Violencia de género en tanzania english (def)

Summary of “Factors and perceptions which may influence the magnitude of
Gender Violence in the Singida region of Tanzania”

Can we understand gender
violence?

A study of individual, community, social
and cultural factors to help focus our
actions against gender violence

Singida region, Tanzania

2012

MEDICOS DEL MUNDO

0


CONTENTS
1. Introduction 4

2. Methodology 6

3. The extent of gender violence in the Singida region. ¡Error!
Marcador no definido.

3.1. Physical violence
3.1.1. Female genital mutilation
3.1.2. Different forms of physical maltreatment
3.2. Emotional abuse
3.3. Sexual violence
3.4. Economic violence
3.4.1. Labour exploitation of women
3.4.2. Lack of access to and control of resources: inheritance and dowry

4. The Ecological Model of Heise 17

5. Individual level 18

5.1. Sex, age, religion and ethnicity… an influence on gender violence?
5.2. Are low levels of education a risk factor?
5.3. Use and abuse of alcohol and marijuana
5.4. Income and economic insecurity

6. Relationship level 21
6.1. Marriage of convenience and young pregnancy due to economic status
The Dowry or price of the betrothed
6.2. The patrilocal system
6.3. Living with your aggressor and normalizing the violence
6.4. Only the men make decisions

7. Community level ¡Error!

7.1 Briefings on Tanzanian legislation on gender violence
7.2 Poverty and limited economic resources
7.3 Mechanisms and routes taken by women against gender violence
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7.3.1 Formal mechanisms
7.3.2 Informal mechanisms
7.3.3 Faith in and effectiveness of these mechanisms

8. Socio-cultural level 36
8.1 Masculinity and Femininity – being a man or a woman
8.2 Female genital mutilation and its meaning within the feminine stereotype
8.3 Gender roles and division of work
8.4 Sexual and behavioural control of women in patriarchal societies
8.5 Witchcraft (“Uchawi”) as a strategy to control women

9. Recommendations 46
9.1. Individual level/family level – Informal Plan
9.2. Individual/family level – Formal Plan
9.3. Community level – Formal Plan
9.4. Community level – Informal Plan

10. Conclusions ¡Error!

11. Annexes ¡Error!

ANNEX I. Tables and Graphics
ANNEX II. Analysis and Tools
ANNEX III. Bibliography

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Synopsis
Gender violence is a widespread issue in Tanzania. It consists of various types of violence
caused by diverse factors. Civil society in Tanzania and the Tanzanian government have already
taken some measures to put an end to this gender violence, by getting involved with
international campaigns in the fight against violence as well as by pushing for changes within
Tanzania’s legislation.

This report has been produced with the objective of identifying which types of gender violence
occur within the intervention zones of Médicos del Mundo, in order to analyse the factors and
the perceptions which may have an influence on this violence, and also to find out which
mechanisms (either formal or informal) are used by the survivors of gender violence.

The investigation has been qualitative in nature, and was carried out in four villages belonging
to two of the sectors in which Médicos del Mundo worked over the course of 2011. 350
people participated in the study. Quantitative and qualitative tools have been used.

Médicos del Mundo considers it important to understand the antrhopological contexts within
which we work in order to take into account the working hours of the titleholders of the
program, in this case with the Nyaturu people, the majority ethnic group in the intervention
zone. Each ethnic group lives in its specific context where cultural, social and economic
parameters influence their understanding the world.

The results of studies such is this can prove useful, not only for Médicos del Mundo
(indispensible to enhance outcomes of theprogram in this region and country), but also for
other organizations, especially local, regional and national authorities. The results provide a
regional and national context for the impact of gender violence and thus will allow efforts to
achieve gender equality to be better targetted.

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Cards resulting during the design of the research

1. Introduction

There is increasing evidence and awareness of the negative impact on health caused by gender
violence amongst healthcare providers and policy-makers. Gender violence has been
associated with increased risks to and problems with reproductive health, chronic disorders,
psychological effects, injuries and death.

Maltreated by the partner
Sexual Aggression
Child sexual abuse

Lethal Effects Non-lethal Effects

- Homicide
- Suicide
- Maternal mortality
- AIDS related effects
PHYSICAL CHRONIC MENTAL
HEALTH CONDITIONS HEALTH

Injuries Symptoms of chronic Post-traumatic
illness Stress Disorder
Functional changes Irritable bowel Depression
syndrome
Physical symptoms Gastrointestinal Anxiety disorders
diseases including phobia
and panic attacks
Deficient subjective health Fibromyalgia Eating disorders
Permanent disability Sexual
dysfunction
Severe obesity Poor self-esteem
Psychotropic
substance abuse
NEGATIVE BEHAVIOUR REPRODUCTIVE
AFFECTING HEALTH HEALTH

Smoking Unwanted pregnancy
Alcohol and drug abuse HIV/STDs
High risk sexual behaviour Gynaecological
diseases
Physical inactivity Dangerous abortions
Excessive eating Pregnancy
complications
Miscarriage/ Low birth
weight babies
Pelvic Inflammatory
Disorder

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Gender violence is an omnipresent public health problem,
Type of violence Domestic
which threatens human rights worldwide. The instigators and
Community
prevalence of gender violence vary according to location. In
Collective
general terms, at least one in three woman has been
Type of aggression Physical
Emotional or psychological
maltreated, coerced into forced sex or has suffered abuse, at
Economic
some moment of her life. These facts highlight the negative
consequences of gender violence on the health and wellbeing of
Relationship Partner the women involved, as well as that of her children and
to the aggressor Family members or friends ultimately on the wellbeing and development of communities
The State and societies. The extent of gender violence and its
Employers, superiors (at work consequences, justifies the need for intervention and, as such,
or in school) investment in programs focussing on health and sexual and
reproductive rights.

The term “gender” reflects a basis of social organization, referring to specific social roles which
individuals are given according to their sex, by a community or culture. As such, we find in
each society certain rules, as implicit as they are explicit, which define the role and status of
each of their members according to their sex. These rules determine what is acceptable,
convenient and appropriate depending on whether the individual is a man or a woman.
Within the community one learns to be a man or a woman with each sex assigned their own
rights and responsibilities. Violence is the reflection of the construction of these relationships.
Within a society, inequality of power and authority between men and women is determined by
historical, cultural and other social determinants. Therefore, violence is not an isolated
phenomenon, but is closely related to the socio-cultural norms, which reoccur in the family
and the group1.

Following this premise, we align ourselves with the definition of violence against women set
out by the United Nations: “any act of violence based on belonging to the feminine sex which
has or may have as a result, harm or physical, sexual or psychological suffering for the woman,
as well as any threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary withdrawing of liberty, whether it
occurs in public or private life”2.

Médicos del Mundo initiated the TUNU programme (Tutambue Uzazi na Ujinsia or Recognising
our sexual and reproductive rights) in the Singida and Same districts in 2009. In the PRA
carried for the groundwork of both missions, gender inequality was affirmed, as well as the
impact of gender violence on women’s health. For this reason, a qualitative investigation was
included for both areas of intervention. This report summarizes the investigation undertaken
in the Singida District. Médicos del Mundo have applied the WHO (World Health Organization)
recommendations in designing this investigation, by utilizaing a multidisciplinary approach.
We at Médicos del Mundo believe that there is still a long way to go in creating awareness of

1
Pg. 15 “Violence against women. Gender, culture and society. A practical approach” Médicos
del Mundo.
2
General Assembly of the United Nations, 1993
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gender violence, and in forming and integrating a system of management that understands
gender violence within medical institutions, health centres and welfare offices. The
development departments of the respective districts (specifically the Ward Executive Officers
[WEO], Village Executive Officers [VEO] and police stations) are still not adequately prepared
to tackle cases of gender violence. We at Médicos del Mundo pledge to work in this area of
gender violence, to build awareness amongst various stakeholders at a district level, as well as
to work with the affected communities, looking for ways to introduce ways to prevent, detect,
take action and report this violence.

