
04062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
El Puerto de Algeciras continúa un año más como el más eficiente del continente europeo y vuelve a situarse en el “top ten” mundial, según el informe The Container Port Performance Index 2023 (CPPI), elaborado por el Banco Mundial y la consultora S&P Global.
El informe CPPI utiliza dos enfoques metodológicos diferentes para calcular la clasificación del índice: uno administrativo o técnico y otro estadístico, basado en análisis factorial (FA). Según los autores, esta dualidad pretende asegurar una clasificación que refleje con precisión el rendimiento real del puerto, a la vez que sea estadísticamente sólida. En esta edición del informe CPPI 2023, se han empleado los mismos enfoques metodológicos y se ha aplicado un método de agregación de clasificaciones para combinar los resultados de ambos enfoques y obtener una clasificación agregada.
Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
You have to read it to believe it, but after you read it, you won't believe it. And I included eight examples of defamatory statements/
An astonishing, first-of-its-kind, report by the NYT assessing damage in Ukraine. Even if the war ends tomorrow, in many places there will be nothing to go back to.
Acolyte Episodes review (TV series) The Acolyte. Learn about the influence of the program on the Star Wars world, as well as new characters and story twists.
‘वोटर्स विल मस्ट प्रीवेल’ (मतदाताओं को जीतना होगा) अभियान द्वारा जारी हेल्पलाइन नंबर, 4 जून को सुबह 7 बजे से दोपहर 12 बजे तक मतगणना प्रक्रिया में कहीं भी किसी भी तरह के उल्लंघन की रिपोर्ट करने के लिए खुला रहेगा।
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This document provides a summary of a book titled "Reds in America" that examines the status of revolutionary movements in the United States. It describes the Communist Party as a highly disciplined and secretive organization ruled by a minority leadership. The party assumes democratic forms to gain mass support while establishing a dictatorship remains its objective. Members face strict rules and punishment for infractions in order to maintain control over the movement. The goal of the Communists is to influence the larger unorganized public through control of trade unions and other groups.
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1) The Communist Party is a highly disciplined and secretive organization that strictly controls its few hundred thousand members and screens new applicants rigorously.
2) Party members are expected to propagandize against religion and are not allowed to participate in religious activities. Infractions of rules can result in penalties up to expulsion from the party.
3) As the only legal political party in Russia, the Communist Party maintains a monopoly on political power. All high-ranking government officials are also party members.
4) The party leadership uses its influence over the legal system to intervene in
Essay Elaborations on the concept of identitity from Huntington's -Who are we Julio Cepeda
1) The formation of American national identity was shaped by early British Protestant settlers who established core values like the English language, Protestant Christianity, and principles of self-governance. This identity was reinforced by race-based exclusion and expansion westward over centuries.
2) In the late 20th century, increased globalization, immigration from Asia and Latin America, and civil rights movements weakened the previously dominant conception of American identity. A divide emerged between more nationalist populations and increasingly cosmopolitan elites.
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This document is a typed broadcast for a national radio station recapping American experiences before and after World War I. It discusses several topics related to America's changing role in the world during this time period, including the movement from isolationism to expansionism under the Roosevelt Corollary, key domestic and international figures during the war, and how the post-war United States was positioned to become a superpower. The broadcast must be a minimum of two pages and cite at least one source from the CSU online library.
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1. Hispanic/Latino parishes emerged in the late 1960s as Catholic migrants mobilized to integrate into American society and address challenges like undocumented migration and lack of political representation.
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3. Hispanic/Latino parishes have created faith-based movements advocating for immigration reform, greater political influence, and social justice, drawing on Catholic social teaching and grassroots organizing models.
A Continent Of Color Langston Hughes And Spanish AmericaAllison Thompson
This article discusses the transnational dimensions of the Harlem Renaissance and Langston Hughes' engagement with Latin America. It notes that early black American anthologies and collections like The Book of American Negro Poetry and The New Negro included writings from the Caribbean and Latin America, recognizing a broader African diaspora. Figures like Alain Locke were aware of parallel movements in Mexico and Latin America. The article then focuses on Langston Hughes' travels to and writings about Latin America, which demonstrated his awareness of black cultural connections across the Americas.
