The document discusses the establishment and functions of the European External Action Service (EEAS). Key points:
- The EEAS was formally established by the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 to represent the EU in foreign affairs and help implement the Common Foreign and Security Policy.
- It is led by the EU's High Representative and comprises staff from the European Commission, Council, and diplomatic services of EU members.
- While it hosts EU delegations around the world, performing some traditional diplomatic functions, the EEAS also coordinates between EU members and supports defense and development missions.
- Its creation challenged traditional notions of diplomacy being the sole purview of nation-states, but did not fully transform diplomacy
50 Years of the EU Commission's Extended ServiceDr Lendy Spires
The role of the delegations has changed constantly … they now carry out tasks relating to almost all the areas where the European Union has a part to play. This reflects the Union’s growing importance as a world global player.
President Prodi, September 2003 The European Union in the world The European Union is a unique experience of peaceful integration and cooperation between former rivals and competitors. Its process of unity was central to the economic and political history of Europe in the second half of the last century.
Its achievements today are impressive, and impossible to imagine only a few years ago: peace and stability have been consolidated; growth has been fostered; the well-being of EU citizens has substantially increased. The single currency is a historic success, and Community policies guarantee the safeguard of European principles and interests.
The EU is today, even before completion of the enlargement process, the world’s largest economic and trading partner, the largest donor of development assistance and the largest provider of humanitarian aid. It is also playing a crucial part in projecting stability around its periphery, notably through the process of further enlargement with central European and Mediterranean countries. In the external relations area, the EU is now moving forward to a European foreign policy that is properly linked to the EU institutions which manage the instruments needed for its accomplishment.
The European Commission plays a key role in the implementation of the EU’s foreign and other policies and in this it relies heavily 5 Taking Europe to the world — 50 years of the European Commission’s External Service
This document discusses the 50-year history of the European Commission's External Service. It summarizes that the External Service was established in 1954 to represent the European Communities abroad through a growing network of over 130 delegations worldwide, manned by over 5,000 staff. The roles and responsibilities of the delegations have expanded over time to cover nearly all policy areas of the European Union. Recent reforms aim to further enhance the effectiveness and coherence of the External Service in representing common EU interests globally.
This document provides background on EU delegations by discussing their history and institutional development. It notes that EU delegations originated from Commission delegations, which represented the European Commission abroad starting in the 1950s. The role of these delegations gradually expanded over time. The Lisbon Treaty formally established the European External Action Service in 2010 and replaced Commission delegations with EU delegations to represent the EU as a whole in foreign policy. The document discusses debates around this institutional reform and analyzes how EU delegations are now positioned in the post-Lisbon landscape. It aims to contextualize the topic of EU delegations within the broader academic discussion.
The paper considers the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as a byproduct of the EU’s external governance. It identifies the vital role of external borders
in the integration processes of the European Union (EU). The paper analyzes the border component of the ENP’s key documents and respective communications covering
the period from 2003 to 2017. The ENP texts recognize external borders as zones of
contact and dynamic collaboration. The documents reveal the imperialistic incentives
of the EU and identify the management of external borders as a matter of joint responsibilities among the Union and partners
The document summarizes the reports from the LSE Commission on the Future of Britain in Europe. The Commission convened a series of hearings with experts, practitioners, politicians and representatives from different sectors to discuss various implications of a potential Brexit. Key topics discussed included the economic impacts, impacts on the labor market and financial regulation. While most economic studies find Brexit would negatively impact the UK economy, the implications are complex and there would likely be varying regional and sectoral effects. Brexit could also have constitutional impacts within the UK and changes to the relationships between the central government and devolved administrations.
W dążeniu do realizacji celów Rady Europejskiej w zakresie działań zewnętrznych traktat
lizboński stworzył nowy kontekst instytucjonalny. Opiera się on na wzroście zarówno potencjału jak i ambicji RE, które może realizować ona przez wykorzystanie pełnej gamy instrumentów
i zasobów – w dążeniu do działań bardziej skutecznych i o większym znaczeniu strategicznym.
Uznano zatem, że koncepcje i zasady regulujące kompleksowe podejście Rady Europejskiej
zyskać muszą rangę zasad przewodnich działań zewnętrznych UE we wszystkich dziedzinach,
w szczególności w odniesieniu do bezpieczeństwa, zapobiegania konfliktom i reagowania w sytuacjach kryzysowych. Z tego względu Rada Europejska określiła szereg konkretnych działań,
które podejmuje, dążąc do osiągnięcia coraz bardziej kompleksowego podejścia w polityce
i działaniach z zakresu stosunków zewnętrznych. Dla realizacji tego zadania (co precyzyjnie
analizuje powyższy tekst) zajęto się wszystkimi aspektami zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa płynących z konfliktów i kryzysów zewnętrznych – od wczesnego ostrzegania i gotowości, poprzez
zapobieganie konfliktom oraz reagowanie i zarządzanie kryzysowe, aż po wczesny etap wychodzenia z kryzysu oraz budowania stabilizacji i pokoju.
