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Participatory Governance:
Strengthening Democracy in Brazil
Since its transition from authoritarianism, Brazil has embraced various
innovative forms of participatory governance, giving its citizens direct
involvement in municipal finances and allowing for greater oversight of
public investments.The city of Porto Alegre’s participatory budgeting
program is widely seen as the world’s model participatory governance
experience, where institutional representational channels have enabled
citizens to voice their demands in the public sphere and monitor pub-
lic expenditures. In addition to more than 170 participatory budgeting
projects established throughout Brazil, the country now also has 5,000
participatory health councils and several thousand city planning com-
missions, with varied success. These programs have increased volun-
tary associational activity in a
historically non-participatory
country, led to a more equi-
table distribution of govern-
ment services, and strength-
ened democratic citizenship
in Brazil.
However, according to
Leonardo Avritzer, despite
the increasing popularity of
participatory governance
among academics and in-
ternational institutions, the
current literature on citizen
participation and the actions of international agencies has failed to
thoroughly address two key issues.What are the requisite conditions
for the emergence and success of participatory institutions? And,what
An Electronic Newsletter of Brazil AT the Wilson Center
Brazil
Thinking
Brazil UPDATE NO. 20
April 2006
Upcoming Events
May 2006
• Brazil’s President as
Working Class Raposa
(fox): Understanding Lula
the Politician
• Participation and
Citizenship in Democratic
Brazil
What are the requisite con-
ditions for the emergence
and success of participatory
institutions? And, what are
the variables that account
for their different results
within the same country?
Thinking brazil update no. 20
are the variables that account for their
different results within the same coun-
try? Avritzer’s new book seeks to answer
these questions.
On 11 April 2006,Avritzer presented
his research on participatory governance
for his upcoming book, Participatory In-
stitutions and Multi-Centered Citizenship
in Brazil. In the book Avritzer intro-
duces a comparative framework to eval-
uate the conditions for the emergence,
expansion, and success of Brazil’s new
participatory institutions. He decen-
ters the discussion from Porto Alegre’s
participatory budgeting by analyzing
cases in other cities, such as São Paulo,
Salvador, and Belo Horizonte, and by
adding two other participa-
tory institutions to the de-
bate: health councils and city
master plans.
Participatory governance,
he argues, is not an easily rep-
licable practice that can be
applied by progressive gov-
ernments or international
agencies with disregard for a
city’s historical development
trajectory. Furthermore, Avr-
itzer rejects the widespread assumption
that the presence of civil society is the
sole requisite for participatory budget-
ing: a strong civil society, he asserts, is a
necessary but insufficient condition for
…its success is based on a city’s civil
society organization, the willing-
ness of its political parties to imple-
ment participatory policies, and the
nature of the institutional design in
each one of these areas.
Leonardo Avritzer is Associate Professor at the Federal University of Minas Gerais. He received
his M.A. from the Federal University of Minas Gerais, Brazil, and his Ph.D. in political sociology at
the New School for Social Research, where he received the School’s Albert Salomon Dissertation
Award for Modernity and Democracy in Brazil. From 1998 to 2003, he was a visiting scholar at the
Department of Political Science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Among Avritzer’s pub-
lished books is A Moralidade da Democracia (1997), which received the José Albertino Rodrigues
award for best book in the social sciences in Brazil. He is also the author of Democracy and the
Public Space in Latin America (2002). Between 1996 and 1998 Leonardo Avritzer was the director of
the Brazilian Association of Postgraduate Programs and Research in Social Sciences (ANPOCS),
and between 2000 and 2002, he was the director of the Brazilian Association of Political Science
(ABCP). He is currently the Chair of the Political Science Committee at CAPES (Coordenação e Aper-
feiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior). As a Public Policy Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Inter-
national Center for Scholars, Avritzer has finished his upcoming book, “Participatory Institutions and
Multi-Centered Citizenship in Brazil.”
Participatory Governance: Strengthening Democracy in Brazil
participatory governance. Following
his analysis of Brazilian cases, Avritzer
claims that participatory institutions
require three overlapping conditions
for this exercise in citizenship and good
governance to be successful, implying
that variation in design and implemen-
tation is needed on a case by case basis.
Participatory governance is not a
cure-all that can be imposed upon a
city from above. Rather, its success is
based on a city’s civil society organi-
zation, the willingness of its politi-
cal parties to implement participatory
policies, and the nature of the institu-
tional design in each one of these areas.