Richard Hofstadter was a prominent 20th century American historian known for his works on consensus history and political culture. While he was associated with the consensus school of history, Hofstadter challenged some of its core ideas. Growing up in industrial Buffalo, Hofstadter was exposed to Marxist ideology as a student which influenced his later skeptical views of American politics. His book The American Political Tradition criticized traditional heroes of American history like Jefferson and Roosevelt. Hofstadter believed historians needed to take a more analytical approach beyond sentimental appreciation. He emphasized changing social values and the relationship between politics and ideas. Hofstadter is considered the most prominent historian of the 20th century for transcending consensus history and applying psychoanalysis
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This document discusses the historiography on how ideology and interest shaped US foreign policy during the Progressive Era. It examines how historians have analyzed the role of ideology related to slavery, treatment of Native Americans, and expansionism. The document argues that a racial hierarchy established through slavery provided ideological justification for later foreign policy. It also discusses how ideologies of emancipation, guidance, assimilation, and progress were used to influence policy toward Native Americans and expand US territory. The summary examines both ideology and interest in shaping imperialism in Latin America and Asia during this period.
This document provides an overview of a thesis paper examining how racial identity played a role in the reconfiguration of power dynamics during the Cold War from 1959-1990. The paper argues that traditional Cold War historiography fails to acknowledge the experiences of Latin America and Africa, where communist and anti-communist forces directly clashed in violent conflicts. It aims to analyze Cuba's role in Africa and how both Castro and the U.S. exploited notions of racial identity and threats of foreign influence to disguise their true objectives of expanding and maintaining domestic and international power. Racial oppression and imperialism were key ideological justifications used during the Cold War that masked underlying pursuits of geopolitical influence.
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This document discusses American history from World War II through the Cold War era. It explains that while the US had the largest economy prior to WWII, it maintained isolationist foreign policies and a relatively small military. However, after the US entered WWII in 1941 following the attack on Pearl Harbor, it became a global superpower alongside the Soviet Union by 1945. The document notes tensions then emerged between the two new superpowers during the Cold War as they promoted opposing political and economic ideologies worldwide.
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04062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
El Puerto de Algeciras continúa un año más como el más eficiente del continente europeo y vuelve a situarse en el “top ten” mundial, según el informe The Container Port Performance Index 2023 (CPPI), elaborado por el Banco Mundial y la consultora S&P Global.
El informe CPPI utiliza dos enfoques metodológicos diferentes para calcular la clasificación del índice: uno administrativo o técnico y otro estadístico, basado en análisis factorial (FA). Según los autores, esta dualidad pretende asegurar una clasificación que refleje con precisión el rendimiento real del puerto, a la vez que sea estadísticamente sólida. En esta edición del informe CPPI 2023, se han empleado los mismos enfoques metodológicos y se ha aplicado un método de agregación de clasificaciones para combinar los resultados de ambos enfoques y obtener una clasificación agregada.
Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
You have to read it to believe it, but after you read it, you won't believe it. And I included eight examples of defamatory statements/
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What Defines American?: The Sociopolitical and Cultural Rift Between the United States and Latin America as Seen Through Rubén Darío’s “A Roosevelt”
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Thalia Pope
ENG 225 (01)
Dransfield
2 May 2014
What Defines American?: The Sociopolitical and Cultural Rift Between the United States and
Latin America as Seen Through Rubén Darío’s “A Roosevelt”
In response to the increasing involvement of the United States in Latin American politics
and economies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, even typically nonpolitical
Latin American authors—such as modernist poet Rubén Darío—took a special interest in
reviving interest and pride in Hispanic culture and heritage. While not considered a political
writer, Darío does address and capture the societal and political unrest of his times as he utilizes
a bitter use of apostrophe and significant application of allusion in order to unite Latin America
within his poem “A Roosevelt.”
