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LAFFERTY1 LAFFERTY
THINK LOCAL,
ACT LOCAL
A Better Business Model for Retail Banking
Peter A. Soraparu
THINK LOCAL,
ACT LOCAL
A Better Business Model for Retail Banking
By Peter A. Soraparu
LAFFERTY
Lafferty Group
One Lyric Square, London, W6 0NB
Tel: +44 (0)203 008 8415 Fax: +44 (0)203 008 8426
www.lafferty.com
Think Local, Act Local is a publication of Lafferty Group.
ISBN: 978-1-908884-19-0
Copy-editing and typesetting: Lafferty Group
All rights reserved. Strictly no photocopying is permitted. It is illegal to reproduce,
store in a central retrieval system or transmit, electronically or otherwise, any of
the content of this publication without the prior consent of the publisher.
For enterprise licences, please contact Evelyn Hunter-Jordan on
+44 (0)20 3008 5283 or evelyn.hunter-jordan@lafferty.com.
While every care is taken to provide accurate information, the publisher
cannot accept liability for any errors or omissions.
No responsibility will be accepted for any loss occurred by any individual due to
acting or not acting as a result of any content in this publication. On any specific
matter reference should be made to an appropriate adviser.
Lafferty Ltd is a company registered in England and Wales.
© Lafferty Ltd 2013
Company Number: 04621222
	 2013 Report
Table of Contents
Letter from the Publisher							Page 4
Foreword									Page 5
Introduction									Page 8
Chapter 1: 	 This Crisis Changed Everything					 Page 10
Chapter 2: 	 Retail Banking Holds Banking’s Future				 Page 15
Chapter 3: 	 The Generational Evolution of Community Banking		 Page 18
Chapter 4: 	 The Past Generation’s Effect on Banking Tactics			 Page 23
Chapter 5: 	 Landmark Shifts in Business Approaches				 Page 28
Chapter 6: 	 Subtle but Signigicant: How One Crisis Begat Another		 Page 31
Chapter 7: 	 The Regulatory Ying and Yang					 Page 35
Chapter 8: 	 An Established Framework					 Page 38
Chapter 9: 	 Regulatory Responses to Market Changes			 Page 41
Chapter 10: 	 The Long-Term Regulatory View					 Page 46
Chapter 11: 	 Community Banking – Expanding and Contracting		 Page 49
Chapter 12: 	 The Community Banking Model					 Page 52
Chapter 13: 	 The Peak of Numbers Coverage					 Page 58
Chapter 14: 	 Refining Delivery in the Face of Challenges			 Page 61
Chapter 15: 	Capital Is King							Page 66
Chapter 16: 	 The “De Novo” Burst						 Page 70
Chapter 17: 	 Managing Through Capital Ideas				 Page 73
Chapter 18: 	 Building a Capital Base for the Future				 Page 76
Chapter 19: 	 Defining the Community Bank Advantage			 Page 81
Chapter 20: 	 Focus on Customers: Retail and Small Business			 Page 84
Chapter 21: 	 Integrating Information and Technology				 Page 88
Chapter 22: 	 Pioneering “Ring-Fencing”					 Page 97
Chapter 23: 	 Understanding the Community Banking Opportunity		 Page 101
Chapter 24: 	 Redefining Communities					 Page 104
Chapter 25: 	 Morphing into “Accessographics”				 Page 107
Chapter 23: 	 Evolving Markets, Evolving Approaches				 Page 111
Summary									Page 114
Figure Citations									Page 121
Appendix									Page 122
Case Studies									Page 123
Endnotes									Page 130
Image Sources 									Page 136
About the Author 								Page 137
LAFFERTY4
Publisher’s Note
We are all sick and
tired of hearing
about banks that
were supposedly
‘too-big-to-fail’.
The truth is they
were too big to
change, too big to
innovate, too big
to notice what was
happening toreal
people and, in the
end, too big to do
anything but fail.
People are crying out for a better way and
there are many lessons to be learned from
the US community banking model. That’s
why Lafferty Group commissioned this
report, expertly written by Peter Soraparu,
a man immersed in the minutiae of US
community banking for the last 30 years.
In the US, small banks are generally the
pride of their communities. They are
not merely called ‘community banks’ as
part of some nefarious corporate social
responsibility whitewash; they are banks
based at the very heart of their localities.
These are not credit unions (which are
thriving mutuals) or savings and loan
associations (which, like mutual building
societies in countries such as Australia,
South Africa, Ireland and the UK have
largely disappeared), but shareholder-
owned, commercial and mainly retail banks.