Zdaniem Rady Europejskiej – co wykazuje niniejszy tekst – konieczność wzajemnie uzupełniających się interwencji w obszarach bezpieczeństwa zewnętrznego i zagrożeń dla Unii
Europejskiej jest efektem nowych problemów międzynarodowych w skali globalnej. Rada Europejska konsekwentnie podkreśla, że bezpieczeństwo jest niezbędnym warunkiem stabilności
UE i że trwały pokój nie jest możliwy bez rozwoju i eliminacji zagrożeń i ryzyk.
Dla Rady Europejskiej tworzenie i wzmacnianie warunków politycznych, społecznych
i gospodarczych dla stabilności ma zasadnicze znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa i jest warunkiem
wstępnym zmian w unijnej polityce zewnętrznej. Ta współzależność między bezpieczeństwem
i stabilnością odgrywa kluczową rolę w zwiększaniu skuteczności działań zewnętrznych UE.
Każde państwo, które dąży do zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa i pokoju, musi posiadać lub nabyć
odpowiednie zdolności we wszystkich istotnych obszarach, w tym w obszarze bezpieczeństwa
i obrony. Umożliwi to nie tylko ustabilizowanie sytuacji na świecie, ale również przyczyni
się w sposób konstruktywny do zaprowadzenia pokoju, uzyskania stabilizacji i zapobiegania
kryzysom.
Na przestrzeni ostatnich lat UE w coraz większym zakresie wspierała tę współzależność
między bezpieczeństwem i antykryzysową stabilnością, prowadząc interwencje w różnych
obszarach polityki unijnej i korzystając z różnych instrumentów. Działania te obejmują m.in.
dostęp do instrumentów międzynarodowych, dialog polityczny, współpracę techniczną (w tym
wspólne badania naukowe i innowacje) oraz szkolenia (transfer wiedzy oraz rozwój umiejętności).
Over the next five years, the EU's multilateral agenda should focus on proactively engaging with other countries, especially emerging powers, and international organizations, both established and new. This is necessary as the current multilateral system is under strain from a shift toward more flexible platforms that better represent modern geopolitical realities. The EU needs to develop a strategy to inspire vision and drive progress on reforming established institutions to better reflect shifting global power dynamics, and to critically assess new multilateral bodies in terms of how they fit the EU's approach to multilateralism. Proactive engagement with emerging powers in particular will be key, as they are increasingly frustrated with lack of representation in the current system.
1. The document discusses four potential scenarios for the future of European integration: "more Europe", "less Europe", "consolidation of Europe", and "flexible Europe".
2. The "less Europe" scenario would scale back EU integration by dismantling certain sectoral policies and reducing the regulatory role of the EU. However, this could exacerbate economic and migration crises and increase instability.
3. The "more Europe" scenario calls for greater centralization and a full political federation, but most EU countries are unwilling to cede sovereignty to supranational bodies.
4. The "consolidation of Europe" maintains the current level of integration but risks inertia that cannot address growing challenges
50 Years of the EU Commission's Extended ServiceDr Lendy Spires
The role of the delegations has changed constantly … they now carry out tasks relating to almost all the areas where the European Union has a part to play. This reflects the Union’s growing importance as a world global player.
President Prodi, September 2003 The European Union in the world The European Union is a unique experience of peaceful integration and cooperation between former rivals and competitors. Its process of unity was central to the economic and political history of Europe in the second half of the last century.
Its achievements today are impressive, and impossible to imagine only a few years ago: peace and stability have been consolidated; growth has been fostered; the well-being of EU citizens has substantially increased. The single currency is a historic success, and Community policies guarantee the safeguard of European principles and interests.
The EU is today, even before completion of the enlargement process, the world’s largest economic and trading partner, the largest donor of development assistance and the largest provider of humanitarian aid. It is also playing a crucial part in projecting stability around its periphery, notably through the process of further enlargement with central European and Mediterranean countries. In the external relations area, the EU is now moving forward to a European foreign policy that is properly linked to the EU institutions which manage the instruments needed for its accomplishment.
The European Commission plays a key role in the implementation of the EU’s foreign and other policies and in this it relies heavily 5 Taking Europe to the world — 50 years of the European Commission’s External Service
This document discusses the 50-year history of the European Commission's External Service. It summarizes that the External Service was established in 1954 to represent the European Communities abroad through a growing network of over 130 delegations worldwide, manned by over 5,000 staff. The roles and responsibilities of the delegations have expanded over time to cover nearly all policy areas of the European Union. Recent reforms aim to further enhance the effectiveness and coherence of the External Service in representing common EU interests globally.
This document provides background on EU delegations by discussing their history and institutional development. It notes that EU delegations originated from Commission delegations, which represented the European Commission abroad starting in the 1950s. The role of these delegations gradually expanded over time. The Lisbon Treaty formally established the European External Action Service in 2010 and replaced Commission delegations with EU delegations to represent the EU as a whole in foreign policy. The document discusses debates around this institutional reform and analyzes how EU delegations are now positioned in the post-Lisbon landscape. It aims to contextualize the topic of EU delegations within the broader academic discussion.