The era consisting of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was identifiable
with its increasingly global and democratic ideologies, particularly in regards to the United
States. With the United State’s acquisition of Puerto Rico, Guam, the Philippines, and control of
Cuba’s independence process at the end of the Spanish-American war, the annexation of Hawaii
in 1898, and the possession of American Somoa in 1899, Theodore Roosevelt clearly stepped
into office at a time where the hopes behind the societal ideology of “Manifest Destiny” were
shifting into the expectations of global political and social expansionism. Indeed, Roosevelt not
only embraced the expansionist foreign policies of his predecessors, but—as seen in his issuance
of the Roosevelt Corollary—redefined and expanded these policies to include interventionist
policies. In the example of the Roosevelt Corollary, Roosevelt justifies such interventionist
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policies as a manner to validate and execute the assurances declared previously in the Monroe
Doctrine in protecting West Hemisphere interests. Explaining in his Congressional Address that
it “is contemptible, for a nation … to use high-sounding language to proclaim its purposes, or to
take positions … [i]f there is no intention of providing and keeping the force necessary to back
up a strong attitude,” Roosevelt argues that not only should European reassertion of imperialist
control be defended against, but there must be a willingness to exercise “international police
power” when other countries are seen to have “[c]hronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which
results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society”—which, coincidentally, is left open
to interpretation. The Corollary additionally comments that if “a nation shows that it knows how
to act with reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if it keeps order and
pays its obligations, [then] it need fear no interference from the United States”; implying, of
course, that such quantifiers of “efficiency” and “decency” would be established by the United
States. Similar ethnocentric mentalities were established well throughout the Unites States and
Europe in this time period; in 1899, British author Rudyard Kipling commented in his poem
“The White Man’s Burden” that there was a definitive need to “veil the threat of terror / And
check the show of pride” (Kipling, lines 11-12) among the “[h]alf devil and half child” races (8);
political poet Walt Whitman—referenced in Darío’s “A Roosevelt”— wrote an editorial in 1846
that commented that “miserable, inefficient Mexico—with her superstition [and] her burlesque
upon freedom” had no role to play in “the great mission of peopling the new world with a noble
race … Be it ours, to achieve that mission!” (“Our Territory”).
The Latin American reception to this developing sense of interventionism, unsurprising,
grew increasingly negative as it began to observe and protest these ethnocentric, even racist,
attitudes. With time, interventionism became a bitter topic for the Latinos at the receiving end of
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Roosevelt’s Big Stick; a few decades after the Corollary, Nicaraguan revolutionary Augusto
César Sandino eventually led a rebellion against United States military occupation, proclaiming,
“We do not protest against the magnitude of the intervention, but simply against intervention. …
We cannot rely on their promise that some day they will leave from here.” Writers of Latino
background, both from Hispanoamérica and the United States, began to search for cultural
distinction from the mass melting pot culture that they deemed imposed upon them; indeed, the
“urge to redefine the national identity produced a great number of rivaling concepts of what
America was, and who belonged to it” (Ickstadt 23). As part of these rising identity ideologies,
writers such as Darío and essayist José Martí propelled the vision of a united América latina; an
America that could be claimed as their own— an America that was “as distinctly different in its
spirituality and cultural substance from the America that did exist but was not ‘ours’” (21). Many
merely wanted to dispel the misconception that having “blue eyes, red hair, a face full of
freckles, and long feet” defined the American breed (Martinez). Others, like Sardino, sought
political and social independence; a freedom from the interventionist policies. The mentality that
America was the country that waved its banner of red, white, and blue across both the northern
and southern continents was quickly dissipated; when the expansionist mentalities later arose in
regards to the Cuba Question, the Hispanics residing there made this quite clear. “It is probable,”
Cuban essayist Martí declared, “that no self-respecting Cuban would like to see his country
annexed to a nation where the leaders of opinion share towards him the prejudices excusable
only to vulgar jingoism or rampant ignorance.”
The apostrophic poem by Rubén Darío, translated “A Roosevelt,” not only clearly
establishes itself as one of these many voices against the United States foreign policies of the
time, but also speaks to the América latina so desperately seeking to be united. The political
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implications of using this apostrophic manner, furthermore, suggest not only that the author
considers himself a voice of representation of the Latin American peoples, but that the issue
cannot and should not be addressed by any indirect means. The shock of how passionately the
speaker chooses to be this voice, however, comes immediately as Darío’s first stanza begins with
the caustic declaration that it is “with the voice of the Bible, or the verse of Walt Whitman, / that
I would come to you, Hunter!” (lines 1-2, my translation). Just looking at the poem’s beginning
itself, the speaker suggests that he must resort to religion and political poetry to truly have
influence on the president’s attitude—for, in actuality, Darío cannot be considered a political poet
in regards to most of his work, unlike José Martí. Referencing Walt Whitman also brings a sense
of irony with the previously mentioned fact that the American poet held ethnocentric views,
similar to Roosevelt. Having the speaker addressing Roosevelt as “Hunter” brings to mind
connotations of mercilessness, cruelty, and even insatiability— thus attempting to capture the
sense of oppressiveness that the Latin American people felt under the United States’ foreign
policies and the execution of the Roosevelt Corollary. The emotional impact of such a title only
solidifies with the understanding that the president did, in fact, hunt for sport.
