A survey of 3,031 Tunisian adults found the electorate to be deeply dissatisfied and polarized following their 2011 revolution. Support for the ruling Ennahda party, which is Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated, has diminished to only 28% and the government is seen as ineffective and failing to deliver economic promises. Unlike in Egypt, Tunisians do not support a military coup but the opposition is growing. Overall Tunisians feel the country is moving in the wrong direction under Ennahda's leadership.
Voter turnout is influenced by a variety of individual and social factors. Research shows that whether a person perceives themselves as a "winner" or "loser" after an election, their level of political and social trust, personality traits like conscientiousness, and social pressures all impact their likelihood of voting. The costs and benefits of voting, like fulfilling a civic duty or facing criticism for not voting, also affect an individual's decision. No single factor determines turnout, and different electoral systems can have varying effects depending on other contextual influences.
The document proposes establishing a Syrian transitional parliament to guide the country's transition from the current regime to independence. It discusses how a previous parliament was formed before independence from French occupation in 1943. It argues that like their ancestors, Syrians now under a different form of occupation must build a parliament to achieve independence and democracy. The proposed 120-member transitional parliament would represent various ethnic and religious groups and regions of Syria. It would work to end the current constitution and regime, form a national military council, and set the foundation for a civil state and future permanent parliament through guiding the country to independence.
This document provides an overview and comparison of the political transitions in Egypt and Tunisia following the Arab Spring revolutions. It summarizes that while Tunisia's transition towards democracy has been relatively successful due to inclusive consensus-building and the military stepping down from power, Egypt's transition failed because the military took control without consensus and did not fully remove affiliates of the former regime from power, leading to exclusionary politics and a failure to establish democracy. The document analyzes factors for success in Tunisia and failure in Egypt in more detail.
ANFREL observed Taiwan's 2012 presidential and legislative elections and found them to be largely successful, with credible results reflecting the will of the Taiwanese people. However, some improvements were needed, such as strengthening key institutions to increase impartiality, reducing vote buying especially at local levels, enforcing campaign finance laws to create a more level playing field between parties, and encouraging a more independent media. ANFREL also saw a need for Taiwan to develop a culture of election observation to increase transparency.
This document summarizes a paper about women's rights in Tunisia and Egypt following the Arab Spring uprisings. [1] It discusses how women played a prominent role in the revolutions but face uncertainty about maintaining rights in the new governments. [2] Tunisia has made more progress, electing a president committed to women's rights and gender equality, though full representation is still uncertain. [3] Egypt has seen less progress for women's rights, with Islamic parties seeking to limit women's roles and no women involved in rewriting the constitution.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet for its role in the country's transition to democracy following the 2011 revolution. The Quartet, consisting of representatives from major Tunisian civil society groups, mediated negotiations between political parties when the democratic transition faced collapse in 2013. This led to the adoption of a progressive constitution and paved the way for free elections. The Committee praised the Quartet for bringing warring factions together and demonstrating that Islamist and secular groups can work together in building a democratic system respecting human rights and pluralism.
The document summarizes criticisms of Burma's 2010 elections as "sham elections" that were neither free nor fair. It notes that over 2,200 political prisoners remained jailed during the elections. It calls on democratic and ethnic party members not to attend the illegitimate parliament formed from these sham elections and urges opposition to boycott and fight the deceptions of the military junta. The document is signed by 26 pro-democracy activists criticizing the election process and results.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet for its role in establishing a pluralistic democracy in Tunisia following the 2011 revolution. The Quartet, composed of representatives from major Tunisian civil society groups, helped resolve a political crisis when it proposed a national dialogue between political parties. This led to the adoption of a new democratic constitution in 2014. The Quartet's efforts ensured a peaceful transition to democracy and prevented civil war from breaking out in Tunisia. Their success demonstrates that Islamist and secular groups can work together in the interests of society and that democracy can thrive in an Arab Muslim country.
The document provides a summary of a study analyzing Georgian voters' political preferences and attitudes. Some key findings include:
- The Georgian Orthodox Church received the most positive ratings, while the court system and healthcare received negative ratings.
- Voters viewed Bidzina Ivanishvili's entry into politics positively but were more cautious about his initial steps.
- Ivanishvili's party and the ruling National Movement emerged as the top two political forces, drawing support from different demographic groups.
- For future elections, most respondents planned to vote and believed the elections would be fair, though some opposition supporters were pessimistic about the results.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet, a civil society group comprising the Tunisian General Labor Union; the Tunisian Union of Industry, Trade, and Handicrafts; the Tunisian Human Rights League; and the Tunisian Order of Lawyers the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize on Friday, October 9, 2015 "for its decisive contribution to the building of a pluralistic democracy in Tunisia." In a new Atlantic Council Issue Brief, "Tunisia: The Last Arab Spring Country," Atlantic Council Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East Senior Fellows Mohsin Khan and Karim Mezran survey the successes of Tunisia's consensus-based transition and the challenges that lie ahead.
"The decision to award this year's Nobel Peace Prize to Tunisia's National Dialogue Quartet is an extremely important recognition of the efforts made by Tunisian civil society and Tunisia's political elite to reach a consensus on keeping the country firmly on the path to democratization and transition to a pluralist system," says Mezran. With the overthrow of the authoritarian regime of President Zine El Abedine Ben Ali in 2011, Tunisia embarked on a process of democratization widely regarded as an example for transitions in the region. The National Dialogue Conference facilitated by the Quartet helped Tunisia avert the risk of plunging into civil war and paved the way for a consensus agreement on Tunisia's new constitution, adopted in January 2014.