The paper considers the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as a byproduct of the EU’s external governance. It identifies the vital role of external borders
in the integration processes of the European Union (EU). The paper analyzes the border component of the ENP’s key documents and respective communications covering
the period from 2003 to 2017. The ENP texts recognize external borders as zones of
contact and dynamic collaboration. The documents reveal the imperialistic incentives
of the EU and identify the management of external borders as a matter of joint responsibilities among the Union and partners
The document summarizes the reports from the LSE Commission on the Future of Britain in Europe. The Commission convened a series of hearings with experts, practitioners, politicians and representatives from different sectors to discuss various implications of a potential Brexit. Key topics discussed included the economic impacts, impacts on the labor market and financial regulation. While most economic studies find Brexit would negatively impact the UK economy, the implications are complex and there would likely be varying regional and sectoral effects. Brexit could also have constitutional impacts within the UK and changes to the relationships between the central government and devolved administrations.
W dążeniu do realizacji celów Rady Europejskiej w zakresie działań zewnętrznych traktat
lizboński stworzył nowy kontekst instytucjonalny. Opiera się on na wzroście zarówno potencjału jak i ambicji RE, które może realizować ona przez wykorzystanie pełnej gamy instrumentów
i zasobów – w dążeniu do działań bardziej skutecznych i o większym znaczeniu strategicznym.
Uznano zatem, że koncepcje i zasady regulujące kompleksowe podejście Rady Europejskiej
zyskać muszą rangę zasad przewodnich działań zewnętrznych UE we wszystkich dziedzinach,
w szczególności w odniesieniu do bezpieczeństwa, zapobiegania konfliktom i reagowania w sytuacjach kryzysowych. Z tego względu Rada Europejska określiła szereg konkretnych działań,
które podejmuje, dążąc do osiągnięcia coraz bardziej kompleksowego podejścia w polityce
i działaniach z zakresu stosunków zewnętrznych. Dla realizacji tego zadania (co precyzyjnie
analizuje powyższy tekst) zajęto się wszystkimi aspektami zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa płynących z konfliktów i kryzysów zewnętrznych – od wczesnego ostrzegania i gotowości, poprzez
zapobieganie konfliktom oraz reagowanie i zarządzanie kryzysowe, aż po wczesny etap wychodzenia z kryzysu oraz budowania stabilizacji i pokoju.
Zdaniem Rady Europejskiej – co wykazuje niniejszy tekst – konieczność wzajemnie uzupełniających się interwencji w obszarach bezpieczeństwa zewnętrznego i zagrożeń dla Unii
Europejskiej jest efektem nowych problemów międzynarodowych w skali globalnej. Rada Europejska konsekwentnie podkreśla, że bezpieczeństwo jest niezbędnym warunkiem stabilności
UE i że trwały pokój nie jest możliwy bez rozwoju i eliminacji zagrożeń i ryzyk.
Dla Rady Europejskiej tworzenie i wzmacnianie warunków politycznych, społecznych
i gospodarczych dla stabilności ma zasadnicze znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa i jest warunkiem
wstępnym zmian w unijnej polityce zewnętrznej. Ta współzależność między bezpieczeństwem
i stabilnością odgrywa kluczową rolę w zwiększaniu skuteczności działań zewnętrznych UE.
Każde państwo, które dąży do zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa i pokoju, musi posiadać lub nabyć
odpowiednie zdolności we wszystkich istotnych obszarach, w tym w obszarze bezpieczeństwa
i obrony. Umożliwi to nie tylko ustabilizowanie sytuacji na świecie, ale również przyczyni
się w sposób konstruktywny do zaprowadzenia pokoju, uzyskania stabilizacji i zapobiegania
kryzysom.
Na przestrzeni ostatnich lat UE w coraz większym zakresie wspierała tę współzależność
między bezpieczeństwem i antykryzysową stabilnością, prowadząc interwencje w różnych
obszarach polityki unijnej i korzystając z różnych instrumentów. Działania te obejmują m.in.
dostęp do instrumentów międzynarodowych, dialog polityczny, współpracę techniczną (w tym
wspólne badania naukowe i innowacje) oraz szkolenia (transfer wiedzy oraz rozwój umiejętności).
Over the next five years, the EU's multilateral agenda should focus on proactively engaging with other countries, especially emerging powers, and international organizations, both established and new. This is necessary as the current multilateral system is under strain from a shift toward more flexible platforms that better represent modern geopolitical realities. The EU needs to develop a strategy to inspire vision and drive progress on reforming established institutions to better reflect shifting global power dynamics, and to critically assess new multilateral bodies in terms of how they fit the EU's approach to multilateralism. Proactive engagement with emerging powers in particular will be key, as they are increasingly frustrated with lack of representation in the current system.
1. The document discusses four potential scenarios for the future of European integration: "more Europe", "less Europe", "consolidation of Europe", and "flexible Europe".
2. The "less Europe" scenario would scale back EU integration by dismantling certain sectoral policies and reducing the regulatory role of the EU. However, this could exacerbate economic and migration crises and increase instability.
3. The "more Europe" scenario calls for greater centralization and a full political federation, but most EU countries are unwilling to cede sovereignty to supranational bodies.