Juxtaposing the ideas that “You are primitive and modern, simple and complex, / with
something of Washington and a quarter of Nimrod” creates a jarring sense of inconsistency— yet
the hinted accusations only come to light with historical context (3-4). By saying that while
Roosevelt may have noble intentions like the country’s first president, he shares more in common
with the Biblical king who ordered the Tower of Babel to be built (and consequently brought
about the confounding of languages), the speaker charges Roosevelt with much more than
ordering the construction of a large project, but also with the defiance of God’s will. Thus, the
poem truly begins to assume a prophetic air, parallel to how the prophets of old called men to
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repentance. Such Christian indignation captures much of the Latin American reaction due to the
largely Catholic presence in Latin American culture, a theme developed further on in the stanza.
The allusion takes on further significance with the context that, a few months prior, the United
States had successfully intervened to establish Panamanian independence from Columba in
exchange for the right to build what would eventually become known as the Panama Canal.
The anaphora “You are” continues as the speaker clarifies that Roosevelt not only
represents himself as a leader of a country, but also that “You are the United States” (5). Again
capturing the Latin American perspective of division and estrangement, the use of this particular
anaphora leads itself to a tone of accusation, especially in comparison with the other metaphors.
The air of prophecy (and accusation) again deepens as the speaker declares that the U.S. is “the
future invader / of the naïve America that has Native blood” (6-7). This statement likewise
deepens the implications of cruelty suggested at the beginning of the poem, but also creates a
divisive contrast between the differing visions and definitions of “America.” Throughout the
piece, Darío refers to “America” only as the Hispanic and Latin-American countries of his own
heritage— “the America that still prays to Christ and still speaks Spanish” (8). This contrast
proves significant when understanding that, unlike the northern countries like the U.S. (which at
the time, with their development of the existentialist models, were beginning to incorporate the
definition of God as “religious conscience”), Latin America and other countries with deeply
rooted spiritual traditions continued to understand God “in terms of dreams, love, suffering,
endurance, and liberation or redemption … found in the double heritage of the indigenous and
the Spanish, of Christian and sensual love, of Indian endurance, of the poet’s intoxication and the
philosopher’s ideals” (Yovanovich 46).
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The second stanza continues to utilize the anaphora within the apostrophe, again
politically implying the division between both land and cultures. Rather than speaking to the
United States as a whole, the speaker comments that Roosevelt is a “cultured” and “able”
individual— but his good graces and qualities are undermined by his ruthlessness (Darío 10).
With the accusation that he “oppose[s] Tolstoy” (a philosopher and writer who emphasized
nonviolence and pacifism, and whose writings influenced figures such as Ghandi and Martin
Luther King Jr.), the speaker condemns Roosevelt’s over-assertive global presence and
aggressive foreign policies (10). The clarification that is it is, indeed, the foreign policies that the
speaker condemns comes with the apostrophic metaphor that “You are an Alexander-
Nebuchadnezzar” (12); Alexander the Great in obvious reference to the military conquerer of the
Persian empire, and Nebuchadnezzar in reference to the Babylonian king who overthrew
Jerusalem in his war efforts against Syria and Egypt. Such a metaphor clearly identifies the
anxieties that Latin America hold in regards to the enforcement of the U.S. foreign policy and
expansionist policies, and later almost prove prophetic— at least, according the views of many
later revolutionaries like Sardino.