In the brief, the authors warn that despite political successes, Tunisia is hampered by the absence of economic reforms. Facing the loss of tourism and investment following two terror attacks, Tunisia's economy risks collapse, endangering all of the painstaking political progress gained thus far. Unless the Tunisian government moves rapidly to turn the economy around, Tunisia risks unraveling its fragile transition.
The document discusses the socio-economic factors that contributed to the Tunisian revolution in 2011. It finds that while Tunisia enjoyed relatively high GDP and economic growth, wealth was highly concentrated and most people faced poverty and unemployment. The revolution was driven by high youth unemployment, rising food and living costs, corruption, and restrictions on civil liberties. Social media also helped protesters organize and spread information about the uprising. Thus, the combination of economic grievances and dissatisfaction with the authoritarian political system led Tunisians to rise up and overthrow the long-standing regime.
by Col. (ret.) Dr. Jacques Neriah
It's not clear what role Libya is playing in developments in Tunisia. Mu'ammar Qaddafi, a close friend of deposed Tunisian President Ben Ali, contended that the Ben Ali regime was preferred by the Tunisians.
The elected Tunisian prime minister, Mohammed Ghannouchi, is himself a product of the Ben Ali system and his perspective is not assumed to differ from that of his predecessors. The composition of the interim Tunisian government demonstrates the direction the regime has chosen. The new faces in the government are all members of the legal opposition.
At this stage, Ghannouchi did not bring into his government any Islamists, whose flagship party, the Tunisian Islamic Party, al-Nahda (Renaissance), has been outlawed. The exiled leader of al-Nahda, Rached Ghannouchi (no relation), announced that he wanted to join the unity government. Rached Ghannouchi has visited Tehran in recent years on a regular basis. He also carries a Sudanese passport, provided to him by the authorities in Khartoum at Iran's request.
Iran has maintained a presence in the Tunisian arena for years. In 1987, documents found in the possession of an official of the Iranian Embassy arrested on the border between France and Switzerland testified to the ties that Iran maintains with Tunisian fundamentalists. As a result, Tunisia expelled Ahmad Kan'ani, the Iranian charge d'affaires in Tunis. That same year, a Tunisian named Lutfi, who had been recruited by Iran and underwent training there prior to joining a local network in Tunisia, unveiled to French police precise information regarding Iran's subversive activity in Tunisia.
Many Tunisians have joined the ranks of Islamic extremists in Algeria and Afghanistan, and trained in camps in Pakistan before they returned to North Africa or were dispatched to Europe. Since 2008 Tunisia has become a target for Islamic terrorists. WikiLeaks documents revealed that the Americans were particularly concerned that a group which penetrated from Algeria had managed to recruit over 30 local activists in less than six weeks.
The voices of the majority of Afghans are simply not heard nor heeded in the corridors of power in Kabul, Washington, New York, and Brussels. Inevitably, much of the policy discussion about Afghanistan in the country and around the world focuses on the big picture. While not claiming to be statistically representative
of the Afghan population, Take the Guns Away highlights the views of some Afghans, including farmers, teachers, housewives, and shopkeepers.Their views should, as much as any other, influence the many decisions facing Afghanistan
How to Rekindle Political Engagement In the Face of Political Indifference.pptxWajid Khan MP
Participation in elections and civic involvement in the political process are vital signs of a healthy democracy. People might feel as though there is little point in investing their time and money in political action with meager results if they are disappointed or frustrated by a pattern of inaction or corruption on the part of the government. According to Wajid khan Mp, People may experience political apathy or a lack of engagement at this time.
Press statement (english) Ipsos Tanzania september 2015Ipsos
The survey sampled over 1,800 Tanzanians between September 5-22nd, 2015. It found that while twice as many Tanzanians identify as CCM supporters compared to the opposition party Chadema, a substantial minority do not support any party. At the time of the survey, the CCM candidate Magufuli led his main opponent Lowassa 62% to 31%, but many respondents were undecided or unwilling to state their choice. While Magufuli led across demographics, he had a stronger appeal among women, rural dwellers, and older people compared to men, urbanites, and younger Tanzanians.
This document provides an overview of political finance regulations around the world. It begins with a foreword highlighting the threats that uncontrolled political money can pose to democracy, such as diminished political equality and corruption. The preface then discusses challenges related to unequal access to political funding exacerbating an uneven political playing field. The handbook aims to advance the debate on political finance and stimulate reforms through a global comparative analysis of regulations and challenges. It addresses issues like opaque political donations, organized crime influencing politics, disproportionate effects on women candidates, and the need for transparent and accountable party systems.
Arab Uprisings and the Outstanding Return to Democracy: Tunisia as a Modelinventionjournals
In the wake of the Middle Eastern crises, the Tunisian case in focus has been doted as a unique
phenomenon being that it was the Genesis of the revolution that ultimately spread across the Middle East like
wild fire, but has eventually heralded a new dawn as democracy has incidentally returned to the Empire. This
literature therefore looks closely at the extent to which the ‘DignityRevolution’ has been instrumental in the
Middle East uprisings, which have brought an end to dynastic autocracies. The literature zeros in on the
Tunisian uprising which has attracted global concerns, sympathy and has sparked interests in the international
arena. The literature finds that the people hold colossal prospect in the uprising and its resultant effect, as it
paved the way for the revolutionist to generate, gather and disseminate information on the condition of the
entire region to the international community. The people in this context were of utmost importance and played a
very crucial role in the creation of awareness, mobilization of protesters and utmost determining the direction of
the uprising and also ensuring a speedy return to democratic rule. The paper submits that the role of the people
in ensuring that the ruins of the uprising is not left littering around and democracy restored is highly
commendable and should be a model for all other Arab countries involved in the revolution.