The communities in which this investigation was carried out, were selected from within the
intervention area of Médicos del Mundo. In 95% of the communities the predominant ethnic
group is the Nyaturu. The Nyatura population is made up primarily of crop growing and
farming societies, where 74% of the population live off their gains from the cultivation of their
land and from their livestock. Due to this way of life, 56% of the population live on less than
100, 000 TZS (approximately 50 euro) a month. Only a very small percentage have small
businesses or jobs that bring in a monthly salary.

2. Methodology
The following sequence shows the development strategy used to shape the report:

PASOS EN LA FORMULACIÓN DE LA MATRIZ
Paso 1.
PROBLEMA
del ESTUDIO

Paso 2.
OBJETIVOS del ESTUDIO

Paso 3.
Selección de: PREGUNTAS del ESTUDIO
• UNIDADES de
ANÁLISIS
•VARIABLES

Paso 4.
HIPÓTESIS
4

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It is important to combine quantitative and qualitative methods as both methods contribute to
the overall objective of the study. The quantitative method provides socio-demographic
information on each participant and adds relevant data to the analysis.

The qualitative method provides us with detailed information on the context and perceptions
of a small number of participants. One of the objectives of the report has been to obtain a
deeper look at the Nyatura population and their attitudes, motivations and practices. The
qualitative study aims to identify what people say and do. For Médicos del Mundo, it has
been very important to learn about the attitudes of the aggressors of gender violence, how
they perceive their mistreated partners and how they justify and interpret their behaviour.

The Discussion Group (DG) has been very useful in order to explore norms, beliefs, practices
and behaviours of individuals in the community. We are interested in what they consider as
the “norm” within the community and what the culture tells them that they should “do” or
“say. The information derived from the DG has also been compared with other sources of
information.

Another tool has been the in-depth Interview, which has revealed social representations which
have either confirmed or disproved our hypotheses and which have enriched the results of the
DG. The interviews introduce personal opinions and different types of practices. In selecting
interviewees, we have prioritized the voice of female victims of gender violence, who in their
daily lives would not normally have the opportunity to speak openly about this violence and
about their own situation.

Observation was a premise for the collection of data through observing and documenting
mannerisms and reactions to certain questions. The non-verbal communication of each
person in their interaction with other participants in the discussion groups and when they
started and stopped speaking were considered to be important factors to add to the data
collected. For the quantitative analysis, a selection was made of 241 participants – male and
female – between 15 and 70 years of age. Selection criteria were established in collaboration
with the Singida District to help decide which villages to select. These criteria were:

Villages identified by the Social Welfare office of the district, with the highest number
of reported cases of gender violence.
Villages from the two divisions (Ilongero and Mungaa) in which Médicos del Mundo
work.
The total population and number of families in each village
Geographic distance from the following infrastructures: primary and secondary
schools, healthcare centres and police stations.

On the basis of these criteria, the following villages were selected: Ilongero and Kinyeto
(llongero Division) and Msule and Ntewa B (Mungaa Division). The total population of the 4
villages is 11,176 people and 2,086 households. For the selection of people to interview, we
use the method of a simple sampling based on the total number of households per village to

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achieve a 95% confidence interval (325 households in proportion to the size of the selected
villages). The following table summarizes these figures.

Total Total Number of surveys
Village Percentage
inhabitants households completed

Ilongero 3.912 630 30% 97

Kinyeto 3.195 790 37% 120

Ntewa B 2.314 312 15% 58

Msule 1.755 354 18% 50

TOTALES 11.176 2.086 100% 325

The questions were organized based on the socio-economic data available and other questions
related to the objective of the study. Information was collected on the nature of the types of
violence as well as the timing and frequency of violence. We have also collected information
on the perpetrator of the violence and in which environment this violence occurred (family,
school, etc.). The questionnaire was not designed solely for participants who were victims of
gender violence. Anonymity has been a fundamental factor for all the participants and we
have avoided interviewing or carrying out the questionnaire to men and women from the
same household, in order to maintain privacy and possible negative consequences.

To choose people for each of the techniques used (interview, discussion group and survey) 20
different units of analysis will be taken into account, dispersed between gender and village.
Details of these units can be found in Annex II, Units of Analysis by village and tools utilised.
The selection of the analysis units was dependant on the study theme and we have taken into
account individuals, population groups, social structures, social positions and civil and
fundamental organisations among others. The criteria were used to collect the highest
possible number of perceptions within the same community.

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Focus Group with out school young, girls and boys. Ntewa B village

3. Uncovering the extent of gender violence in the
Singida region

The aim of the use of violence is submission and control by force. It is believed that those
who exercise violence do not wish harm to the victim (although this is inevitable) but rather to
consolidate their power and control. Therefore, in order for violence to exist there must be an
imbalance of power (either symbolic or real) and this is usually present in complementary
roles: for example between father and son or man and women, where each role has a social
and cultural legitimacy. After an act of violence, the asymmetry of power is consolidated. As a
result, violence only occurs as a mark of inequality between these roles.

Differentiation between types of violence is more theoretical than practical. Distinguishing
types of violence helps our analysis, however in reality in most cases, each maltreated woman
has suffered multiple types of violence concurrently.

The great majority (90.7%) of participants identify gender violence in their village. Of male
participants, 89% report that they have not suffered any type of violence. Of those who have,
7% report this to be emotional violence. In the case of the women, 60% of those interviewed,
have been victims of gender violence at some point or throughout their lives (Table 1, Annex 1,
page 54).

PHYSICAL EMOTIONAL OR PSYCHOLOGICAL
SEXUAL VIOLENCE
VIOLENCE VIOLENCE

FGM Sexual abuse or rape
Abusive language, threats,

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humiliation and insults

Physical
Early and forced marriages Unwanted touching
maltreatment

Murder Restriction of education Marital rape

Control of behaviour
Women being
Youth pregnancy
overworked
No say in family planning decisions

Different forms of violence noted during the study

In general terms, this table shows the different manifestations of violence discovered during
the investigation.

The analysis of the information suggests a general presence of violence among the Nyaturu
communities, as much physical and psychological as sexual. This violence is present in all
aspects of day-to-day life (public and private). Women are the victims and men the
perpetrators.

3.1. Physical violence

The WHO describes physical abuse
as: “The intentional use of physical
force in order to cause potential
death, to harm or injure. Physical
violence includes, but is not limited
to, scratching, pushing, throwing,
beating, strangling, use of force on
another person and the use of
threats with weapons (pistols,
blades or other objects3).”

The most widespread type of violence is physical maltreatment between partners. In 49% of
cases physical maltreatment had occurred within the last 3 months (Graphic 1, p.55). Amongst
types of physical violence the most common violence is perpetual physical maltreatment and
female genital mutilation (FGM).