An interesting shift occurs in line nineteen, with a single-word mandate: “No.” The bullet
he speaks of in the prior sentence is halted in its flight; the style of apostrophe, speaking solely to
Roosevelt, ends. (This is a fact that could not be captured in the English translation. The use of
“You,” from this point onwards, becomes pluralized— no longer addressing a single individual,
but rather the entity of the United States and those who hold the ethnocentric, Anglicized view of
“America.”) The speaker takes a stanza to address (figuratively, of course) how United States is,
indeed, “powerful and great” (20) amongst the countries of Latin America; how its influence has
an intensity so precise and keen that “When it shakes, there is a deep tremor / that passes through
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the enormous spine of the Andes” (21-22). Darío scathingly points out the arrogance and irony
that anyone would promise another that “the stars are [theirs]” even though, already, “[they] are
rich” (24, 26). (The significance of making this kind of promise also becomes more clear with
the understanding that the Argentine sun and Chilean star both are symbols on those countries’
flags—thus clarifying such a promise to be political in nature when taken as representations of
those entire countries.) Seeing the United States combine the strength of “the cult of Hercules”
and the greed of “the cult of Mammon” (27), Darío warns both Roosevelt and his fellow Latin
Americans that self-serving intents of conquest and expansion can, and will be, hidden beneath
the self-proclaimed banners and symbols of liberty and civilization (Yovanovich 46).
Here, the purpose of the poem shifts. The third stanza, the longest of the piece, addresses
both for and to what he defines as “our America”— the Hispanic America, la América latina.
Here, Darío speaks powerfully of the cultural roots that sink them into the local earth and create
an identity to be proud of. Here, he speaks not so much to Roosevelt, but rather to the people
whom he seeks to bind together both culturally and politically, in a passionate symbol of defiance
to the “America” of red, white and blue. He reminds them of their indigenous ties with the proud
rulers and warriors Netzahualcoyotl, Montezuma, and Cuahtemoc; he reminds them of their
legacy of greatness with their Greek and Roman connections to Bacchus (Dionysus) and Pan; he
reminds them of their history of poetry, music, education, religion, and passion. He expresses
these, furthermore, not as successes and moments and lives to remember, but as
accomplishments that they, together as a single “America,” have “walked,” “learned,” and
“lived”; this, in turn, serves to provide and explain that they do, indeed, hold a unifying and
distinctive “American” culture, separate from the ideologies and mentalities that the United
States seemingly imposed upon them in their own enthusiasm with expansionism and
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interventionism (Darío 32, 33, 36). Indeed, line forty-four turns the attention back to not only the
United States, but to any ethnocentric or racist country against the unity of Hispanoamérica:
“Men of Saxon eyes and barbarous soul, it lives! / And it dreams. And it loves, and it shakes; /
and it is the daughter of the Sun” (). The defiance and jubilation behind his words are definitive,
even in translation; such an epiphany clearly reveals the passion behind the speaker’s belief that,
indeed, Latin America has a hopeful future if they can unite in their history and cultural roots.
Indeed, he goes so far as to warn the United States: “Be careful” (46). He does this in
conjunction with the comparison of the Latin American countries and their peoples to “a
thousand [lion] cubs” (an appropriate metaphor, with the Spanish throne and flag symbolized by
a lion)— thus implying that while at present time, Roosevelt and the United States may be the
hunters (see line 11), they will each eventually grow to be powerful, fearsome, and unstoppable.
For as Darío sardonically comments, one can have “and rely on all” (51)— but if God in not in
the picture, then eventually there will be a fall (like the collapse of the Roman empire, or the
destruction of the Tower of Babel…)— and great must be the fall thereof.
In conclusion, as a result of the developing ideologies of expansionism and
interventionism within the United States foreign policies in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, Latin American authors, and in particular modernist poet Rubén Darío,
vocalized both protest against such policies and sought to revive a unifying culture among the
peoples of la América latina. As such, this poem provides a unique insight into the cultural and
sociopolitical contexts of the time as Darío strives to both bring attention to the divisive split
between the ethnocentric political implications of the United States’ foreign policies and identify
the cultural roots and connections of an overarching Latin American identity within his poem “A
Roosevelt.”
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Works Cited
Acuña, Rodolfo F., and Guadalupe Compeán, eds. Voices Of The U.S. Latino Experience.
Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2008. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 2 May
2014.