This document appears to contain financial information in another language with numbers and dates. It includes sections titled items sold, sales revenue, expenses, and profit. Some key details that can be understood include:
- Sales revenue numbers for various periods ranging from 3102 to 4102.
- Expenses listed for various periods ranging from 3102 to 4102, including categories like wages, rent, and supplies.
- Profit/loss numbers compared to previous periods, with some seeing a 21% increase or decrease.
- Dates listed seem to be accounting periods from 3102 to 4102.
However, most of the document is not in English so only limited high-level understanding can be gathered
Voter turnout is influenced by a variety of individual and social factors. Research shows that whether a person perceives themselves as a "winner" or "loser" after an election, their level of political and social trust, personality traits like conscientiousness, and social pressures all impact their likelihood of voting. The costs and benefits of voting, like fulfilling a civic duty or facing criticism for not voting, also affect an individual's decision. No single factor determines turnout, and different electoral systems can have varying effects depending on other contextual influences.
The document proposes establishing a Syrian transitional parliament to guide the country's transition from the current regime to independence. It discusses how a previous parliament was formed before independence from French occupation in 1943. It argues that like their ancestors, Syrians now under a different form of occupation must build a parliament to achieve independence and democracy. The proposed 120-member transitional parliament would represent various ethnic and religious groups and regions of Syria. It would work to end the current constitution and regime, form a national military council, and set the foundation for a civil state and future permanent parliament through guiding the country to independence.
This document provides an overview and comparison of the political transitions in Egypt and Tunisia following the Arab Spring revolutions. It summarizes that while Tunisia's transition towards democracy has been relatively successful due to inclusive consensus-building and the military stepping down from power, Egypt's transition failed because the military took control without consensus and did not fully remove affiliates of the former regime from power, leading to exclusionary politics and a failure to establish democracy. The document analyzes factors for success in Tunisia and failure in Egypt in more detail.
ANFREL observed Taiwan's 2012 presidential and legislative elections and found them to be largely successful, with credible results reflecting the will of the Taiwanese people. However, some improvements were needed, such as strengthening key institutions to increase impartiality, reducing vote buying especially at local levels, enforcing campaign finance laws to create a more level playing field between parties, and encouraging a more independent media. ANFREL also saw a need for Taiwan to develop a culture of election observation to increase transparency.
This document summarizes a paper about women's rights in Tunisia and Egypt following the Arab Spring uprisings. [1] It discusses how women played a prominent role in the revolutions but face uncertainty about maintaining rights in the new governments. [2] Tunisia has made more progress, electing a president committed to women's rights and gender equality, though full representation is still uncertain. [3] Egypt has seen less progress for women's rights, with Islamic parties seeking to limit women's roles and no women involved in rewriting the constitution.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet for its role in the country's transition to democracy following the 2011 revolution. The Quartet, consisting of representatives from major Tunisian civil society groups, mediated negotiations between political parties when the democratic transition faced collapse in 2013. This led to the adoption of a progressive constitution and paved the way for free elections. The Committee praised the Quartet for bringing warring factions together and demonstrating that Islamist and secular groups can work together in building a democratic system respecting human rights and pluralism.
The document summarizes criticisms of Burma's 2010 elections as "sham elections" that were neither free nor fair. It notes that over 2,200 political prisoners remained jailed during the elections. It calls on democratic and ethnic party members not to attend the illegitimate parliament formed from these sham elections and urges opposition to boycott and fight the deceptions of the military junta. The document is signed by 26 pro-democracy activists criticizing the election process and results.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet for its role in establishing a pluralistic democracy in Tunisia following the 2011 revolution. The Quartet, composed of representatives from major Tunisian civil society groups, helped resolve a political crisis when it proposed a national dialogue between political parties. This led to the adoption of a new democratic constitution in 2014. The Quartet's efforts ensured a peaceful transition to democracy and prevented civil war from breaking out in Tunisia. Their success demonstrates that Islamist and secular groups can work together in the interests of society and that democracy can thrive in an Arab Muslim country.
The document provides a summary of a study analyzing Georgian voters' political preferences and attitudes. Some key findings include:
- The Georgian Orthodox Church received the most positive ratings, while the court system and healthcare received negative ratings.
- Voters viewed Bidzina Ivanishvili's entry into politics positively but were more cautious about his initial steps.
- Ivanishvili's party and the ruling National Movement emerged as the top two political forces, drawing support from different demographic groups.
- For future elections, most respondents planned to vote and believed the elections would be fair, though some opposition supporters were pessimistic about the results.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet, a civil society group comprising the Tunisian General Labor Union; the Tunisian Union of Industry, Trade, and Handicrafts; the Tunisian Human Rights League; and the Tunisian Order of Lawyers the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize on Friday, October 9, 2015 "for its decisive contribution to the building of a pluralistic democracy in Tunisia." In a new Atlantic Council Issue Brief, "Tunisia: The Last Arab Spring Country," Atlantic Council Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East Senior Fellows Mohsin Khan and Karim Mezran survey the successes of Tunisia's consensus-based transition and the challenges that lie ahead.