4. The "consolidation of Europe" maintains the current level of integration but risks inertia that cannot address growing challenges
Brazil and Regional Integration in South America: Lessons from the EU’s CrisisFGV Brazil
Social Sciences article by Elena Lazarou, Head of the Center for International Relations at FGV and Assistant Professor at FGV’s School of Social Sciences (CPDOC).
http://ri.fgv.br/en
This document discusses the establishment and role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) as the diplomatic service of the European Union. It covers:
1) The legal basis for establishing the EEAS in the Treaty of Lisbon and a 2010 EU Council decision. The EEAS has a mixed legal nature, with both supranational and intergovernmental aspects.
2) The role and goals of the EEAS are to enhance the visibility of the EU, strengthen its capacity on the international stage, and work complementarily with EU member state diplomatic services.
3) The EEAS aims to support the development of a truly global EU diplomacy and help assert the EU's values and interests on the world
In recent years, the EU has assumed a greater role in dealing with security concerns
within the EU. In response to nation states’ decreasing capabilities to deal effectively
with problems at the national level, domestic policy fields such as asylum and migration
have been at least partially transferred to supranational responsibility (Scharpf, 2003;
Zürn, 2000). One of the issues that receives increasing attention at the supranational
level is irregular migration. Every year, an estimated 30 million people cross an
international border irregularly, of which, according to Europol, between 400,000 and
500,000 enter the EU. The stock of irregular residents in the EU is currently estimated
to be around three million (Council of Europe, 2003). In recent years, EU members
have come to the conclusion that they are no longer able to properly react to the
phenomenon of irregular migration on the domestic level and instead need to combine
their efforts regarding return policies on the European level. Measures against irregular
immigration thus became a focal point in the EU’s efforts to establish an ‘area of
freedom, security and justice’.
At the same time, the EU’s role in the outside world has changed. With the Eastern
enlargement, new regions and countries became neighbours of the EU. New
frameworks of cooperation, such as the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP)
and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) were set in motion to closely affiliate
neighbouring states with the EU (Emerson, 2005; Emerson & Noutcheva, 2005;
Emerson et al., 2007; Landaburu, 2006; Tassinari, 2006). The EU tried to assume a
greater responsibility in the stabilisation of the neighbourhood and sought to “promote a
ring of well governed countries to the East of the European Union and on the borders
of the Mediterranean with whom we can enjoy close and cooperative relations”
(European Security Strategy, 2003, p. 8). A major challenge in the EU’s efforts to
stabilise the neighbourhood was to find a proper balance with the internal security
concerns. Whereas the EU’s foreign and security policy was interested in advancing
regional integration and good neighbourly relations, the EU justice and home affairs
ministers were primarily guided by their interest in keeping problems out and the
external border closed.
This paper is concerned with an EU foreign policy instrument that is a case in point for
this struggle: EC visa facilitation and readmission agreements. These agreements aim
at fostering good neighbourly relations by easing the tight visa regime with
neighbouring countries in order to externalise a restrictive migration policy. By
elaborating on the EU’s strategy on visa facilitation and readmission, this paper aims at
offering a first systematic analysis of the objective, substance, and political implications
of these agreements. When was the link between visa facilitation and readmission
made? What are the target
The document provides information about several institutions and bodies that make up the European Union (EU). It discusses the European Commission, European Parliament, EU Council of Ministers, European Council, European Court of Justice, European Court of Auditors, European Central Bank, European Investment Bank, European Economic and Social Committee, and EU regional committee. It also briefly outlines some of the EU's policy areas, population, area, and spending. The main purpose is to outline the key components and structures that make up the EU system of governance.
Common Foreign and Security Policy of EUEce Dincaslan
The document summarizes the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union. It discusses how the CFSP emerged from informal cooperation in foreign policy among EU members in 1970. The Maastricht Treaty in 1993 formally established the CFSP to allow the EU to speak with one voice in foreign affairs. Key developments included the establishment of the High Representative for CFSP and bodies to coordinate foreign policy. However, unanimity among members and their freedom to pursue independent foreign policies have limited the effectiveness of the CFSP.
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
European Union Essay. Marymount UniversityAmanda Rose
Writing an essay on the European Union is challenging as it requires understanding of many political, economic, historical, and cultural aspects of the EU and its member states. Crafting a coherent essay on complex issues like EU governance, integration challenges, economic disparities, immigration, and Brexit involves navigating diverse perspectives and controversies. However, delving into the intricacies of the EU offers opportunities for personal growth and broader insights into regional integration and global governance. In conclusion, an essay on this topic requires dedication, research, critical thinking, and a nuanced understanding of the EU's multifaceted nature.
Highway to hell? European Union‘s Eastern Policy from a Civilian power persp...Adam Mickiewicz University
Jarosław Jańczak, Michael Meimeth, 2015, Highway to hell? – European Union’s Eastern Policy from a civilizing power perspective, “Centre international de formation européenne CIFE Policy Paper”, No. 7, pp. 10.
Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Unionthinkingeurope2011
This document is the introduction to a book titled "Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Union" edited by Vít Novotný. The book provides an in-depth study of immigration and integration policies across 13 EU countries and one region, as well as at the EU level. It aims to share knowledge about different national approaches and offer policy recommendations from a center-right perspective to help stakeholders adjust their policies for 21st century Europe.
Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Unionthinkingeurope2011
This document is the introduction to a book titled "Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Union" edited by Vít Novotný. The book provides an in-depth study of immigration and integration policies across 13 EU countries and one region, as well as at the EU level. It aims to share knowledge about different national approaches and offer policy recommendations from a center-right perspective to help stakeholders adjust their policies for 21st century Europe.
Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Unionthinkingeurope2011
This document is the introduction to a book titled "Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Union" edited by Vít Novotný. The book provides an in-depth study of immigration and integration policies across 13 EU countries and one region, as well as at the EU level. It aims to share knowledge about different national approaches and offer policy recommendations from a center-right perspective to help stakeholders adjust immigration and integration policies for 21st century Europe.
Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Unionthinkingeurope2011
This document is the introduction to a book titled "Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Union" edited by Vít Novotný. The book provides an in-depth study of immigration and integration policies across 13 EU countries and one region, as well as at the EU level. It aims to share knowledge about different national approaches and offer policy recommendations from a center-right perspective to help stakeholders adjust immigration and integration policies for 21st century Europe.
Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Unionthinkingeurope2011
This document is the introduction to a book titled "Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Union" edited by Vít Novotný. The book provides an in-depth study of immigration and integration policies across 13 EU countries and one region, as well as at the EU level. It aims to share knowledge about different national approaches and offer policy recommendations from a center-right perspective to help stakeholders adjust immigration and integration policies for 21st century Europe.
Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Unionthinkingeurope2011
This document is the introduction to a book titled "Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Union" edited by Vít Novotný. The book provides an in-depth study of immigration and integration policies across 13 EU countries and one region, as well as at the EU level. It aims to share knowledge about different national approaches and offer policy recommendations from a center-right perspective to help stakeholders adjust their policies for 21st century Europe.
The document discusses the role of networks in the EU's foreign policy toward Colombia. It examines three stages of policymaking: 1) the external issue (Colombia), 2) the inter-institutional perceptions and debates between the EU Council, Commission, and Parliament, and 3) the creation of external networks with NGOs to execute cooperation policies. Regarding Colombia, the EU is concerned with security issues like drugs and terrorism more than economic factors. The EU provides aid but its role is overshadowed by the US. Internally, the Council is most important but the Commission and Parliament also influence policy. Networks with NGOs are crucial for implementing programs on the ground.
Task for Position Paper. It is Time to Pursue a Cooperative Greater EuropeRussian Council
The document proposes pursuing a cooperative "Greater Europe" region from Norway to Turkey and Portugal to Russia. It notes current divisions in Europe since the Cold War and argues a cooperative zone could address security, economic, political, and cultural issues across the continent. A coalition of think tanks supports the idea of overlapping cooperation between European countries and institutions. The rationale is that divisions are costly and hinder addressing shared challenges like security, prosperity, and development. It argues now is the time for action as Europe undergoes institutional changes and strategic uncertainties remain about its future architecture and relationships. A declaration of intent could help fill this strategic vacuum and provide a focal point for progress on multiple cooperation tracks simultaneously.
The document analyzes the progress and challenges facing the European External Action Service (EEAS) during its first year of operation. It identifies three main challenges - developing a clear strategy, effective leadership, and improving implementation. Regarding strategy, the EEAS needs a vision for how it can meet 21st century diplomatic demands. On leadership, it must balance inclusiveness with effectiveness through entrepreneurship, diversity, and coordination. For implementation, the EEAS must strengthen its organization, people, coherence with EU bodies, partnerships, and innovation. The report provides recommendations in these areas to help the EEAS maximize its role and capabilities in supporting EU foreign policy.
The document provides an overview of Moldova's relations with the EU and its progress towards visa liberalization. It discusses Moldova's participation in programs like the Eastern Partnership and its negotiations of agreements like the Association Agreement. It also examines Moldova's implementation of reforms in priority areas for visa liberalization like border management, security, and documents. Support for EU integration among Moldovans is high, though Russia is still seen as a key strategic partner due to historical and ethnic ties. Overall progress has been made but inconsistencies remain in some reform areas.
The document discusses the 40th anniversary of the European Union Visitors Programme (EUVP). The EUVP began in 1974 and brings young professionals from around the world to Europe to learn about the EU institutions. It aims to create lasting international networks and allow visitors to gain insight into the EU's objectives and values. Over 4,000 visitors from 68 countries have participated in the program, which helps strengthen the EU's shared democratic values and build understanding between cultures.
The document outlines the key steps and strategies involved in community development processes. It discusses that community development is an educational process that helps communities change attitudes and behaviors to improve conditions. The main steps described are initial contact and rapport building, systematic discussion of issues, planning and executing action projects, and concluding projects with evaluation. It also discusses various strategies used like collaborative participation, action research, education, empowering community leadership, and ensuring community self-sufficiency through skills development. The goal is for communities to improve with less dependence on outside assistance over time.
The document summarizes the development of international human rights law under the United Nations. It discusses the International Bill of Human Rights which consists of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. It also describes the mechanisms established by the UN like the Commission on Human Rights and its replacement, the Human Rights Council, to promote and protect human rights.