3
Source: WHO, 2005. “Researching women against violence. A practical guideline for
researchers and activists”
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3.1.1. Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)

“I was mutilated at the age of 15 in order to respect the Nyaturu traditions. My mother died
when I was a child and my grandmother could not save enough money to pay for the
ceremony. This meant my mutilation was worse” (Interview with a survivor of gender
violence)

FGM is one of the most practiced forms of gender violence in the Nyaturu communities,
though it was one of the forms of violence that the participants found most difficult to discuss
openly. Then men in particular, who are excluded and are not permitted to know about the
ceremonial processes and the preparation for ceremony, were less open in their discussion,
because it is an exclusively female issue. Despite this, men are important players in the
continuity of this practice.

The participants say that it is due to governmental restrictions (from the illegalisation enacted
by the SOSPA in 1998 which created committees in each village to stop the perpetrators)
together with anti-MGF campaigns on the part of the government and other organisations, the
practice has gone underground and become hidden and secret. This has also resulted in girls
being mutilated at increasingly younger ages. Explanations for this younger age vary; each
participant provided a different explanation for the young age at which the girl was mutilated.
Some said that the process was carried out on the baby girl during her delivery; others report
the practice in children younger than five years old to avoid having to explain the act to
anyone who did not want to be mutilated etc.

“As a school teacher (primary school in Msule), on occasions a little girl is absent from school
for a few days. If I question her about it, I am told she is sick; when I ask if she has been taken
to the doctor, the parents tell me that it isn`t necessary because it is an illness related to
traditional matters” (Interview with a primary school teacher, not a Nyaturu)

Regarding the procedure of the practice, it is the parents who contact the person who is to
carry out the mutilation.

“In 2009 five girls from this school went through FGM; the person who carried out the
mutilation came from another village and it was dealt with in a very secretive way. Each family
paid the person between 7,000 and 10,000 TZS per child” (Interview with a pregnant mother,
Msule)

3.1.2. Different forms of physical abuse

Intimate partner abuse is the form of physical violence most mentioned by men and women in
all of the villages. We have observed that this abuse is commonplace, and that anything can
provoke a man to respond with violence. Things such as not completing household chores,
disobeying her husband or not bearing children can elicit a violent response. Not meeting the
community’s expectations of what it means to be a woman is in many cases punished with
physical violence.

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“A husband can beat his wife because she gets home later than him, regardless of the cause, or because
she hasn’t taken care of all of her household responsibilities, or because dinner isn’t good, or because she
takes too long to open the door to greet him, or because she asked him why he got home late...”
(Interview with a pregnant woman).

Through these interviews we have found that there are times when this physical abuse can be very
severe and lead to the hospitalization of the woman as well as causing psychological effects. The
severity of the abuse is important, as even tools and weapons can be used. Unless it results in murder
(as we were able to document in one instance, though the facts were covered up) it is difficult to discern
the actual magnitude of the abuse, as it is considered a familial issue and is resolved at that level.

“One day during my pregnancy, my husband hit me very hard and my brother-in-law and the leader of
the hamlet at the time had to take me to the health center. They had to lie to the doctor, and told him
that I had fallen off the roof of our house. I was very ill and was taken to the hospital of Makingu, where
I remained for several weeks with a ruptured pancreas. When I finally explained to the doctors what had
happened, they told me that it was too late and that they could do nothing about it” (Interview with a
survivor of gender-based violence, Kinyeto).

“Last year a man killed his pregnant wife because she was tired of the ongoing abuse and asked for a
divorce. In the end he suffocated her, and the case was never reported to the police” (FGD with married
women, Ntewa B).

Abusive language is
the most commonly
occurring type of
emotional violence.

Drawing done by a boy during a focus group representing the most
common type of violence in his community. Msule.

3.2. Emotional violence

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“A woman always runs the risk of being humiliated or insulted” (Interview with a pregnant woman).

The World Health
Organization defines
psychological abuse as:
“Any act or omission that
damages the self-esteem,
identity, or development of
the individual. It includes, but
is not limited to, humiliation,
threatening loss of custody of
children, forced isolation from
family or friends, threatening
to harm the individual or
someone they care about,
repeated yelling or
degradation, inducing fear through intimidating words or gestures, controlling
behavior, and the destruction of possessions.”4

According to the questionnaire, 46% of men and 41% of women interviewed believe that the
use of abusive language is the most common form of psychological abuse. It often occurs in
conjunction with other forms such as humiliation, controlling behavior, threats or the lack of a
woman’s ability to make decisions about family planning. Eighty per cent recognize the
existence of psychological abuse in their communities and 54% indicated that there have been
occurrences of it in the last three months.

Within marital sexual relations, the wife’s status is vulnerable. She can easily be humiliated or
placed in high-risk health situations.

“My husband has sexual relations with another woman, and I’m afraid because I don’t know if he has
safe sex with her. He seems to have symptoms of tuberculosis and also some kind of skin disease. I
suspect that he is HIV positive, but he doesn’t want to go to the VCT (Voluntary Council Centre) for a
checkup” (Interview with a survivor of gender-based violence).

3.3. Sexual violence

4
WHO, 2005. “Researching violence against women: a practical guideline for
researchers and activists,” p. 93.
13


The World Health Organization defines abusive sexual contact as “Any act in which
one person in a power relationship uses force, coercion, or psychological intimidation
to force another to carry out a sexual act against her or his will or participate in
unwanted sexual relations from which the offender obtains gratification. Abusive
When did the sexual aggression take
sexual contact occurs in a
place?
variety of situations, including
within marriage, at school, and
in families (i.e. incest). Other
74% of men and 62% of
manifestations include
undesired touching; oral, anal women interviewed
or vaginal penetration with the acknowledge the existence
penis or other objects; and of sexual violence in their
obligatory exposure to
pornographic material.”5
communities. Rape is the
most common.

A greater percentage of male interviewees than female interviewees recognized the existence
of sexual violence in their communities (74% versus 62% respectively). Both men and women
(18% and 19%, respectively) indicated that rape is the most common form of sexual abuse,
although undesired touching, childhood and forced marriage and unwanted sexual relations
were also mentioned (Table 2, p. 54). 28% of such acts had taken place at some point in the
last three months.

During our field study we documented many instances of women being raped in a variety of
situations by different types of aggressors. The majority of these cases occurred within the
sphere of the immediate family or that of close relatives.

“Often the students who rent rooms in order to live near their school are forced to have sex with the
landlord because he helps them by allowing them to rent the house or with whatever they may need”
(Interview with the leader of a community-based association).

Participants in the study explained that young girls, particularly students, tend to be the rape
victims as they are the most vulnerable. As will be discussed further on, rapes and youth
pregnancies are closely related. This along with the girls’ vulnerable economic situations plays
a role in their exposure to situations in which they are forced to have sex. Students are not the
only ones at risk of being raped - young, adult, or elderly women may be sexually abused as
well. The perpetrators are often members of the woman’s social circle, and may be her family,
acquaintances, or close neighbors. Generally these girls are assaulted when they are the most
vulnerable (usually when they are returning home alone, especially at dusk or after nightfall).

5
WHO, 2005. “Researching violence against women: a practical guideline for
researchers and activists,” p. 93.
14


“Boys who are no longer studying as well as teachers try to convince the girls to have sexual relations
with them. If the girls refuse, the men can follow them until they find the right moment to assault them.
This normally happens when they are walking alone in the woods on their way home from school” (FGD
with high-school students).

“One day when I was home alone, my uncle’s son came to the house. He threatened me with a knife and
told me to not make a sound or he’d hurt me. He forced me to have sexual relations with him. I was 19
and a virgin; it hurt a lot” (Interview with a female victim of gender-based violence).