"The decision to award this year's Nobel Peace Prize to Tunisia's National Dialogue Quartet is an extremely important recognition of the efforts made by Tunisian civil society and Tunisia's political elite to reach a consensus on keeping the country firmly on the path to democratization and transition to a pluralist system," says Mezran. With the overthrow of the authoritarian regime of President Zine El Abedine Ben Ali in 2011, Tunisia embarked on a process of democratization widely regarded as an example for transitions in the region. The National Dialogue Conference facilitated by the Quartet helped Tunisia avert the risk of plunging into civil war and paved the way for a consensus agreement on Tunisia's new constitution, adopted in January 2014.
In the brief, the authors warn that despite political successes, Tunisia is hampered by the absence of economic reforms. Facing the loss of tourism and investment following two terror attacks, Tunisia's economy risks collapse, endangering all of the painstaking political progress gained thus far. Unless the Tunisian government moves rapidly to turn the economy around, Tunisia risks unraveling its fragile transition.
The document discusses the socio-economic factors that contributed to the Tunisian revolution in 2011. It finds that while Tunisia enjoyed relatively high GDP and economic growth, wealth was highly concentrated and most people faced poverty and unemployment. The revolution was driven by high youth unemployment, rising food and living costs, corruption, and restrictions on civil liberties. Social media also helped protesters organize and spread information about the uprising. Thus, the combination of economic grievances and dissatisfaction with the authoritarian political system led Tunisians to rise up and overthrow the long-standing regime.
by Col. (ret.) Dr. Jacques Neriah
It's not clear what role Libya is playing in developments in Tunisia. Mu'ammar Qaddafi, a close friend of deposed Tunisian President Ben Ali, contended that the Ben Ali regime was preferred by the Tunisians.
The elected Tunisian prime minister, Mohammed Ghannouchi, is himself a product of the Ben Ali system and his perspective is not assumed to differ from that of his predecessors. The composition of the interim Tunisian government demonstrates the direction the regime has chosen. The new faces in the government are all members of the legal opposition.
At this stage, Ghannouchi did not bring into his government any Islamists, whose flagship party, the Tunisian Islamic Party, al-Nahda (Renaissance), has been outlawed. The exiled leader of al-Nahda, Rached Ghannouchi (no relation), announced that he wanted to join the unity government. Rached Ghannouchi has visited Tehran in recent years on a regular basis. He also carries a Sudanese passport, provided to him by the authorities in Khartoum at Iran's request.
Iran has maintained a presence in the Tunisian arena for years. In 1987, documents found in the possession of an official of the Iranian Embassy arrested on the border between France and Switzerland testified to the ties that Iran maintains with Tunisian fundamentalists. As a result, Tunisia expelled Ahmad Kan'ani, the Iranian charge d'affaires in Tunis. That same year, a Tunisian named Lutfi, who had been recruited by Iran and underwent training there prior to joining a local network in Tunisia, unveiled to French police precise information regarding Iran's subversive activity in Tunisia.
Many Tunisians have joined the ranks of Islamic extremists in Algeria and Afghanistan, and trained in camps in Pakistan before they returned to North Africa or were dispatched to Europe. Since 2008 Tunisia has become a target for Islamic terrorists. WikiLeaks documents revealed that the Americans were particularly concerned that a group which penetrated from Algeria had managed to recruit over 30 local activists in less than six weeks.
The voices of the majority of Afghans are simply not heard nor heeded in the corridors of power in Kabul, Washington, New York, and Brussels. Inevitably, much of the policy discussion about Afghanistan in the country and around the world focuses on the big picture. While not claiming to be statistically representative
of the Afghan population, Take the Guns Away highlights the views of some Afghans, including farmers, teachers, housewives, and shopkeepers.Their views should, as much as any other, influence the many decisions facing Afghanistan
How to Rekindle Political Engagement In the Face of Political Indifference.pptxWajid Khan MP
Participation in elections and civic involvement in the political process are vital signs of a healthy democracy. People might feel as though there is little point in investing their time and money in political action with meager results if they are disappointed or frustrated by a pattern of inaction or corruption on the part of the government. According to Wajid khan Mp, People may experience political apathy or a lack of engagement at this time.
Press statement (english) Ipsos Tanzania september 2015Ipsos
The survey sampled over 1,800 Tanzanians between September 5-22nd, 2015. It found that while twice as many Tanzanians identify as CCM supporters compared to the opposition party Chadema, a substantial minority do not support any party. At the time of the survey, the CCM candidate Magufuli led his main opponent Lowassa 62% to 31%, but many respondents were undecided or unwilling to state their choice. While Magufuli led across demographics, he had a stronger appeal among women, rural dwellers, and older people compared to men, urbanites, and younger Tanzanians.
This document provides an overview of political finance regulations around the world. It begins with a foreword highlighting the threats that uncontrolled political money can pose to democracy, such as diminished political equality and corruption. The preface then discusses challenges related to unequal access to political funding exacerbating an uneven political playing field. The handbook aims to advance the debate on political finance and stimulate reforms through a global comparative analysis of regulations and challenges. It addresses issues like opaque political donations, organized crime influencing politics, disproportionate effects on women candidates, and the need for transparent and accountable party systems.
Arab Uprisings and the Outstanding Return to Democracy: Tunisia as a Modelinventionjournals
In the wake of the Middle Eastern crises, the Tunisian case in focus has been doted as a unique
phenomenon being that it was the Genesis of the revolution that ultimately spread across the Middle East like
wild fire, but has eventually heralded a new dawn as democracy has incidentally returned to the Empire. This
literature therefore looks closely at the extent to which the ‘DignityRevolution’ has been instrumental in the
Middle East uprisings, which have brought an end to dynastic autocracies. The literature zeros in on the
Tunisian uprising which has attracted global concerns, sympathy and has sparked interests in the international
arena. The literature finds that the people hold colossal prospect in the uprising and its resultant effect, as it
paved the way for the revolutionist to generate, gather and disseminate information on the condition of the
entire region to the international community. The people in this context were of utmost importance and played a
very crucial role in the creation of awareness, mobilization of protesters and utmost determining the direction of
the uprising and also ensuring a speedy return to democratic rule. The paper submits that the role of the people
in ensuring that the ruins of the uprising is not left littering around and democracy restored is highly
commendable and should be a model for all other Arab countries involved in the revolution.