Civil society associations play an active
role in proposing the form of partici-
pation, whereas political parties bring
these new formats of participation to
the political arena.The resulting design
is successful and sustainable because of
constructive negotiation on the parts of
civil society and political actors that ac-
commodates their often-conflicting in-
terests and agendas. It is this positive in-
teraction that achieves an interactive par-
ticipatory design and explains the success
of participatory policy experiences.
Because of the presence of pre-ex-
isting local practices, such as regional
citizen assemblies, Porto Alegre has had
a much stronger and broader history of
voluntary associations than the rest of
the country. Overall, civil society asso-
ciations in Porto Alegre are dense (in
Robert Putnam’s sense of the word)
and enjoy favorable relations with the
local political system.During the re-de-
mocratization period of the 1980s and
1990s, civil society developed unevenly,
more in some areas of the city than in
others (as is true on the national level
as well). Avritzer argues that participa-
tory budgeting has helped equalize this
local disparity of civil society organi-
zation, homogenizing the level of civil
society and promoting a more even dis-
tribution of government services and
resources. Likewise, in Porto Alegre,
local politicians and political parties re-
spected neighborhood associations, and
opted to work with them in good faith,
not against them.
Political parties also readily embraced
the implementation of participatory
budgeting in Porto Alegre. The Brazil-
ian Workers’ Party (PT) in Porto Alegre
Leonardo Avritzer
Thinking brazil update no. 20
garnered support from an alliance be-
tween three social movements: the new
left, progressive Catholic groups, and
the new unionism. Party unison within
the PT was particularly high,with a vast
majority of the party willing to imple-
ment participatory policies, as the gen-
eral orientation of the assemblies over-
lapped with that of the party. Likewise,
the PT enjoyed cordial relations with
competing political parties, which also
supported participatory initiation.
Because the PT so quickly and read-
ily embraced participatory governance,
many have argued that it is a distinctly
PT invention.Avritzer, however, is quick
to note that these participatory policies
did not arise from any one single actor.
Instead, it was the process of negotiation
and deliberation among the many dif-
ferent interests involved—exactly the
type of processes that participatory gov-
ernance utilize in responding to citi-
zen demands—that made participatory
budgeting work so well. The political
design of participatory budgeting was
thus fashioned in a bottom-up fashion,
of cooperative trial and error between
political and civil society to create an
institutional design specifically suited to
take advantage of local conditions and
address local demands.
If these three categories do not over-
lap, Avritzer warns, then participatory
governance will not reproduce the
same successful effects that it has in
Porto Alegre because it will not be the
result of an organic process of overlap-
ping interests. São Paulo’s participatory
budgeting experience demonstrates
this.There, grassroots participation did
not expand as fast as it did in other cit-
ies, and civil society associations were
less developed (especially in the city’s
South region) and more disjointed than
those in Porto Alegre. New unionism
was relatively weak in the city’s inner
regions, so participatory policies made
little headway, given the competition
from continued support for corporatist
…it was the process of negotiation and deliberation among the
many different interests involved—exactly the type of processes
that participatory governance utilize in responding to citizen
demands—that made participatory budgeting work so well.
Thomé Nicocelli, Leonardo Avritzer, Andrew Selee
Participatory Governance: Strengthening Democracy in Brazil
forms of participation. Also, participa-
tory policies were seen as more conten-
tious in São Paulo, with the city’s PT
members divided over their willingness
to embrace participation since party
orientation was not directly analogous
to the assemblies’ ideological orienta-
tion. By relying on cross-spectrum party
alliances to construct a majority in city
council,the PT created political enemies,
engendering a collision with the political
system where cooperation was needed.
Because the three key elements were
not fully integrated in São Paulo, policy
design and implementation was flawed,
leading to a relative
failure in replicat-
ing Porto Alegre’s
success. While Porto
Alegre boasts that its
four poorest regions
have enjoyed annual
resource transfers of
1,000 reais per person,
São Paulo’s equivalent
figure is only 90 reais
(roughly 40 dollars).
Also,the better distri-
bution of civil society organization that
resulted from Porto Alegre’s participa-
tory policies was not reproduced in São
Paulo,where the continued existence of
citywide disparities in the breadth and
depth of voluntary associations contin-
ues to complicate exercises in demo-
cratic citizenship.
Avritzer’s view of multicentered cit-
izenship is one in which citizens and
political actors collaborate through
state-civil partnerships. In this con-
struction of citizenship, citizens hold
both rights and responsibilities; they
not only make demands upon the state,
but also help build the state’s capac-
ity to accommodate these demands.
Avritzer’s research shows a direct, observ-
able link between participation and the
more efficient and effective provision of
state goods and services to those in need.
Participatory governance, if implemented
correctly, can transform corporatism and
clientelism into democratic representa-
tion and participation, and increase the
ability of people to see
themselves as citizens.