Brazil and Regional Integration in South America: Lessons from the EU’s CrisisFGV Brazil
Social Sciences article by Elena Lazarou, Head of the Center for International Relations at FGV and Assistant Professor at FGV’s School of Social Sciences (CPDOC).
http://ri.fgv.br/en
This document discusses the establishment and role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) as the diplomatic service of the European Union. It covers:
1) The legal basis for establishing the EEAS in the Treaty of Lisbon and a 2010 EU Council decision. The EEAS has a mixed legal nature, with both supranational and intergovernmental aspects.
2) The role and goals of the EEAS are to enhance the visibility of the EU, strengthen its capacity on the international stage, and work complementarily with EU member state diplomatic services.
3) The EEAS aims to support the development of a truly global EU diplomacy and help assert the EU's values and interests on the world
In recent years, the EU has assumed a greater role in dealing with security concerns
within the EU. In response to nation states’ decreasing capabilities to deal effectively
with problems at the national level, domestic policy fields such as asylum and migration
have been at least partially transferred to supranational responsibility (Scharpf, 2003;
Zürn, 2000). One of the issues that receives increasing attention at the supranational
level is irregular migration. Every year, an estimated 30 million people cross an
international border irregularly, of which, according to Europol, between 400,000 and
500,000 enter the EU. The stock of irregular residents in the EU is currently estimated
to be around three million (Council of Europe, 2003). In recent years, EU members
have come to the conclusion that they are no longer able to properly react to the
phenomenon of irregular migration on the domestic level and instead need to combine
their efforts regarding return policies on the European level. Measures against irregular
immigration thus became a focal point in the EU’s efforts to establish an ‘area of
freedom, security and justice’.
At the same time, the EU’s role in the outside world has changed. With the Eastern
enlargement, new regions and countries became neighbours of the EU. New
frameworks of cooperation, such as the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP)
and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) were set in motion to closely affiliate
neighbouring states with the EU (Emerson, 2005; Emerson & Noutcheva, 2005;
Emerson et al., 2007; Landaburu, 2006; Tassinari, 2006). The EU tried to assume a
greater responsibility in the stabilisation of the neighbourhood and sought to “promote a
ring of well governed countries to the East of the European Union and on the borders
of the Mediterranean with whom we can enjoy close and cooperative relations”
(European Security Strategy, 2003, p. 8). A major challenge in the EU’s efforts to
stabilise the neighbourhood was to find a proper balance with the internal security
concerns. Whereas the EU’s foreign and security policy was interested in advancing
regional integration and good neighbourly relations, the EU justice and home affairs
ministers were primarily guided by their interest in keeping problems out and the
external border closed.
This paper is concerned with an EU foreign policy instrument that is a case in point for
this struggle: EC visa facilitation and readmission agreements. These agreements aim
at fostering good neighbourly relations by easing the tight visa regime with
neighbouring countries in order to externalise a restrictive migration policy. By
elaborating on the EU’s strategy on visa facilitation and readmission, this paper aims at
offering a first systematic analysis of the objective, substance, and political implications
of these agreements. When was the link between visa facilitation and readmission
made? What are the target
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Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Unionthinkingeurope2011
This document is the introduction to a book titled "Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Union" edited by Vít Novotný. The book provides an in-depth study of immigration and integration policies across 13 EU countries and one region, as well as at the EU level. It aims to share knowledge about different national approaches and offer policy recommendations from a center-right perspective to help stakeholders adjust immigration and integration policies for 21st century Europe.
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This document is the introduction to a book titled "Opening the Door? Immigration and Integration in the European Union" edited by Vít Novotný. The book provides an in-depth study of immigration and integration policies across 13 EU countries and one region, as well as at the EU level. It aims to share knowledge about different national approaches and offer policy recommendations from a center-right perspective to help stakeholders adjust immigration and integration policies for 21st century Europe.
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1. Week 10 European Diplomacy
Topic: European
External Action
Service (EEAS)
Establishment of the
European External
Action Service
Composition and
Functions of the EEAS
EEAS and the
member states of the
EU
Does the EU
transform the
institution of
diplomacy?
2. Cont-
• Readings:
• The European External Action Service (EEAS) Ana E. Juncos, School of
Sociology, Politics and International Studies, University of Bristol and
Karolina Pomorska, Department of Political Science, Leiden University.
• Federica Bicchi & Niklas Bremberg (2016) European diplomatic practices:
contemporary challenges and innovative approaches, European Security,
25:4, 391-406, DOI: 10.1080/09662839.2016.1237941
• Further reading
• Bátora, J. (2005) Does the European Union transform the institution of
diplomacy? Journal of European Public Policy, 12:1,pp. 44-66.
• Hill, C & Wong, R. (2011), National and European Foreign Policy: Towards
Europeanization, West European Politics, April, 1-25
3. Creation of the European External Action Service
(EEAS): An Introduction
•The European External Action Service (EEAS) is a unique
institution on the global stage. Its creation resulted from an
attempt to build a fully fledged diplomatic service of a
union that brings together 27 nation-states.
•The creation of the EEAS and an office similar to a minister
for foreign affairs became a central part of the
recommendations of the Convention for Europe, which
took place between 2001 and 2003.
4. The Establishment of the EEAS
•The Treaty of Lisbon, which entered into force
on December 1, 2009, finally brought to life both the
EEAS and the high representative of the Union for
Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and vice president of
the Commission—hereafter high representative.