Marital rape is another frequently occurring and documented form of sexual abuse. Both men
and women see sex as a married man’s right and sex within marriage is understood to be an
obligation. As such, the woman has no right to refuse her husband.

“If my husband comes home drunk at a late hour, he becomes more aggressive and often asks me for
sex. If I refuse, he hits me and forces me. I believe he acts this way toward me because I’ve given him
only sons and no daughters” (Interview with a woman victim of gender-based violence).

3.4. Economic violence

Economic violence is understood as the economic control exerted by men over women. This
includes control over the money she earns as well as preventing her from having access to and
control over the home’s financial resources. As we have seen, a woman is considered her
husband’s property as soon as the marriage takes place. The role of the bride price facilitates
such a conceptualization. Other practices, though currently falling into disuse, still carry
significant weight in these communities. Practices such as the widow’s inheritance, for
example, serve to further demonstrate this notion of a woman as her husband’s private
property. The fact that these women are excluded from land inheritance also illustrates of this
form of gender-based violence.

3.4.1. Exploitation of Women’s Labor

The direct consequences of the overworking of Nyaturu women include a vulnerability and
susceptibility to health risks and violent situations. This situation was acknowledged by many
participants.

“I’m seven months pregnant. While my husband sleeps or listens to the radio, I’m the one that has to
take the cattle to pastures far from home,” one of the participants complained (Interview with a
pregnant woman, Ntewa B.).

The bride price that the husband paid for his wife determines their economic relationship. This
major economic transaction between him and his wife’s family generates a “debt” that leaves
the wife in a position of vulnerability and economic inequality in relation to her husband. As
stated before, this inequality leads to violence. For this reason, many women believe the bride
price to be one of the causes of physical abuse, as women are seen as obligated to take on the

15


all reproductive (and, if necessary, productive) responsibilities. The resources they earn end up
being managed by the husband.

“I think the bride price is the driving force behind gender-based violence because the wife has to work
hard for her husband. The husband worked hard to be able to pay the bride price, so after marriage, she
is the one who has to work while he relaxes. For this reason, if the wife doesn’t complete the tasks
assigned to her, her husband can mistreat her” (Interview with a boy who left school).

3.4.2. Lack of inheritance and bride price

When it comes to the family’s economic situation, the fact that a woman’s work (reproductive and
productive) is not valued makes her vulnerable to violence. Women have no property or possessions.
Traditionally, they did not inherit the most important resources in Nyaturu society: livestock and land.
Patrilineal societies such as the Nyaturu transfer resources from fathers to sons since women come from
one clan and once married, go to another (that of their husbands). The system of inheritance is one
method of controlling and maintaining property so that it is not dispersed. Thus women are
discriminated against, leading to an economic inequality between genders within Nyaturu society.
Although this tradition has undergone changes and women have begun to inherit certain resources
(such as livestock and some material resources), women still do not have access to the land which
remains in the hands of the men. Our findings show that while 72% of men have access to and control of
their lands, only 41% of women have this right. However, only 17% of men indicate that they have
access to but no control over their land, in comparison with 43% of women (Table 3, p. 56).

“In our Nyaturu tradition resources are inherited by men, while smaller things like money or tools can
be inherited by women. The reasoning behind this is that the male child will remain on his ancestral land
and continue his family line, whereas the female child will marry another man and go live in his home”
(Interview with the leader of a community-based association).

This same reason allows the husband to feel that he has the right to appropriate the labor of his wife
and any income that she may earn.

“I started making “mandasis” in order to sell them and earn some money to buy things for the house.
My husband told me I was a prostitute and made me stop doing it. He never gives me money to buy the
things we need for our home. I would like to leave him, but what would I do with my children? Who
would care for them?“ (Interview with a survivor of gender-based violence).

16


Weekly market in Kinyeto. Basically are the women who bring
their products to sell them in this local market

4. HEISES'S ecological model
The different types of violence have several risk factors in common such as individual, family,
economic, social, cultural and community factors, which coexist in an interactive manner.
HEISE'S ecological model explores the relationship between the individual and the contextual
factors that may generate violence, conceiving it as the product of multiple levels of influence
in the forms of behavior.

The following chapters are based on the ecological model. The following diagram, devised by
HEISE, shows the different levels and the different types of violence generated in each level.
This model is a heuristic tool and gives us a reference framework to establish the factors that
cause or give rise to violence in each level of social ecology. Therefore, it serves as an analysis
to "prevent" or predict when there is greater risk of gender violence at different levels of social
interaction.

SOCIETY
COMMUNITY
RELATIONS
INDIVIDUAL
AGGRESSOR

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-Rules that grant men -Poverty, low socioeconomical -Marital conflicts -Being male
control over women’s position, unemployment -Male control the -Witness marital
behavior -Association with criminal patrimony and violence during
-Accepting violence as a partners decisions in the childhood
way of solving problems -Isolation of women and family -Father who is
-Idea of masculinity related to family absent or rejects
dominance, honor or aggression them
-Rigid roles for each sex -Suffering abuse
during childhood
-Alcohol
consumption

Following Heise's ecological model, Bronfenbrenner4 speaks about the four spheres where
different types of gender violence are manifested:

The Macro system is the largest system where gender stereotypes can be
identified, as well as other features of the patriarchal system.
Ecosystem: the institutions that mediate between culture and individual
spaces like school, churches or mosques, mass-media, NGOs, etc.
Microsystems, the families.
Individual sphere.

These spheres influence each other, and in every act different factors combine, even though
they may appear as isolated acts. Violence filters in every sphere and becomes normalized.
Due to their interactions, female and male children learn and internalize the ideal models for
men and women from their socialization and their corresponding behaviours. In patriarchal
systems (the vast majority, depending on their own evolution), men learn to exercise power
and women learn to submit.

Although some factors may involve only one type of violence, several kinds of violence may
share several risk factors that contibute to it. For this reason, people at high risk of suffering
violence are exposed to different kinds of violence. It has been demonstrated, for instance,
that women at risk of being victims of their partner's physical violence, also face the risk of
suffering sexual abuse. Being exposed to a violent family environment during childhood has
been associated with becoming victims or perpetrators of violence as adults.

Violence in patriarchal systems is immersed in a symbolic order, understanding symbol as a
vehicle of meaning. Every culture gives a series of meanings to things, in order to classify and
hierarchize them. Gender is also a symbolic order, since it classifies, distinguishes andprovides
hierachies. These symbolic constructions filter the social structures which determine behavior
patterns and shape the individual's subjectivity.

4
BRONFRENBRENNER, U. (1994) “Ecological Models of Human Development” In “International Encyclopedia of
Education” Vol. BRONFRENBRENNER, U. (1994) “Ecological Models of Human Development” In “International
Encyclopedia of Education” Vol. See bibliography.

18


In order to work on violence and gender violence, and especially to "donormalize" it, we have
to take into account such symbolic order and the way it invades everyday and community
spheres.

The ecological model gives us a study framework to clearly identify the factors that determine
violence. This framework aims to allow us to later positively impactefforts against gender
violence, having an influence on all players: those who are responsible and those who are
involved.

5. Risky situations at the individual level
5.1. Do gender, age, religion and ethnic group influence gender violence?

Of 242 people, 152 (62 per cent) were women, and 90 (38 per cent) were men. This disparity
was due to our desire to prioritize female voices because of the prevalence of violence among
women. In regards to age, we have observed that gender violence occurs in both young and
elder women. We have not been able to examine violence in minors as it has not been the aim
of this study. However, we have observed a greater risk of gender violence, especially sexual
violence in female teenage high school students, although their vulnerability is not related to
age, but rather with their dissociation from their family and their economic deprivation.