This document appears to contain financial information in another language with numbers and dates. It includes sections titled items sold, sales revenue, expenses, and profit. Some key details that can be understood include:
- Sales revenue numbers for various periods ranging from 3102 to 4102.
- Expenses listed for various periods ranging from 3102 to 4102, including categories like wages, rent, and supplies.
- Profit/loss numbers compared to previous periods, with some seeing a 21% increase or decrease.
- Dates listed seem to be accounting periods from 3102 to 4102.
However, most of the document is not in English so only limited high-level understanding can be gathered
133
533
633
733
933
143
443
643
743
943
153
553
653
753
853
953
163
663
The document appears to be a list of names and terms in Arabic script. It does not contain enough context in English to form a meaningful summary.
What Outdoor Adventures Await Young Adults in Montreal's Surrounding NatureSpade & Palacio Tours
Experience Montreal's vibrant culture and thrilling outdoor adventures. From hiking scenic trails at Mont-Saint-Bruno to kayaking the Saint Lawrence River, there's something for every adventurous young adult. Explore street art, camp under the stars, and immerse yourself in nature's beauty just beyond the city's bustling streets.
Discovering Egypt A Step-by-Step Guide to Planning Your Trip.pptImperial Egypt
Travelling to Egypt is like stepping into a time capsule where the past and present coexist, offering a unique blend of history, culture, and stunning landscapes.
See more: https://imperialegypt.com/tour-packages/
Edutour" is your premier choice for educational travel experiences, offering specialized tours for schools, colleges, universities, and enthusiasts alike. As a comprehensive educational tour operator, we cater to a diverse range of interests and destinations, ensuring unforgettable experiences that combine learning, exploration, and cultural immersion.
Nature of the task 1. write a paragraph about your trip to dubai and what ar...solutionaia
1. write a paragraph about your trip to dubai and what are the facts responsible for the heavy rainfall in dubai that caused havec ?
2. mention any five major tourist attaction of dubai
Mathematics: a student a visit her family her father converted Rs. 1,15,000 inr currency for dubai airport theexpedite in the trip is given below
1. Curreny name of India and dubai
2. Conversions amount
3. Total Converted amount
4. cost of food
5. cost of sightseeing
6. cost of shoping
7. cost of saving
Un viaje a Buenos Aires y sus alrededoresJudy Hochberg
A travelogue of my recent trip to Argentina, most to Buenos Aires, but including excursion to Iguazú waterfalls, Tigre, and Colonia del Sacramento in Uruguay
How do I plan a Kilimanjaro Climb?
Planning to climb Mount Kilimanjaro is an exciting yet detailed process. Here’s a step-by-step guide to help you prepare for this incredible adventure.
You can easily change/correct a name on your flight ticket under the American Airlines name change policy. The airline provides multiple online and offline modes to place a name change request. To learn more about how to change a name on American Airlines ticket, you can directly approach the airline’s customer support. Moreover, you can connect with a flight expert at +1-866-738-0741 for quick assistance.
Explore Architectural Wonders and Vibrant Culture With Naples ToursNaples Tours
Discover the historical gems and vivid culture of Naples with our guided tours. From the vivid narrow streets of Spaccanapoli to the ancient ruins of Pompeii, the city offers a mixed bag of adventurous experiences. Book your tickets today https://www.naples.tours/ and experience the best of Naples!
Beyond the mountains, a tour in Nepal reveals a vibrant tapestry of cultural heritage. The Kathmandu Valley, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, boasts an array of ancient temples, stupas, and palaces. Durbar Squares in Kathmandu, Bhaktapur, and Patan are treasure troves of medieval art and architecture.
Our excursions in tahiti offer stunning lagoon tours, vibrant marine life encounters, and cultural experiences. We ensure unforgettable adventures amidst breathtaking landscapes and serene waters. For more information, mail us at tracey@uniquetahiti.com.
How To Change Your Name On American Airlines Aadvantage.pptxedqour001namechange
American Airlines permits passengers to change/correct names on their AAdvantage account. Also, you can request a name change both online via a web portal and offline over the phone. For further information on how to change your name on American Airlines Advantage, get in touch with the airline’s customer service. Also, you can reach out to a consolidation desk at +1-866-738-0741 for quick assistance.
The Ultimate Travel Guide to Hawaii Island Hopping in 2024adventuressabifn
island hopping in Hawaii. This magical place offers a number of experiences, as each island has its own charm. Do you love adventure? Then, hike through volcanoes or kayak along an amazing coastline. If you want relaxation, then Hawaii is perfect because it has the most amazing beaches. In this blog, I will help you make an itinerary for your Hawaii Island Hopping. Every island offers something special. The Big Island offers some of the most perfect volcanoes as well as stargazing. Maui will pamper you with beaches and luxury. Kauai has some of the most lush rainforests with dramatic cliffs, and Oahu can offer a taste of city life and historical significance.