5. Cont-
•The EEAS was formally established by the Lisbon Treaty,
which came into force on December 1, 2009. Led by the
EU’s High Representative, the new service was to
comprise staff brought from the European Commission,
the Council Secretariat General, and from the diplomatic
services of the EU member states. As such, its
establishment was hailed as the “most ambitious reform
effort in European foreign policy, ever” (Lehne, 2011, p. 2)
6. Cont-
• The Lisbon Treaty did not provide details about the
composition and functioning of the new organization,
and these had to be subsequently ironed out in inter
institutional negotiations, which culminated in the
adoption of the Council Decision of July 26,
2010 (Council of the EU, 2010). It took two long years,
however, to create the service, which only became
operational in January 2011
7. EEAS Composition and Functions
• EEAS is under the authority of the High Representative/Vice
President (HRVP)
•Regarding the composition of the EEAS, it was foreseen
that at least 60% at the AD level (administrators) should
come from EU institutions (i.e., European Commission and
Council Secretariat), with officials from the diplomatic
services of the EU member states representing at least a
third of EEAS officials.
8. Cont-
•In order to reach this figure, the staff regulations
adopted in October 2010 state that, until June
30, 2013, priority for certain posts in the EEAS
should be given to national diplomats in case of
substantially equal qualifications (European
Union, 2010b, p. 8).
9. Cont-
•In terms of its functions, it would be wrong to equate
the EEAS with a “foreign ministry,” since as well as
hosting the EU delegations it also includes elements
from defense, development, and trade ministries
built into it. The EEAS not only supports the EU’s
external representation, but it is also in charge of
planning and implementing EU Common Security
and Defence Policy (CSDP) operations and missions.
10. • EEAS is tasked with supporting the high representative
in fulfilling her threefold mandate: (1) to conduct the
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and to
ensure the consistency of the EU’s action; (2) in her
capacity as chair of the Foreign Affairs Council; and (3)
in her capacity as the vice president of the European
Commission (Council of the EU, 2010: Art. 2).
11. Cont-
•In June 2013, the proportion of national diplomats
reached 32.9% (EEAS, 2013). From July 1, 2013, posts were
opened to officials from other EU institutions, such as the
European Parliament. The transfer of staff from the
European Commission (mostly DG External Relations
[Relex] and DG Development [DEV]) and the General
Secretariat of the Council took place en masse on January
1, 2011.
12. Cont-
•This was followed by the gradual employment of
national diplomats. Unlike in the national
ministries of foreign affairs (MFAs), military
personnel, working for the EU Military Staff,
were also to form part of the EEAS.
•EU delegations fulfill most traditional diplomatic
functions as per the 1961 Vienna Convention on
Diplomatic Relations
13. Cont-
•EU delegations have gradually enhanced their role in
political reporting and devote a great amount of
time to coordinating the positions of EU member
states in third countries and international
organizations.
•Assessing the role of EU delegations in their first
years of existence, Austermann (2014) argued that
this development has contributed to “the
centralisation” of European diplomacy.
14. • However, this centralization has taken place at varied
speeds, with the delegations asserting a stronger role
vis-à-vis developing partners than when it comes to
third countries where EU member states have a
stronger economic or political interest. Thus, rather
than replacing national diplomacies, EU delegations
have continued working with and alongside them
(Bicchi & Maurer, 2018, p. 13).
15. The EEAS and the Member States
•The study of the EEAS also provides an opportunity to
examine the role of the member states in EU foreign
policy. In particular, their approach to the EEAS exposes
long-standing political disagreements between the
member states regarding the role of the EU in foreign and
security issues.
16. Cont-
• The creation of the EEAS challenged the ability of the
state to monopolize symbolic power, and the
possibility of its future growth caused uneasiness in
the MFAs (Adler-Nissen, 2014). The creation of the
EEAS also responded to the desire to avoid a
“communitarisation” of EU foreign policy, by creating
an organization, which, unlike the European
Commission, was to remain under the control of the
member states.
17. •In their approach to the EEAS, member states have shared
two concerns: the need to achieve greater efficiency and
cost effectiveness (Wright, 2013, p. 21). For instance,
practical “burden-sharing,” through the co-location of
national diplomats in EU delegations, is generally
perceived as favorable and as a form of added value by
the EEAS.
•There is reluctance of the member states to lose control in
this key policy area. Thus, in the contest to retain/gain
influence, consular representation has become a key area
of contention.
18. Cont-
•Member states remain divided on how far the EU
competence should reach, with some arguing positively
for the effective use of resources and some even arguing
that the EEAS should be given the responsibility of issuing
short-term Schengen visas (Wouters & Duquet, 2012, p.
43).
• Other member states are opposed to any further steps in
this direction, claiming the issue is “a purely national
competence” (Wessel & Van Vooren, 2013, p. 1361).
19. Does the EU transform
traditional diplomacy of
a modern state?
20. •A general answer would be NO!
•The fact that the EU is developing its own diplomatic
structures in an isomorphic (corresponding or similar in
form and relations.)manner is in line with the overall
pattern of new states establishing their presence in
the diplomatic system.
• What is novel and challenging, though, is the fact
that the EU is not a state, and still it is developing a
legal personality.