91.3% of participants belong to the ethnic group of
Age * Gender Nyaturu. The remaining 0.7% belongs to other
groups, like Nyaramba, Mbulu (or Iraq), Sukuma
Gender and Rangi, neighbours of the region. We cannot,
Age Total therefore, establish a comparison as regards to
Male Female gender violence according to ethnic groups, since
most people are Nyaturu.
below 15 0 4 4

16 - 25 20 32 52

26 - 45 28 58 86 71.5% of participants are Muslims, 17.4% Catholic
and only 1.2% belong to the traditional Animism.
46 and above 42 58 100 We have not, however, noticed any difference in
regards to gender violence strictly related to
Total 90 152 242
religion.

5.2. Is low education level a risk factor?

In Tanzania, primary education is free and compulsory. This is reflected in the extracted data,
where a similar percentage of men and women have completed their primary studies.
However, when it comes to secondary education, poverty and gender discrimination appear as
a major factor. Unlike the 3.3 per cent of illiterate men, the percentage of illiterate women
19


rises to 18 per cent, and none of the female participants in this survey have completed
secondary education nor have they had access to university (See Table 4, p. 57)

5.3. Alcohol and marijuana use and abuse

There are many studies that establish a connection between patterns of alcoholism and
violence against women.

"When the husband comes back home drunk, it is normal for him to hit his partner or wife, even if she
has done nothing wrong" (interview with a single woman)

We have not been able to analyze the amount of money spent by families on alcohol and
marijuana, or estimate their economic impact on the home. Therefore, it has not been possible
to relate substance use directly to poverty and its influence on gender violence. On the
contrary, we were indeed able to gather information that provided us with clues to consider its
influence in certain cases of violence.

"In most cases, men hit their wife after consuming alcohol. Men have a tendency to try to rape women
after having consumed alcohol and smoked marijuana" (Interview with a single woman)

"During the rainy season (from November to May), men and women cultivate the soil, and men are
happy and you will never hear them yell or insult, but when harvest time comes and the produce has
been sold, the father changes completely and he reacts angrily when asked about money. Besides, he
spends a lot of money in alcohol, which leads him to humiliate, insult and hit his wife. During this season,
the number of women spending the night at the hamlet’s leader’s house increases" (Interview with a
5
married man, Hamlet leader).

5.4. Income and economic deprivation

67 per cent of participants were peasants, small farmers who receive economic profits once a
year, after the harvest. These profits must be distributed during the whole year. Therefore,
there are periods, especially when the harvest time is close, when the economic resources are
scant and are not enough to cover the basic needs. We also observed that families try to
combine a small business of informal economy in order to obtain a small profit to survive the
rest of the year. In most cases, women are in charge of running these small businesses, like

The first level seeks to identify biologic factors as well as factors of the personal
history that determine the individual's behavior. Demographic factors,
impulsiveness, low education levels and suffering abuse or aggression during
childhood, are considered factors of this level. Therefore, they focus on the
individual's characteristics, which lead to becoming victims/survivors or
perpetrators of gender violence.

5
Traditionally, when a woman is battered by her husband, she can turn to the leader of the Hamlet
(neighbourhood) and spend the night there, and he should offer his help.
20


preparing the traditional alcoholic drink, Mtukuru, or cooking and selling sweets, working as
healers, mutilators or traditional midwives.

The second level is used to determine when the risk of being a victim or a
perpetrator of abuses in the closest social relationships increases, that is to say, in
a couple, between peers or members of the same familiy. The ecologic model
explores these relationships and determines the risk. In the cases of violence in
couples or between members of a family, the everyday interaction, when victim
and perpetrator live together, increases the exposure to such violence and the
possibility that they repeat frequently. The members of a family and other close
people, have an influence on the behaviour of the people in question and on their
experiences. Thus, men have more chances of behaving in a violent way when the
family approves such behaviour, for instance.

56 per cent of homes live on less than 100,000 Tanzanian shillings (TZS) a month (about 44
Euros a month). This means that these communities live in situations of extreme poverty for
the most part of the year. The second largest group (20%) lives on between 100,000 and
200,000 TZS a month (around 44 and 88 Euros a month). Only the 9%of homes live on with
more than 400,000 TZS a month (around 176 Euros).

"Being rich means having at least 7 cows, a house and enough grain to support your family throughout
the year" (Interview with a single man).

6. Relationship level

6.1. Marriages of convenience and early pregnancies due to economic causes

21


In Tanzania, the legal age to get married is 15 for women and 18 for men, although the law
recognizes exceptions and lowers the age to 14 for women when the case is "justifiable". In
Tanzania, at least the 25 per cent of women get married between 15 and 19 years old. The law
also recognizes three types of marriage: monogamy, poligamy, and potential polygamy. In the
research, 38 per cent of
participants have entered into a
monogamous marriage, and the
25 per cent into polygamous
marriage, even though the 71 per
cent of informants are Muslims
and are allowed polygamy. This is
because the poverty level makes
it difficult for a man to
economically support more than
one wife and their corresponding
children.

As regards the number of
children, 52 per cent of
participants have between 1 and
5 children. The average number
of children in informants aged
between 16 and 25 is 1 or 2. In informants aged between 26 and 45, the average number of
children is 3 to 6.

"People think I am rich because I have 50 cows and 22 children" (Interview with a single man with a
sexual partner)

As we can witness, the number of children and women is an important factor of wealth and
respect.

47 per cent of homes have between 6 and 10 members. These data, along with the average
age for getting married and the number of children per woman, are relevant when considering
the resource division within the family. These are low-resource societies with large families, a
situation which leads to poverty and the unequal distribution of resources within a family, as
detailed below.

"Some parents convince their children to drop school or discourage them so that they fail exams, in
order to avoid sending them to secondary school. I know a case in which a girl's parents forced her to
fail exams since they could not afford to pay her secondary school; thus, the girl failed and she was
married immediately, and her parents received the dowry for her" (FGD married men)

Poverty, forced marriage, and discrimination in the education are social factors that contribute
to gender violence towards women in these communities.

Due to poverty and scarce resources, many household leaders discriminate positively in favor
of boys when it comes to their children's education, since girls are usually married at an early
age in order to get the dowry, and as she moves to her husband's house, her family can cease
feeding and supporting her. 15 per cent of informants consider early pregnancy and forced
marriage the most usual kinds of sexual abuse (See table 2, page 54).

22


According to informants, lack of resources (24 per cent) and early pregnancies (28 per cent)
are the main causes for which girls drop out of school. In table 5 (page 65) we can see the
results of the questionnaire in every village.

Early pregnancies also have a direct relationship with poverty. Most girls, especially high-
school students, survive with little family support. This provokes a situation of economic
vulnerability, thus forcing them to accept the economic, material and food support of men
(including teachers, as well as other young men). This leads to the obligation of returning the
favor with sex. These sexual relationships are not safe, and often lead to unwanted pregnancy.

"Because of peer pressure, female students also want good food, class material, clothes, and other stuff,
but if they accept such things from a man, then they cannot deny to have sexual encounters with them"
(FGD children who dropped out of school).