Golden Gate Bridge: Magnificent Architecture in San Francisco | CIO Women Mag...CIOWomenMagazine
The famous suspension bridge connects the city of San Francisco to Marin County in California. Golden Gate Bridge carries both U.S. Route 101 and California State Route 1 across the strait and is about one mile wide. In this article, we will explore the history and significance that have shaped the iconic monument it is known as today.
bangalore metro routes, stations, timingsnarinav14
Bangalore Metro, also known as Namma Metro, is a rapid transit system serving the city of Bangalore, Karnataka, India. It is the second longest operational metro network in India after the Delhi Metro.
3. 11
F
rom August 4 through August 31, 2013, Zogby
Research Services surveyed 3,031 Tunisian adults
to determine their attitudes toward the develop-
ments that have unfolded in Tunisia since their revolution
of two and a half years ago.
What we found was a deeply dissatisfied electorate and an
extremely polarized society. In some ways the divisions
in Tunisia are similar to those we found in Egypt, in the
poll we conducted in May of 2013, just prior to the June
30th Tamarrod demonstrations that culminated in the
military’s deposing the elected government of President
Mohamed Morsi on July 3rd.
As was the case in Egypt, a majority of Tunisians have
lost the hope they had two and a half years ago. As in
Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood-led government, headed
in Tunisia by Ennahda, has diminished support and
is currently distrusted by almost three-quarters of the
electorate. Just as Egyptians were upset that the ruling
Freedom and Justice Party (Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood
party) had monopolized power, Tunisians are concerned
that Ennahda (the Tunisian Muslim Brotherhood group)
is also dominating the government. And as in Egypt, the
governing party, Ennahda, now has the confidence of
only 28% of Tunisians—and this 28% is almost exclu-
sively comprised of Ennahda supporters. While more
than 90% of Ennahda supporters show some degree of
support for the government, more than 95% of the rest
of Tunisians (72% of the population) do not support the
government.
Also similar to the situation that existed in Egypt is the
fact that the 72% of the rest of the electorate is divided
amongst a number of relatively weak parties with no one
party able to muster the confidence of more than one-
quarter of the adult population.
There are, however, some real differences between Egypt
and Tunisia. Unlike Egypt, Tunisians are not looking
to the military to make change. In fact, a majority of
Tunisians (53%) say that they believe that the action by
the Egyptian military was “incorrect.” The organized
Tunisian opposition, to date, is comprised of a coalition
of secular parties and the country’s trade union move-
ment. And while Tunisians are deeply concerned that
Ennahda tolerated, for too long, the activities of extremist
Salafi groups – which they blame for the recent assassina-
tions of two popular leftist political leaders—it appears
from the poll that the fear of “Islamization” of the country
is not a major factor in the public’s discontent with the
government. Rather, the poll makes clear that the major-
ity of Tunisians are disturbed by the government’s inef-
fectiveness and its failure to deliver on the political and
economic promises of their revolution.
Our poll also shows:
• two-thirds of Tunisians feel their country is moving in
the wrong direction;
• less than one-third of Tunisians say that the govern-
ment has been effective in addressing priority con-
cerns like: expanding employment opportunities,
dealing with the high cost of living, and protecting
personal and civil rights;
• on none of the 11 political concerns identified in the
poll does a majority of Tunisians agree that the gov-
ernment has been effective; and
• almost three-quarters of all Tunisians say that the
current government is “dominated by Ennahda” and
is not “a balanced coalition that insures modera-
tion,” with the same number saying they believe that
Ennahda is not committed to “fulfilling the goals of
the revolution.”
Almost two-thirds of Tunisians find fault with the failure
of the government to produce a constitution in a timely
manner. And almost three-quarters say that the National
Constituent Assembly, that was elected to amend and
approve a draft constitution and set up the next election
for a more permanent body, should not have extended
its term in office and is now illegitimate. Additionally,
three-quarters say that they do not know enough about
Executive Summary
4. research services, llc2
the draft constitution, with the same number saying that
what they do know about this document causes them to
disapprove of it.
Finally, it is important to note, that there is a dearth of
credible leadership in the country. In fact, the only leader
who enjoys 50% support is Hamadi Jebali, the current
secretary general of Ennahda. He had been prime minister,
but resigned in February after the assassination of Chokri
Belaid, a popular leftist leader. This act may account for
Jebali’s popularity. The other Tunisian whose support is near
50% is retired General Rachid Ammar whose popularity
rose when he refused to use force against demonstrators
calling for the government of then President Ben Ali to
resign.
_________________________________________________________________________________________________
A note on support for Tunisia’s political parties:
We did not ask respondents to identify their membership in any of the political parties. Instead we asked them to express
the degree of confidence they had in each of the parties we identified.
Here’s what we found:
Level of confidence…
Overall
Confident Not confident
Ennahda 28 72
Al Mottamer (CRP) 23 75
Nidaa Tounes 22 78
Al Jabha al Shaabiya 21 78
Ettakatol 20 80
The Salafi movements 20 80
Eljoumhouri 11 88
El Moubadara 8 89
On closer examination, however, we found that a substan-
tial overlap existed between those who had some degree
of confidence in Ennahda and those who also said that
they had confidence in Ennahda’s coalition partners: Al
Mottamer and Ettakatol; and also in those who said they
had confidence in the Salafi movements. In fact, almost
one-half of those who said they had confidence in these
three smaller groups were supporters of Ennahda. This, in
effect, greatly inflated the appearance of support for these
groups. Diving deeper we found that the reverse wasn’t true.
For example, while almost one-half of those who have con-
fidence in Al Mottamer are, in fact, overlapping supporters
of Ennahda, the remaining one-half of Al Mottamer sup-
porters have no confidence in Ennahda – a further indica-
tion of that party’s isolation even from supporters of one of
its coalition partners.