21. Cont-
•For Diplomacy to be institutionalized the need for an outlined
set of institutional features upon which diplomacy rests is an
important condition.
•But in the case of EU as can be seen in the example :
there is ambiguity in relation to the diplomatic status of the
heads of EU delegations, who ‘are ambassadors by rank and
title, ... [but] are basically asked to conceal this fact’ (Bruter
1999: 190). The conditions under which the EU delegations
perform diplomatic activities are therefore fundamentally
atypical (not representative of the group)(Bruter 1999: 185).
22. • Incase of the EU’s diplomatic practices– it raises the
question of who are legitimate participants in the
diplomatic exchange, what is legitimate conduct and
legitimate principles regulating diplomatic actions,
what are the professional values and norms that steer
the work of diplomatic agents, and not least what
language is appropriate?
23. Cont-
two alternatives:
•the EU becomes a state;
•the global diplomatic system will be transformed
owing to the adoption of new standards allowing
non-state entities (such as the EU) to act as
standard diplomatic actors on a par with states.
24. • Each of these represents radically different potential
trajectories of change and is evidence of the fact that
the EU at this point in its development indeed is a
challenge to the established Westphalian interstate
order, while it is at the same time also evidence of the
fact that the EU could be in the process of becoming a
fully-fledged state, which would undermine the
ambition of the EU to become an innovative way of
organizing governance beyond the state.
25. The EU may not have
transformed diplomacy but it
has challenged the practices of
diplomacy.
26. Diplomacy as appropriateness of practices
has been challenged by the EU.
•Taking diplomacy as the embodiment of a set of
logics of appropriateness associated with the
nation-state in world politics. It simplifies the
complexities of events enabling classification of
situations, determining legitimate actors and
legitimate options for action.
•
27. Cont-
•The collection of foreign ministries forms an
organizational field through which standards and notions
of appropriateness are being distributed in an isomorphic
manner to states around the world.
•This means that diplomats form a global professional
community with a shared set of values, practices,
behavioral patterns, professional language and identity,
perpetuated by similar recruitment methods and
socialization.
28. How the EU has challenged Diplomacy?
•The process of European integration challenges these
established notions of appropriateness within the
diplomatic organizational field in at least three ways.
•The first challenge is most obvious at the level of bilateral
relations between member states of the Union, which are
conducted in the common European legal environment.
There may be a metamorphosis of diplomacy towards an
intra-European mode of bilateral relations marked by the
absence of the threat of intra-European war.
29. • This in turn moves the attention of member states’
intra-European diplomatic efforts from the traditional
preoccupation with mutual threats to national
security towards shared strategies of ensuring
common security, and towards other agendas such as
trade, human rights, cultural issues and regional co-
operation.
30. Cont-
• It is so far uncertain whether common standards for the intra-
European mode of diplomacy are evolving or whether the
member states’ involvement in intra-European diplomacy has a
fragmented character in terms of structures, procedures and
norms applied by the respective foreign ministries. Nevertheless,
it seems plausible to expect the member states’ foreign services
to gradually develop additional set/s of norms, structures,
procedures and language regulating their participation in the
mode of relations with fellow member states of the Union.
31. •The second challenge that European integration poses to
diplomacy can be recorded in particular at the central level
of the EU administration in Brussels in the multilateral
setting of the Council.
•As permanent representatives of member states to the EU,
diplomats have traditionally had the key role in forging
treaties constituting the legal-political framework of the
Union in negotiations behind closed doors, which at first
glance appears to be congruent with the diplomats’
traditional role as exclusive managers of foreign policies of
their respective states.
32. Cont-
• The negotiations within COREPER('Committee of the
Permanent Representatives of the Governments of
the Member States to the European Union), however,
feature a set of institutionalized interactions with the
Commission, the Presidency and the Parliament,
which creates a series of ambiguities about the
diplomats’ role and brings about democratization of
diplomatic processes.
33. •recent explorative processes of treaty
development through the Convention method
have introduced new standards of openness and
inclusiveness representing a metamorphosis of
the role of diplomats from gatekeepers to
process facilitators and participants.
34. • Finally, the development of the EU’s capacity to conduct external
diplomatic relations challenges the role of states as the only
legitimate participants in the transnational diplomatic system.
• The fact that the EU mimics the transnationally distributed
standards for organizing diplomacy and tries to implement
socialization procedures normal at national foreign ministries to
enable its representatives to have a more diplomat-like behaviour
indicates that the EU attempts to gain more legitimacy as a
member of the global organizational field of diplomacy.
development would transform the field in its entirety.
35. • Yet, owing to its non-state nature and supranational
character, the EU as a legitimate member of the global
diplomatic field could imply the introduction of
completely new standards. This raises the question
whether such a development would transform the
field of traditional diplomacy in entirety.
36. •Romano Prodi suggests, Europe’s role in global
governance is that of replicating the European
experience on a global scale (both quoted in Kagan
2002), the question arises whether the new logic of
diplomatic appropriateness emerging in Europe
may be carried by the pressures within the global
diplomatic organizational field also beyond the EU
territory. Could diplomacy be Europeanized once
again, and if so, what would then be left of
diplomacy as we know it?