The result of how these early pregnancies are solved is significant. It is the girls who must give
up their studies and give birth to a child conceived through rape, thus suffering stigmatization
and being in a situation of vulnerability in the community. In many cases, as well as the
pregnancy, women also have to enter into forced marriage due to the pregnancy.

"A junior student was pregnant with a teacher's baby. The case was made public and the teacher was
obliged to resign his job. They got married and left the village" (FGD with girls who dropped out of
school)

The legal apparatus reinforces and ignores gender violence towards female students, since
according to legislation, pregnant girls must leave school, but is not the case with boys who are
the fathers of the babies.

DRAWING made by a boy who dropped
out of school in Msule. We asked him to
represent something that occurred
repeatedly in his town related with
gender violence:

"She is pregnant and left school because
of that. She's crying because she was
forced to marry the father of her baby,
but they are no longer in love. They did
not plan to have a baby, and are not
happy with their life, because they don't
love each other anymore and that is why
her husband hits her."

23


The bride's dowry or price

Marriage has an economic dimension. The family and the clan lose one of their members, and
for this reason there is a financial compensation: the bride's price.

"The first cow compensates the mutilation of the woman. The second cow compensates the fact of
seeing the woman naked. The third one compensates the fact of having sexual relations with her. And
the fourth one compensates the fact that the woman lives with her husband's family. For these reasons,
the price of the bride usually ranges from three to four cows" (FGD married men, Ntewa B).

73 per cent of informants (men and women) reported that their marriage was celebrated in
accordance with the Nyaturu tradition of the dowry, which in most cases ranges from four to
five cows (52.5 per cent).

There is a general discourse that considers the dowry "a gift from her parents for having
raised their daughter" or an “acknowledgment by the woman as a sign of respect” (See table 6,
page 60).

On further investigation into this practice, the important consequences of this sociocultural
factor in the situation of women in such communities can be appreciated. The payment of a
bride´s price means a direct subordination of women to man, since she has to compensate the
husband for that payment. This compensation is the obligation of women in the productive
sphere (working the land or with the cattle) as well as in the reproductive sphere (having as
many kids as possible, especially boys, to make the family and the husband's clan grow).

"If you marry a girl and pay the price for her, you expect her to have many kids. If she can't have
children, you have the right to marry her sister using the same payment. My uncle, for example, married
a woman with whom he had ten daughters, until she could not have any more kids because of the
menopause. Then, he married her sister to have sons" (Interview with a single man with sexual partner).

As we can see here again, different types of violence are consequence of such economic,
emotional and physical practice. The bridal price is another social strategy of control over
women, because it is through the this dowry that women and her children are considered
property of the husband who has made the payment.

"The husband pays the bride’s price, so she has to work for him. If she doesn't, she has to return to her
husband the price for the bride. Therefore, if she does not carry out her job at home, she deserves to be
hit and battered" (FGD kids who dropped out of school).

"It is a social recognition, and the man feels that the woman is his property, that she is mine and I am
proud of her, and no one else is allowed to interfere with my wife" (Interview with a leader of a
community-based organization).

6.2. Patrilocal system

Nyaturu society is a patrilineal (the family follows the father's lineage) and a patrilocal (after
the wedding, the woman moves into the husband's house). Marriage takes place between
members of different clans. As the woman is the one who moves to her husband's house, she
is considered a "foreigner", since she comes from a different clan. This causes vulnerability in
24


the woman's status and social marginalization, being deprived of her relatives and childhood
friends, unlike the man.

In the same way, as the woman marries a man from another clan, she is not included in the
inheritance of her own family. At the same time, she is considered a "foreigner" in her
husband's family. These traditions reinforce the notion that women are merely transmitters
and not receivers of properties.

For this same reason, if the husband dies, she is not the receiver of his properties. Instead she
and her children, like any other property that belongs to the husband, are remarried to a boy
from the husband's family. Thus they remain with the family and clan of the deceased
husband (practice of the widow's inheritance). This traditional practice causes an unequal
distribution between women and men. Again, this vulnerable position easily leads to multiple
forms of gender violence (lack of decision, lack of trust, feeling of insecurity, humiliation,
insults, blows, marital rape, etc.)

"I am usually threatened by my husband, he often tells me that since I don't belong to his clan, I deserve
to be battered" (Interview with a survivor of gender violence).

6.3. Sleeping with the aggressor and normalization of violence

Through the interviews with women who were victims of violence, we observed that the
aggressor in most cases is a member of the family (primarily, the husband). This makes
violence into a domestic matter, closed within the private sphere and difficult to access
(marital rape, physical maltreatment, etc.)
74 per cent of informants (43
per cent were women, and 31
per cent were men) believe
that “violence against women
is something normal, but
could change"; therefore it is
not punished, and violence is
resorted to in any argument
or conflict, especially if one
the parties is female. This
normalization involves a
culture of silence on the part
of the victims, but also of the
society, accepting it and
keeping it secret.
NA : women who answered they did not suffer gender violence

"Women keep abuse secret” (Interview, traditional midwife).

25


"The ideal Nyaturu man should be strong, fertile and show love to his wife, even though sometimes he
has to beat her to direct her if she does something wrong" (Interview with a leader of a community
association).

Women have internalized their social position and accept violence as a normal action in their
relationships. This follows patterns established by a patriarchal system which considers the
female victims of violence, as the ones who have "misbehaved", according to that which has
been established by the patriarchal society. She therefore deserves the violence inflicted upon
her.

"Most women do not obey their husband, so they shouldn't complain if their husband has extra
matrimonial relationships" (Interview with leader of a community organization).

6.4. Only men make decisions

The Nyaturu society is patriarchal exogamous and patrilineal society, where women are
subject to men's wishes. The lack of involvement in decision-making in all spheres allows for
the continuity of such system. In the economic sphere, women do not make decisions
regarding resources (land, house, cattle, or even the extra money she earns from small jobs in
the informal economy). We consider that not making decisions in the economic sphere is a key
factor in gender violence.

 Of land, 67 per cent of men and 38 per cent of women, declare themselves to be
owners of the land, having control and access to it.
43 per cent of women state that they don't have
control over the land but they do have access to it. 28 per cent of married
 Of housing, 69 per cent of men and 40 per women are not allowed
cent of women state to be owners of the land. to use any kind of
 Of agricultural production, 58 per cent of men contraception methods.
and 34 per cent of women consider themselves to be
owners.

Most of informants (23 per cent of men and 36 per cent of women), answer that...

"Money earned by women should be given to men" (See table 7, page 61).

"They are the ones who make decisions. They never share any family subject or any decision
about resources with the women, because they are the head of the family" (FGD single women
with a sexual partner).

We took special interest in knowing the level of decision that women have on family planning,
i.e., deciding how many kids they want to have and when and with whom, given that the
fundamental role of Nyaturu women is reproduction. However, we also established that
women have their own contraceptive strategies, traditional or medical, but they develop them
in secret, otherwise, they run the risk of being abused.
26


"Family planning is not allowed among Nyaturu women because when they get married, their function is
to have many kids. If they don't, the husband will find another woman, since without children, the family
is not respected by the community" (FGD female high school students).

Focus Group of out school youths, Ilongero village

7. Community level

The third level analyses the community context of social relations (like school, work
places, the neighborhood) in order to identify the risks in community associated with
being victims or perpetrators of gender violence. The reaction of community has an
unquestionable influence on the general levels of violence.
In this way, high rates of high relocations (which implies frequent changing of
neighbors), population heterogeneity (with a great diversity of people implying lack of
social cohesion and community spirit), and great population density, are examples
related to the generation of violence.
In the same way, it has been proved in several studies, that communities that suffer
problems like high unemployment levels, drug dealing, poverty, minimal institutional
support or complete marginalization, run the risk of facing violence.