His research concludes
that there are no uni-
versally applicable
conditions that can be
imposed from above
to create participatory
policies in cities lack-
ing a history of volun-
tary associationalism.
Likewise, participatory
experiences designed
for one societal reality cannot be expected
to succeed elsewhere. Rather, coopera-
tion and negotiation on the local level is
needed to author policies specifically tai-
lored to a city’s individual characteristics.
Only through this interactive participa-
tory design can these democratic forms
of political institutions successfully raise
government legitimacy,construct citizen-
ship, and strengthen democracy. n
…cooperation and
negotiation on the
local level is needed
to author policies
specifically tailored
to a city’s individual
characteristics.
Brazil
Thinking March 2006
Brazil at the Wilson Center
One Woodrow Wilson Plaza
1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20004-3027
www.wilsoncenter.org
Thinking Brazil Update is an electronic publication of Brazil at the Wilson
Center. This project is founded on the conviction that Brazil and the U.S.-
Brazilian relationship deserve greater attention within the Washington
policy-making community. Brazil’s population, size, and economy, as well
as its unique position as a regional leader and global player, justify this
interest. In keeping with the Center’s mission to bridge the worlds of schol-
arship and policymaking, Brazil at the Wilson Center sponsors activities on
a broad range of key policy issues designed to create a Brazil “presence”
in Washington.
For more information please refer to www.wilsoncenter.org/brazil or
email  daniel.budny@wilsoncenter.org.
WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS
Lee H. Hamilton, President and Director
BOARD OF TRUSTEES
Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair
David A. Metzner, Vice Chair
Public Members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Allen Weinstein, Archivist of the United States;
Bruce Cole, Chair, National Endowment for the Humanities; Michael O. Leavitt, Secretary, U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services; Condoleezza Rice, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; Lawrence M. Small,
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Margaret Spellings, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education. Designated
Appointee of the President from Within the Federal Government: Tamala L. Longaberger Private Citizen
Members: Carol Cartwright, Robin B. Cook, Donald E. Garcia, Bruce S. Gelb, Sander R. Gerber, Charles L. Glazer,
Ignacio Sanchez
ABOUT THE WOODROW WILSON CENTER
The Center is the living memorial of the United States of America to the nation’s twenty-eighth president, Woodrow
Wilson. Congress established the Woodrow Wilson Center in 1968 as an international institute for advanced study,
“symbolizing and strengthening the fruitful relationship between the world of learning and the world of public
affairs.” The Center opened in 1970 under its own board of trustees.
In all its activities the Woodrow Wilson Center is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization, supported financially by
annual appropriations from the Congress, and by the contributions of foundations, corporations, and individuals.
Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers
and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or
organizations that provide financial support to the Center.

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ThinkingBrazil_201

  • 1. Participatory Governance: Strengthening Democracy in Brazil Since its transition from authoritarianism, Brazil has embraced various innovative forms of participatory governance, giving its citizens direct involvement in municipal finances and allowing for greater oversight of public investments.The city of Porto Alegre’s participatory budgeting program is widely seen as the world’s model participatory governance experience, where institutional representational channels have enabled citizens to voice their demands in the public sphere and monitor pub- lic expenditures. In addition to more than 170 participatory budgeting projects established throughout Brazil, the country now also has 5,000 participatory health councils and several thousand city planning com- missions, with varied success. These programs have increased volun- tary associational activity in a historically non-participatory country, led to a more equi- table distribution of govern- ment services, and strength- ened democratic citizenship in Brazil. However, according to Leonardo Avritzer, despite the increasing popularity of participatory governance among academics and in- ternational institutions, the current literature on citizen participation and the actions of international agencies has failed to thoroughly address two key issues.What are the requisite conditions for the emergence and success of participatory institutions? And,what An Electronic Newsletter of Brazil AT the Wilson Center Brazil Thinking Brazil UPDATE NO. 20 April 2006 Upcoming Events May 2006 • Brazil’s President as Working Class Raposa (fox): Understanding Lula the Politician • Participation and Citizenship in Democratic Brazil What are the requisite con- ditions for the emergence and success of participatory institutions? And, what are the variables that account for their different results within the same country?