There is virtually no support for Ennahda from amongst
those Tunisians who express confidence in Nidaa Tounes,
Al Jabha al Shaabiya, El JoumHouri, and El Moubadara.
There is, however, some overlap in confidence demonstrated
by supporters of these groups for each other.
Given these overlaps the measure we have chosen to use
for comparisons in the presentation of data in this report
is between those who have “confidence” in Ennahda (841
respondents, or 28% of the total) and those who have “no
confidence” in Ennahda (2,190 respondents, or 72% of the
total).
Since Ennahda is, for all intents and purposes, the govern-
ing party of Tunisia, we considered this to be the most
relevant metric to use in our analysis.
5. 3
Analysis
When the Tunisian Revolution began 2 1/2 years ago, how hopeful were you that it would bring about posi-
tive change in Tunisia?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Very Hopeful 83
Hopeful 94 98 93
Somewhat Hopeful 11
Somewhat Unhopeful 3
Unhopeful 6 2 7
Very Unhopeful 3
What best describes your attitude today when you see how the Tunisian revolution is playing out?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
I am still hopeful 39 90 19
Neither hopeful nor disappointed 6 7 6
I am disappointed 55 3 75
There has been a significant decline in the Tunisian public’s attitude toward their revolution. Ninety-four percent
(94%) say that in 2010 they were hopeful that the revolution “would bring about positive change.” Now only 39%
retain that hope, while 55% say they are disappointed. The overwhelming majority of those who have retained their
sense of hope are Ennahda supporters. Seventy-five percent (75%) of those who have no confidence in Ennahda are
disappointed in “how the Tunisian revolution is playing out.”
What was your reaction to the fact that Ennahda won elections in 2011?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
It was a positive development 19 62 2
It was a democratic election, and I respected the
results
31 30 31
I was concerned that it was a setback for Tunisia 33 5 44
It made no difference, because little will change
in Tunisia
16 3 21
At this point, how do you feel about Ennahda's victory?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
It is still a positive development 17 52 3
It was a democratic election, and I respect the
results
24 33 20
I am concerned that it is a setback for Tunisia 43 6 57
It makes no difference, because little will
change in Tunisia
16 7 20
6. research services, llc4
Attitudes toward Ennahda’s 2011 electoral victory have somewhat soured. There is a 10 point increase in those who
say Ennahda’s win was a “setback for Tunisia.”
Do you feel that Tunisia is moving in the right direction or the wrong direction?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Right direction 27 88 4
Wrong direction 64 11 85
As further evidence of the public’s souring mood, almost two-thirds of Tunisians say that the country is moving in
the wrong direction. There is a deep divide on this matter with 88% of Ennahda supporters saying the country is
“moving in the right direction,” while 85% of those who have no confidence in Ennahda say that Tunisia is “moving
in the wrong direction.”
Level of importance….
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Important
Not
Important
Important
Not
Important
Important
Not
Important
Insuring safety and security of
all citizens
96 4 98 2 95 4
The high cost of living 94 1 95 0 94 1
Expanding employment
opportunities
92 0 89 0 93 1
Finalizing the constitution 92 7 93 7 92 7
Ending corruption in
government
90 4 93 4 89 4
Combating extremism and
terrorism
90 6 93 3 89 8
Setting a date for next election 88 5 92 5 86 4
Establishing an independent
election body
86 7 86 11 86 6
Protecting personal and civil
rights
86 3 91 1 85 4
Protecting freedom of the
press
51 32 54 35 50 31
Protecting rights for women 51 31 56 30 49 31
7. 5
Extent of Effectiveness...
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Effective
Not
effective
Effective
Not
effective
Effective
Not
effective
Insuring safety and security of all
citizens
46 54 53 47 44 56
Protecting rights for women 40 60 51 49 36 64
Ending corruption in government 39 61 33 67 42 58
Finalizing the constitution 37 63 39 61 36 64
Protecting freedom of the press 37 63 39 61 37 63
Setting a date for next election 36 62 40 52 34 66
Combating extremism and
terrorism
33 67 28 72 35 65
Expanding employment
opportunities
32 68 34 66 32 68
Protecting personal and civil rights 32 68 41 59 28 71
The high cost of living 25 75 21 79 26 74
Establishing an independent
election body
21 78 24 76 20 79
a) The public has a long list of important priorities, with economic, security, and governance issues dominating the
top of the list. There is no division between Ennahda supporters and the rest of Tunisia on the ratings given to these
issues.
b) The public gives the current government very low grades for its effectiveness in addressing most of their priorities.
The highest rating is the 46% of Tunisians who say that the government has been effective “in insuring the safety and
security of all citizens.” On most issues by a two-to-one ratio Tunisians rate their government “ineffective.” It is espe-
cially noteworthy that two of the areas where the government performance is deemed worst are related to economic
concerns.
Extent of Credibility...
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Credible Not credible Credible Not credible Credible Not credible
Hamadi Jebali 50 50 74 26 40 59
General Rachid Ammar 48 49 51 49 47 49
Mustapha Ben Jaafer 37 62 56 44 30 68
Moncef Marzouki 35 65 66 34 23 77
Beji Caied Essebsi 27 70 22 77 29 67
Rached Ghannouchi 27 73 90 10 3 96
Taieb Baccouche 19 76 19 80 19 75
Ahmed Nejib Echebbi 11 88 8 92 12 86
8. research services, llc6
According to the Tunisian public, there is a dearth of credible leadership in the country. Only two leaders – former
Prime Minister Hamadi Jabali and former head of the military, General Rachid Ammar – can claim even modest sup-
port from the Tunisian public. All of the other leaders covered in the survey are seen as “not credible” by more than
62% of all Tunisians.