7.1. Notes about Tanzanian legislation concerning gender-based violence

Tanzanian legislation to punish gender-based violence still has several gaps. There is the Law of
Marriage Act which minimizes the impact of domestic violence and vaguely connects it to
Penal Code.

Progress, however, has been made in preventing and punishing gender-based violence.
Evidence of this progress is the Sexual Offences Special Provision Act, SOSPA, passed in 1998,
27


which defines "sexual offence" as sexual act or sex trafficking of women by means of threats or
use of force. For the very first time, the female genital mutilation is included as an act subject
to criminalization. The goal of the above-mentioned law was to protect women and children's
dignity, freedom, and safety. This law brought about important changes to other Tanzanian
laws with the purpose of regulating these judgments. Based on this law, civil organizations
such as TAMWA, Tanzania Media Women Association, have worked to fill the gaps within the
Penal Code regarding gender-based violence.

Recently governmental reforms have been taking place at an institutional level to prevent the
gender-based violence. The Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children has
striven to include women and men equally in the Ministry of Works and in its budgets.

In 2012, the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare of Tanzania published a guide to the
management of sexually transmitted infections. For the first time, the guide includes protocols
for medical personnel on how to manage cases of gender-based violence, particularly sexual
abuse. It is, however, primarily focused on sexually transmitted diseases and pregnancies.

Furthermore, a Tanzania Police Female Network (TPF – NET) has been developed within the
Police Force. This network has offices in the police stations to deal with cases of gender-based
violence. It has not yet, however, been extended across the country, and the network is
especially absent in provinces and rural regions.

7.2. Poverty and Limited Economic Resources
Poverty and its adverse
effects affect health and
preclude women from “My family was very poor and even though I
accessing education. The wanted to go to school, my parents did not
poorest women are the have any money to pay the fees .That is why
most vulnerable population they did not want us, the girls, to go to
to different types of school." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of
violence as they already live gender-based violence)
in vulnerable conditions.

The communities included in the study live below the poverty line, with the majority of the
families living on incomes of less than a dollar a day. This situation has an impact on the
relationships between men and women at home, putting women in a vulnerable situation in
regards to the violence in diverse day-to-day aspects.

Poverty not only involves a lack of basic needs, but it also means the denial of opportunities
and basic human choices, for example good health, a reasonable standard of living, freedom,
dignity and self-confidence6.

6
Human Development Report 1997 http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr1997/. The distinction
between this concept of poverty (human poverty) and scarcity of economic resources is needed. Human poverty
could be the best indicator of opportunities that people have. Human poverty index (HPI) is a multi-dimensional
28


7.3. Mechanisms and plans employed by women to respond to gender-based
violence

According to the informants, the principal formal and informal mechanisms that exist are:
community leaders, fathers, elders of the the community, and the police.

Rank According to women According to men

1 Fathers (21,1%) and eldelrly
members of the community Community leaders (14%)
(21,1%)

2 Police (16,5%) Police (12%)

3 Fathers (11,2%), Elderly
Other family member
members (11,2%) and
(16,1%)
Religious Leaders (11,2%)

The diagram below represents the existing plan about the diverse strategies that victims of
gender-based violence usually follow.

2
(INFORMAL
0
1 ) 2
(INFORMAL Elders of the
) community -
Tenceller Hamlet
Njuguda
Remaining
leader leader
silent /
Explaining to a
close person

6 Existing 3
Formal
High Mechani VEO
Court sms Village
Executiv
e
5 4
Police
Officer
Force and WEO
Healt Ward
Center Executiv
measure used to determine this kind of poverty. The ranges of life opportunities are converted into numbers,
e
where the basic needs and its hardship imply lack of opportunities in different aspects.
Officer

29


7.3.1. Formal mechanisms

Formal mechanisms are those which have institutional recognition within the community and
legal authority to judge or to take decisive steps, with governmental or political backing.

We present below the mechanisms which have been described in the study, and that exist
throughout the country. (Rheir effectiveness, scope, and accessibility will not be assessed.)

The first accepted administrative roles (community leaders) are: Tenceller leader, elected by
every ten houses, and Hamlet leader, elected by each neighborhood in the hamlets. Being the
lowest and closest administrative leves to the families, these leaders become the first port of
call in cases of domestic violence. Therefore, the amount of cases these leaders must deal with
is high, and their effectiveness when it comes to resolution of cases is not clear yet. As far as
we understand, in the most of the cases the solutions offered do not resolve any conflict, but
rather they perpetuate women's vulnerable situation. The intervention is usually mediated
within the couple by highlighting how the husband or wife's actions has brought about the
conflict. The intervention recommends that women forgive their husbands (with a simple
apology in some cases), or be taken in to protect them from violent situations.

"When the case is resolved by means of the Hamlet leader, the husband must write a letter in which he
states the situation will never be repeated." (Excerpt from interview with influential person from the
community)

“"In order to guarantee the well-being of women who are victims of gender-based violence, they are
taken to the Hamlet leader's house to spend the night." (Focus Group Discussion - High school girls)

The Village Executive Officer, VEO, and the Ward Executive Officer, WEO, are the next levels
of administration in the local authority hierarchy. The VEO would play the role of village
mayor. The WEO would be responsible for the local VEOs within a region known as the Ward.
Cases that could not be resolved by the interventions of the Tenceller or Hamlet leaders' are
taken to the VEO. Likewise, if the VEO cannot resolve the matter, it is taken to the WEO. The
WEO is the last resort, along with an institution called the Conciliation Board. The WEO and
Conciliation Board deal with all sorts of conflicts in the authority boundary, including gender-
based violence. With each rise up the administrative levels, fewer cases are submitted,
although a wide range of circumstances influence this situation: case resolution
ineffectiveness, legal costs, inefficient laws to tackle gender-based violence, corruption or
gender discrimination. In the capital of the region is a Social Welfare Office, however it is not
well-known by the public and therefore ineffective. Its existence, however, could be
reinforced to administrate, collect information and resolve cases.

The High Court of Tanzania is the highest level to which cases related to gender-based
violence can be taken, but only a small number of them are submitted.

"The Primary Court notified me they might take at least two months to investigate my case. When the
resolution finally arrived, it stated that my husband was innocent because there was no evidence of him
being violent." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based violence)

30


Only 3.3% of
informants consider
the
Healthcare Center an

appropriate place to go after an assault. It is mainly viewed as the place to deal with extreme
cases. According to Tanzanian laws, the gender-based violence victims must go immediately to
the police station, even being seen for free at a healthcare center. The police officers must fill
in form no.3 to declare the person a victim, and s/he will be exempt from paying for the
medical consultation. During our study, we noticed this legal system is a system riddled with
contradictions, especially when it comes to extreme assaults in which women must be taken
urgently to healthcare centers. This fact reflects the gap between healthcare providers and the
police force with respect to the general population. It also shows the police force's
ineffectiveness, not only to manage cases but also to provide enough facilities. Moreover, the
institutional indifference towards gender-based violence cases prompts their concealment and
raises women's vulnerable condition.