  • 2. Thinking brazil update no. 20 are the variables that account for their different results within the same coun- try? Avritzer’s new book seeks to answer these questions. On 11 April 2006,Avritzer presented his research on participatory governance for his upcoming book, Participatory In- stitutions and Multi-Centered Citizenship in Brazil. In the book Avritzer intro- duces a comparative framework to eval- uate the conditions for the emergence, expansion, and success of Brazil’s new participatory institutions. He decen- ters the discussion from Porto Alegre’s participatory budgeting by analyzing cases in other cities, such as São Paulo, Salvador, and Belo Horizonte, and by adding two other participa- tory institutions to the de- bate: health councils and city master plans. Participatory governance, he argues, is not an easily rep- licable practice that can be applied by progressive gov- ernments or international agencies with disregard for a city’s historical development trajectory. Furthermore, Avr- itzer rejects the widespread assumption that the presence of civil society is the sole requisite for participatory budget- ing: a strong civil society, he asserts, is a necessary but insufficient condition for …its success is based on a city’s civil society organization, the willing- ness of its political parties to imple- ment participatory policies, and the nature of the institutional design in each one of these areas. Leonardo Avritzer is Associate Professor at the Federal University of Minas Gerais. He received his M.A. from the Federal University of Minas Gerais, Brazil, and his Ph.D. in political sociology at the New School for Social Research, where he received the School’s Albert Salomon Dissertation Award for Modernity and Democracy in Brazil. From 1998 to 2003, he was a visiting scholar at the Department of Political Science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Among Avritzer’s pub- lished books is A Moralidade da Democracia (1997), which received the José Albertino Rodrigues award for best book in the social sciences in Brazil. He is also the author of Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America (2002). Between 1996 and 1998 Leonardo Avritzer was the director of the Brazilian Association of Postgraduate Programs and Research in Social Sciences (ANPOCS), and between 2000 and 2002, he was the director of the Brazilian Association of Political Science (ABCP). He is currently the Chair of the Political Science Committee at CAPES (Coordenação e Aper- feiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior). As a Public Policy Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Inter- national Center for Scholars, Avritzer has finished his upcoming book, “Participatory Institutions and Multi-Centered Citizenship in Brazil.”
  • 3. Participatory Governance: Strengthening Democracy in Brazil participatory governance. Following his analysis of Brazilian cases, Avritzer claims that participatory institutions require three overlapping conditions for this exercise in citizenship and good governance to be successful, implying that variation in design and implemen- tation is needed on a case by case basis. Participatory governance is not a cure-all that can be imposed upon a city from above. Rather, its success is based on a city’s civil society organi- zation, the willingness of its politi- cal parties to implement participatory policies, and the nature of the institu- tional design in each one of these areas. Civil society associations play an active role in proposing the form of partici- pation, whereas political parties bring these new formats of participation to the political arena.The resulting design is successful and sustainable because of constructive negotiation on the parts of civil society and political actors that ac- commodates their often-conflicting in- terests and agendas. It is this positive in- teraction that achieves an interactive par- ticipatory design and explains the success of participatory policy experiences. Because of the presence of pre-ex- isting local practices, such as regional citizen assemblies, Porto Alegre has had a much stronger and broader history of voluntary associations than the rest of the country. Overall, civil society asso- ciations in Porto Alegre are dense (in Robert Putnam’s sense of the word) and enjoy favorable relations with the local political system.During the re-de- mocratization period of the 1980s and 1990s, civil society developed unevenly, more in some areas of the city than in others (as is true on the national level as well). Avritzer argues that participa- tory budgeting has helped equalize this local disparity of civil society organi- zation, homogenizing the level of civil society and promoting a more even dis- tribution of government services and resources. Likewise, in Porto Alegre, local politicians and political parties re- spected neighborhood associations, and opted to work with them in good faith, not against them. Political parties also readily embraced the implementation of participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre. The Brazil- ian Workers’ Party (PT) in Porto Alegre Leonardo Avritzer
  • 4. Thinking brazil update no. 20 garnered support from an alliance be- tween three social movements: the new left, progressive Catholic groups, and the new unionism. Party unison within the PT was particularly high,with a vast majority of the party willing to imple- ment participatory policies, as the gen- eral orientation of the assemblies over- lapped with that of the party. Likewise, the PT enjoyed cordial relations with competing political parties, which also supported participatory initiation. Because the PT so quickly and read- ily embraced participatory governance, many have argued that it is a distinctly PT invention.Avritzer, however, is quick to note that these participatory policies did not arise from any one single actor. Instead, it was the process of negotiation and deliberation among the many dif- ferent interests involved—exactly the type of processes that participatory gov- ernance utilize in responding to citi- zen demands—that made participatory budgeting work so well. The political design of participatory budgeting was thus fashioned in a bottom-up fashion, of cooperative trial and error between political and civil society to