A confident credit union system and a
reinvigorated building society movement
certainly have a role to play but there is a
lot more to the community banking model
than either of those limited entities have to
offer.
Most community banks have fewer than
200 shareholders, while some are quoted
companies. Many have been owned by the
same family for generations and focus on
relationship (as opposed to transactional)
banking. They tend to have assets of no
more than $1bn and are generally better
capitalised than bigger banks.
As this report illustrates, over 70 percent
of all small business loans are arranged by
community banks. They are the lender of
first resort for the true engines of growth
in the economy – the exact opposite of
the type of reckless casino banking which
caused our current crisis.
We need to move away from a world where
bankers are playing with our money for their
own gain. Richard Abbey, a writer once
described as ‘the Thoreau of the American
West’ once said “When the biggest, richest,
glassiest buildings in town are the banks,
you know that town’s in trouble.”
Community banks don’t have such
problems; they are ran by the people of
the town, for the people of the town. They
are not all mom and pop operations by
any means, and some have hundreds of
branches, but it is the ethos that matters.
They are there to serve, not tosiphon off,
and that is something we can all learn from.
Michael Lafferty
LAFFERTY5
Foreword
In a sense, the history of banking
around the world has always been about
communities. Like-minded groups of
people have always congregated in
geographic enclaves to advance their
common interests, with complementary
skills and talents building to a common
good, and with recognised financial stakes
considered for all community members.
In various parts of the world, specialised
financial institutions (and industries,
indeed) have evolved from these sorts of
endeavours.
Great cities grew up around this approach,
and spawned companies that demanded
more products and services from those
financial institutions, creating tremendous
growth that created large, then huge and
then mega-banks. As banks grew ever
larger, in some ways they sparked a sort of
mitosis of those exploding organisations,
spewing divisions-cum-companies that
demanded separate and extremely focused
financial resources and management
attention.
Overall though, the community banking
experience in the United States has been
unique and extremely differentiated.
It’s difficult to imagine a more variegated
past than that of community banking in
the US. Stretching back over at least 10
generations, pre-dating even the formation
of the state itself, it’s challenging to
construct an exact bridge between what we
call banking today and what out ancestors
experienced. As recently as 30 years
ago, there were nearly 15,000 separately
chartered ‘banks’ in the US (and several
thousand more ‘thrift’ institutions and credit
unions), and in many parts of the world that
is simply unimaginable. How that many
banks could survive, much less thrive, in
an economically advanced country like the
United States, is more than a fair question.
The answer, which will be examined in
depth in this report, has at least in part
been provided by the events of the past
generation, which have halved the number
of those banks in the US. That generation
has survived two garden variety recessions,
‘The Great Recession’ of the last few years
and the explosion of the dot-com bubble
in the equity markets. The banks that
have emerged – 95 percent - of them can
be classified as community banks – have
mostly morphed their business models in
an extremely adaptive way, but it still may
not be enough to ensure their collective
survival. Individual banks will surely remain
in place, but perhaps in not a purely
Darwinian fashion.
It may be that the absolute fittest of US
community banks will be those that are
the most attractive to the burgeoning
group of likely acquisitive regional banks
and the handful of US banks that serve a
more national market. There will also be
a continuing consolidation of community
banks in the mid-sized markets that now
support multiple parochially-focused
banks. One thing is certain – it will not take
another entire generation to again halve
the size of the US banking market.
But how can we best focus this investigation
into the recent past and more importantly,
the near-term future of US community
banks?
This report will not delve deeply into the
roots of US community banking (that effort
would likely span several volumes of this
size); rather, it will continually reference
the legacy business that sired a singular
approach to serving the basic and evolving
financial needs of entrepreneurs and
individuals, in turn sparking the continuing
LAFFERTY6
Figure 1: The number of banks in the US went up by
over 1000 in 30 years – a slow and gradual growth (Note
– this figure refers to banking groups or companies as
opposed to bank branches, which will be covered later.)
LAFFERTY7
economic regeneration of the American
economy, which became and remains the
engine of economic growth (or recovery,
depending upon the period) across the
globe.
It’s probably appropriate at this very early
stage to define the lexicon of this venture.
Here, simply, are the general definitions of
some of the concepts in this report:
Community Banking: 			
The US-centric but globally relevant
approach to banking that focuses on a
specific geographic area and generally
includes an asset size determinant as well;
we will be including all banks of US$1
billion in assets in this categorical grouping.