"My husband hit me harshly when I was pregnant, and the Hamlet leader, who was a woman at that
time, and my brother-in-law had to take me to the healthcare center. They hid the fact that my husband
hit me because we did not have the form no. 3 (the form provided by the police officers, which exempts
women from paying for medical services). Both of them knew that if we did not take that form, no doctor
would see me in the healthcare center, so they decided to make up a story. They said that I had fallen
from my house roof. Finally I was taken to the Makiungu Hospital, and I had to have an emergency
operation because of a pancreatic rupture. After several weeks in the hospital, I decided to tell the truth
to the doctor, but he answered that it was already too late to bring charges against my husband."
(Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based violence, Kinyeto)

11.2% of informants consider the Religious leaders (Bakwata and priests for Muslim and
Christian communities respectively) as another option to resolve gender-based violence cases.
The number of the cases brought to religious leaders is quite high given their proximity to
communities and families. Nevertheless, their ability to effectively resolve cases is
questionable since their role is more mediatory than facilitator than judgemental and
therefore influential in the patriarchal stereotypes of gender in interrelational conflicts.

"Sometimes I get cases of women being mistreated by their husbands. I do my best to resolve all of the
cases if the parties agree. I call the families on both sides, and together we discuss a solution. When the
case becomes recurrent, I report the case to the Police Force." (Excerpt from interview with Pentecostal
pastor, Ilongero)

"I tried other options, but all of them failed, so I had to bring the case to the Muslim Marriage Council,
which finally accepted the divorce, and my husband had to pay me 20,000 TZS (Tanzanian shilling) of
alimony. But he never gave me anything.." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based
violence)
31


7.3.2. Informal mechanisms

Cultura del silencio: Culture of Silence | Ámbito familiar: Family Context | Ámbito
personal: Close Context | Ancianos de la Comunidad: Elders of the Community

The normalization of gender-based violence within the community leads to the victim to
remain silent and be ashamed of the situation. Society considers women as the source and the
reason to cause the violent situation, and the women end up being blamed by social and
family pressures. In some situations the man thinks he has the right to "correct" his wife by
means of violence, and the victim feels unsupported by the community. Only when the violent
situation is repetitive and persistent, new measures are taken. We must bear in mind that
only a very small percentage of victims decide take the situation out of their homes, and a
much smaller percentage decides to report these cases through formal systems. Such systems
only intervene when violence is "excessively" severe.

"I kept silence because traditionally we cannot accuse our relatives, and it would be embarrassing to me
and my family, who must later get the offender out prison, and this entails an economic cost that nobody
wants." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based violence)

The next option that a victim usually takes is to explain what is happening to close relatives
(32.2% talk with the parents and 23.1% with other members of the family) to give support and
to mediate in the conflict. It is not often effective, however, since in most of the cases the
family perpetuates the patriarchal concepts where women must obey and submit.

"I usually go to his brothers' house to explain to them, but they reply I have to tolerate his behavior and
go back home to take care of my four kids." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based
violence)

When the situation becomes intolerable, the woman can decide run away from her husband's
house and take refuge in her parent's house, normally in response to an especially violent
aggression. This fact implies that the situation public is made public, with all of the
consequences this might have, even though the effectiveness of the solution is usually little,
given that the case is considered "resolved" once the husband goes to look for her and takes
her back home with him.

Until now these plans prevail within the family context, but when violent episodes recur often
or they are especially severe and public, the Elders of the community take charge of the
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situation and apply the
Njuguda. The elders of "I prefer to go to my parents' house and have no more
the community are a problems. If you go further with the case, maybe your
traditional mechanism husband wants to kill you. And sometimes the woman
formed by certain who was attacked feels empathy for her husband, she
elders with social feels bad and reluctant to continue with the process."
recognition and (Focus Group Discussion - Married women)
prestige, who have the
power to resolve any (FGD mujeres casadas)
conflict within the community. It is a competent and recognized authority among Nyaturu
people. 32.2% of informants consider them as a mechanism to resolve cases of gender-based
violence. Most of the members of this elderly community are men, and only on a few
occasions have we heard of instances in which women were also members. This is an
important fact since we have found cases in which women feel discriminated against because
they are judged by men. The elders of the community resolve traditionally the cases through
the Njuguda system, a system of financial compensation or in kind (cows, etc.). Every time the
elders resolve a case, they receive a part of this compensation.

7.3.3. Faith in/Effectiveness of mechanisms

In excluding the data by gender and type of mechanism employed, the majority of men (21%)
consider that the informal mechanisms are effective. On the contrary, most of the women
(26%) think that the formal mechanisms are more effective, since they actually take steps to
punish the offender.

Regardless of the mechanisms women and men prefer, in general, the victim’s confidence in
their case being satisfactorily resolved is relatively low, given that the resolution of cases is not
effective, and it is considered a private and normalized matter which is supported by the
existing patriarchal system.

Faith in/and Effectiveness of the Formal Mechanisms

The factors we have identified, which cause the lack of confidence in the formal mechanisms,
are the following:

In these mechanisms, the gender-based violence cases are not considered as a public
crime but a family conflict, and therefore should be resolved within the family context.

Formal mechanisms incur economic costs that are difficult to meet (such as traveling
expenses, lawyer's fees, etc.) by the families, especially by women who are economically
dependent.

Women who pursue formal mechanisms make the assault public and have to face family
pressure as a result of accusing a family member, since the family itself must pay for all of
the legal costs.

33


Although the victims trust in the formal mechanisms more, they do not have the
necessary infrastructures to cover the population, and consequently these mechanisms
are not a viable option for gender-based violence cases.

Corruption is another factor that perpetuates the lack of confidence. The fairness of the
case resolution depends on the offender's position and how much he can bribe the
leaders who control the mechanisms The general perception is that the higher the level of
authority involved in the resolution, the greater the level of corruption.

"The formal mechanisms are corrupt. If the offender bribes them, they favor him (...) a girl was raped
and the rapist bribed the leader. When the victim accused him, the leader told her that the assault was a
result of her behavior and blamed her for it. That is why victims do not report the cases due to the
corruption that exists." (Focus Group Discussion - Single men)

Faith in/and Effectiveness of the Informal Mechanisms

The general perception regarding informal mechanisms is that they are infective.

Remaining silent, or explaining the situation to those close to the victim means that
violence will not be socially visible and that it remains within the family domain.
Furthermore, accusing relatives is not considered socially proper. Some victims think they
feel pressure from their families to remain silent and to not report the situation because
they must take into account the economic obligation with the husband, who paid the
dowry to the parents' wife, and in the event of divorce, the family must pay this back to
the husband.

"A Nyaturu woman is forbidden to make accusations about her husband to the High Court
and men are forbidden as well but he is allowed to beat her, slap her, insult her and more
to correct her. These traditional rules means that many women are mistreated by their
husbands. The women cannot report them as that goes against our traditions." (Focus
Group Discussion - Married men)

"The parents of the victim are always on offender's side because he paid the dowry for his wife, and
if the woman wants the divorce, her parents must pay back what they have received. That is why
the parents of the victim oblige her to go back to her house, with her husband, and they emphasize
that it is her who has misbehaved to him." (Focus Group Discussion - Married women)

In cases in which the victim goes further and decides to report the situation to the elders
of the community, the case is considered resolved once the woman returns to her
husband's house (if she had left), no matter what type of violence was exerted. As such,
from the victim's point of view, the resolution is unsatisfactory.

"The elders of the community are mostly men, and they refer to our traditional beliefs, which show
favoritism for men (...) In my experience, they always emphasize that we should stay with our
husbands and never ask for divorce." (Excerpt from interview with female victim of gender-based
violence)

34

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