Darío, Rubén. “A Roosevelt.” Cantos de vida y esperanza. Madrid: Spain, 1905. PDF File.
Ickstadt, Heinz. ‘Our America’: Transnational (and Transatlantic) Mirrors and Reflections.”
America Where? : Transatlantic Views Of The United States In The Twenty-First Century.
Eds. Isabel Caldeira, Maria José Canelo, and Irene Ramalho Santos. Bern: Peter Lang,
2012. 21-38. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web. 2 May 2014.
Kipling, Rudyard. “The White Man’s Burden.” Acuña and Compeán 320-21.
Martínez, Mariano. “Arizona Americans.” Acuña and Compeán 366.
“Our Territory on the Pacific.” Editorial. Brooklyn NY Daily Eagle 7 July 1846: A2. PDF File.
Roosevelt, Theodore. “Fourth Annual Message.” Hall of the House of Representatives, U.S.
Capitol, Washington DC. 6 Dec. 1904. Congressional Address.
Sandino, Augusto César. ‘‘To Abolish the Monroe Doctrine.” Acuña and Compeán 443.
Yovanovich, Gordana. The New World Order : Corporate Agenda And Parallel Reality.
Montréal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost). Web.
2 May 2014.
!
10. Pope 1
TO ROOSEVELT
trans. Thalia Pope, Apr. 2014
It is with the voice of the Bible,
or the verse of Walt Whitman,
that I would come unto you, Hunter!
You are primitive and modern, simple and complex,
with something of Washington and a quarter of Nimrod.
You are the United States—
you are the future invader
of the naïve America that has Native blood,
the America that still prays to Christ and still speaks Spanish.
You are the proud and strong exemplar of your race—
you are cultured, you are able; you oppose Tolstoy.
And breaking horses, or murdering tigers,
you are an Alexander-Nebuchadnezzar.
(You are a Professor of Energy,
as today’s madmen say.)
You think that life is fire,
that progress is eruption—
that you set the future
wherever you put your bullet.
No.
The United States is powerful and great.
When it shakes, there is a deep tremor
that passes through the enormous spine of the Andes.
If you clamor, it’s heard like the lion’s roar.
Hugo already told Grant: “The stars are yours.”
(The dawning Argentinian sun barely shines;
the Chilean star rises...) You are rich.
You join the cult of Hercules with the cult of Mammon
and, lighting the road of easy conquest,
Liberty raises her torch in New York.
But our America—that has had poets
since the ancient times of Netzahualcoyotl,
that has walked in the footprints of the great Bacchus,
that once learned the Panic alphabet;
that once consulted the stars, that knew Atlantis
(whose name resonates to us back from Plato),
that, since the earliest moments of its life, has lived
on light, on fire, on perfume, on love...
the America of the great Montezuma, of the Inca,
the fragrant America of Christopher Columbus,
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the Catholic America, the Spanish America,
the America in which noble Cuahtemoc said:
“I am not in a bed of roses”; that America
that trembles in hurricanes and lives on love—
Men of Saxon eyes and barbarous soul, it lives!
And it dreams. And it loves, and it shakes;
and it is the daughter of the Sun.
Be careful. Long live the Spanish America!
There are a thousand cubs unleashed from the Spanish Lion.
Roosevelt, you would need to be (by the will of God Himself)
the terrible Rifleman and powerful Hunter,
to be able to hold us in your iron claws.
And though you rely on all, there’s one thing you lack—God!
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References
Darío, Rubén. “A Roosevelt.” Cantos de vida y esperanza. Madrid: Spain, 1905. PDF File.
Frederick, Bonnie, trans. “To Roosevelt.” Cantos de vida y esperanza, los cisnes y otros poemas
(1905). n.d. Poesía en español (Poesia.as). Web. Apr. 2014.
Hills, Elijah Clarence, trans. “To Roosevelt.” Cantos de vida y esperanza, los cisnes y otros
poemas (1905). n.d. Poesía en español (Poesia.as). Web. Apr. 2014.
Kemp, Lysander, trans. “To Roosevelt.” Translating the Classics. Amherst College, n.d. Web.
Apr. 2014.
“To Roosevelt.” Poets.org. Academy of American Poets, n.d. Web. Apr. 2014.