Level of confidence…
Overall
Confident Not confident
Ennahda 28 72
Al Mottamer (CRP) 23 75
Nidaa Tounes 22 78
Al Jabha al Shaabiya 21 78
Ettakatol 20 80
The Salafi movements 20 80
Eljoumhouri 11 88
El Moubadara 8 89
No single political party has the support of a majority Tunisians. In this regard, Ennahda, which appears to have the
strongest support base, still can only claim some degree of confidence of 28% of the public. Five other parties each
have the confidence of around 20% of the public. (See “A Note on the Parties” in the Executive Summary to this
report for a more complete discussion of the poll’s findings with regard to the political parties.)
What in your opinion best describes the way the current coalition government is operating?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
It is a balanced coalition that insures moderation 27 90 3
It is dominated by Ennahda 72 10 96
How committed do you believe Ennahda is to ...
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Committed
Not
committed
Committed
Not
committed
Committed
Not
committed
A pluralistic and open
society in Tunisia
28 72 91 9 3 96
To fulfilling the goals of
the revolution
27 72 90 10 3 96
There is very little public support for the Ennahda-led government. More than 70% of Tunisians believe that the
“coalition” is a fiction and that Ennahda dominates the government. The same percentage also do not believe that
Ennahda is committed to “fulfilling the goals of the revolution” and is committed to “establishing a pluralistic and
open society in Tunisia.” In each instance, these contrarian views are held by 95% of Tunisians who have no confi-
dence in Ennahda.
9. 7
The bottom line here is that the public’s dissatisfaction with the Ennahda government appears to have less to do with
the party’s ideology and more to do with its heavy-handed approach to governance, its lack of effectiveness in meet-
ing basic needs, and its failure to achieve the goals of the Tunisian revolution.
In your opinion, what poses the greatest threat to the achievements of the Tunisian revolution?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
The former leaders of the RCD 48 65 42
The Islamic parties and movements 23 3 30
The Tunisian army 1 0 1
The police 1 3 0
The divided opposition 10 11 9
Interference by other countries 15 19 14
Almost one-half of all Tunisians view former leaders of the Constitutional Democratic Rally (the party removed from
power following the 2010 revolution) as “the greatest threat to … the revolution”. The Islamic parties rank next, seen
as the greatest threat by almost one-quarter of the public.
What is your view of the Egyptian Tammarod movement and the action of the military to depose
Mohamed Morsi?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
It was a correct and needed step that
continued the Egyptian revolution
32 2 44
It was incorrect action that deposed a
legitimate government
53 96 37
Not sure 14 1 19
What impact do you believe the events in Egypt will have on Tunisia?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
They will harden the resolve of the Islamic
parties
28 11 35
They will create the impetus for a national
consensus
31 48 25
No impact 38 41 37
Slightly over one-half of Tunisians believe that the decision by the Egyptian military to depose elected President
Mohamed Morsi was “an incorrect action,” a view most strongly held by Ennahda supporters. But the public is split as
to whether the events in Egypt will have any impact on Tunisia – with about three in ten saying that what happened
in Egypt “will harden the resolve of the Islamic parties” and the same number saying it “will create the impetus for a
national consensus.” Almost four in ten, however, believe that the events in Egypt will have no “impact” on Tunisia.
10. research services, llc8
How much do you know about the content of the draft constitution that is currently being debated in
parliament?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
A great deal 2 2 3
Enough to have an opinion 25 27 25
Not very much 72 72 73
From what you know of the new constitution, how different is it from the constitution of 1959?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Very different 22 15 25
Slightly different 34 36 34
Not different 25 39 19
Not sure 19 9 22
Approval of Draft constitution
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Approve 20 63 4
Disapprove 73 37 86
While only 28% of Tunisians say they know enough about the “draft constitution” to have an opinion, that doesn’t
stop the public have having definitive views about the document. Twenty-two percent (22%) say it is “very different”
from the constitution of 1959. Twenty-five percent (25%) say it is “not different at all.” And 73% of all Tunisians say
they disapprove of the draft constitution. Only Ennahda supporters (63%) approve of the draft constitution. Among
the rest of the public, 86% say they disapprove of the draft document.
Was it legitimate for the ANC have extended their term?
Overall Confident in Ennahda Not Confident in Ennahda
Yes 27 94 1
No 72 5 98
Almost three-quarters of all Tunisians believe that it was illegitimate for the National Constituent Assembly to have
extended its term. Once again there is a huge divide between Ennahda supporters and the rest of the electorate.
11. 9
Methodology
The approach used for conducting the poll involved face to face, in-home personal interviews of 3,031, adults in
Tunisia. The survey was conducted between August 4 and August 31, 2013. A multi-stage sampling methodology
was employed for the selection of respondents. The sample obtained was nationally representative and comprised
adult males and females, who were 18+ years of age. Geographically, locations covered included: Tunis, Sfax, Sousse,
Bizerte, Ariane, Kairouan, Gaafsa, Megrine, Carthage, Sidi Thabet, Ghraiba, Hergla, and Belkhir.
Demographics
Under30 29
30-49 41
50+ 30
Male 49
Female 51
Live in city 67
Live outside city 33
Elementary or below 37
Intermediate 14
Secondary 26
University 11
Graduate studies 2
Technical Studies 10