create an institutional design specifically suited to take advantage of local conditions and address local demands. If these three categories do not over- lap, Avritzer warns, then participatory governance will not reproduce the same successful effects that it has in Porto Alegre because it will not be the result of an organic process of overlap- ping interests. São Paulo’s participatory budgeting experience demonstrates this.There, grassroots participation did not expand as fast as it did in other cit- ies, and civil society associations were less developed (especially in the city’s South region) and more disjointed than those in Porto Alegre. New unionism was relatively weak in the city’s inner regions, so participatory policies made little headway, given the competition from continued support for corporatist …it was the process of negotiation and deliberation among the many different interests involved—exactly the type of processes that participatory governance utilize in responding to citizen demands—that made participatory budgeting work so well. Thomé Nicocelli, Leonardo Avritzer, Andrew Selee
  • 5. Participatory Governance: Strengthening Democracy in Brazil forms of participation. Also, participa- tory policies were seen as more conten- tious in São Paulo, with the city’s PT members divided over their willingness to embrace participation since party orientation was not directly analogous to the assemblies’ ideological orienta- tion. By relying on cross-spectrum party alliances to construct a majority in city council,the PT created political enemies, engendering a collision with the political system where cooperation was needed. Because the three key elements were not fully integrated in São Paulo, policy design and implementation was flawed, leading to a relative failure in replicat- ing Porto Alegre’s success. While Porto Alegre boasts that its four poorest regions have enjoyed annual resource transfers of 1,000 reais per person, São Paulo’s equivalent figure is only 90 reais (roughly 40 dollars). Also,the better distri- bution of civil society organization that resulted from Porto Alegre’s participa- tory policies was not reproduced in São Paulo,where the continued existence of citywide disparities in the breadth and depth of voluntary associations contin- ues to complicate exercises in demo- cratic citizenship. Avritzer’s view of multicentered cit- izenship is one in which citizens and political actors collaborate through state-civil partnerships. In this con- struction of citizenship, citizens hold both rights and responsibilities; they not only make demands upon the state, but also help build the state’s capac- ity to accommodate these demands. Avritzer’s research shows a direct, observ- able link between participation and the more efficient and effective provision of state goods and services to those in need. Participatory governance, if implemented correctly, can transform corporatism and clientelism into democratic representa- tion and participation, and increase the ability of people to see themselves as citizens. His research concludes that there are no uni- versally applicable conditions that can be imposed from above to create participatory policies in cities lack- ing a history of volun- tary associationalism. Likewise, participatory experiences designed for one societal reality cannot be expected to succeed elsewhere. Rather, coopera- tion and negotiation on the local level is needed to author policies specifically tai- lored to a city’s individual characteristics. Only through this interactive participa- tory design can these democratic forms of political institutions successfully raise government legitimacy,construct citizen- ship, and strengthen democracy. n …cooperation and negotiation on the local level is needed to author policies specifically tailored to a city’s individual characteristics.
  • 6. Brazil Thinking March 2006 Brazil at the Wilson Center One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org Thinking Brazil Update is an electronic publication of Brazil at the Wilson Center. This project is founded on the conviction that Brazil and the U.S.- Brazilian relationship deserve greater attention within the Washington policy-making community. Brazil’s population, size, and economy, as well as its unique position as a regional leader and global player, justify this interest. In keeping with the Center’s mission to bridge the worlds of schol- arship and policymaking, Brazil at the Wilson Center sponsors activities on a broad range of key policy issues designed to create a Brazil “presence” in Washington. For more information please refer to www.wilsoncenter.org/brazil or email  daniel.budny@wilsoncenter.org. WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, President and Director BOARD OF TRUSTEES Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair David A. Metzner, Vice Chair Public Members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Allen Weinstein, Archivist of the United States; Bruce Cole, Chair, National Endowment for the Humanities; Michael O. Leavitt, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; Condoleezza Rice, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; Lawrence M. Small, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Margaret Spellings, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education. Designated Appointee of the President from Within the Federal Government: Tamala L. Longaberger Private Citizen Members: Carol Cartwright, Robin B. Cook, Donald E. Garcia, Bruce S. Gelb, Sander R. Gerber, Charles L. Glazer, Ignacio Sanchez ABOUT THE WOODROW WILSON CENTER The Center is the living memorial of the United States of America to the nation’s twenty-eighth president, Woodrow Wilson. Congress established the Woodrow Wilson Center in 1968 as an international institute for advanced study, “symbolizing and strengthening the fruitful relationship between the world of learning and the world of public affairs.” The Center opened in 1970 under its own board of trustees. In all its activities the Woodrow Wilson Center is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization, supported financially by annual appropriations from the Congress, and by the contributions of foundations, corporations, and individuals. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center.