Despite relatively similar sizes, community
banks in the US don’t necessarily fit a
homogeneous description. How they
achieved, and how they sustain, their size
and viability might significantly differ.
Regional Banking:		
Referencing those US banks that meet the
dual metrics of an asset size between $1
billion and $25 billion, and a geographic
reach of up to 1000 miles from their
headquarter offices. For a time in the
1990s, there was a sub-class of US banks
referred to as ‘super-regional’ banks, but
that description has mainly disappeared.
US regional banks generally feed on
community banking institutions as their
principal source of growth.
National Banking:			
A surprisingly small group of banks that
combine a more or less national reach
across the US (at least 15 of the 50 United
States) with assets of more than $25
billion, with many of them reaching toward
or beyond $1 trillion. These massive
organisations have absorbed countless
banks and bank holding companies over
the past 25 years, with nothing materially to
show for those acquisitions beyond sheer
size.
Retail Banking:				
For the purposes of this report, retail
banking will refer to the efforts of financial
institutions to serve the various banking
needs of ordinary individuals and assorted
small businesses (often referred to as small-
and medium-sized enterprises, or SMEs)
that comprise the backbone and engine
of any economic system. Many industry
observers in the US and around the world
believe that retail banking provides a
vibrant path forward in the aftermath of the
recent financial crisis, juxtaposed against
the abject failure of a universal banking
model.
Universal Banking:		
Contextually, this report will reference
universal banking as the jumbling of all
manner of financial services including
corporate, investment, commercial and
retail banking, insurance and other variants
within one broad organisational structure.
This generally describes all of the world’s
largest banks, and is a model increasingly
decried by regulators and customers across
the globe. There are just a few universal
banks that can claim any consistent success,
and their ongoing successful performance
is in jeopardy due to the growing velocity
of the crosswinds in the financial services
industry.
LAFFERTY8
Introduction
The history of banking in the US might
best be described as spotty. There has
been no straight-line evolution, smoothing
any rough developmental edges. Rather,
US banking’s path has been a serpentine
circuit that has produced heady highs
and dastardly lows. Experiencing a series
of booms, busts, expansions, recessions,
mania and bursting bubbles, US banking
has navigated a course that sometimes
resembled that of a person flying blind in a
blizzard.
All along that rough-tumble route, the US
banking industry has exuded a myriad of
winners and losers; often, a clear winner of
one generation might become a disgraced
loser in the next, leaving in its wake
confused customers, consigned employees
and contrite shareholders. As the industry
progressed, there was a divergence point
that separated the survivors by size and,
often, capabilities.
After the National Banking Act became
effective on January 1, 1863, American
banks of all types scrambled for the
coveted national charters that, because of
the US Civil War that was raging at the time,
went to banks throughout the northern
states that comprised the Union. The states
that were part of the Confederacy in the
south had to wait until much later to receive
their national charters, so in many ways the
banks in the major Union cities like New
York, Philadelphia, Cleveland and Chicago
had a head start on those in southern cities
such as Atlanta, Charlotte, Richmond and
New Orleans.
Of course, the National Banking Act
also created another sort of divide in the
nascent US banking industry – it led to what
became known as the ‘dual chartering’
system. The first two attempts at creating
national banks in the US had miserably
failed, so the third time around it was
important that the experiment succeeded.
Banks chartered by the individual states
and that dominated individual cities had
become the norm and actually remained so
post-1863.
The principal reason for that outcome was
that despite the word ‘national’ in their
names, these newly-chartered banks were
limited to another word in their names –
that of the geography cited. For example,
The First National Bank of Chicago only had
one office in Chicago and, interestingly, due
to the vagaries of state law in Illinois, that
bank was limited to only one retail banking
outlet in its home city and none anywhere
else in the state or US. Of course, state-
chartered banks in that particular US state
were limited to one retail banking office as
well; so while it was a level playing field, it
was an extremely peculiar pitch.
The new national banks in other parts of
the US were much more fortunate than First
Chicago (as that bank came to be popularly
known), and they were able to establish
retail branches within the states in which
they operated. True interstate banking
would not come to the US for another
century.These geographic constraints on
the banking business in the US produced a
proliferation of separately-chartered state
and national banks that focused on the
parochial needs of regions and industries.
The banks became specialists of sorts,
which brought plenty of positives but
countless negatives, too.
Banks that were too closely aligned with
agriculture were hostage to inconsistent
weather patterns that affected crop yields;
those that served a heavy manufacturing
base suffered when the manufacturers’
markets dried up. Business concentrations
that banks later learned to better manage
LAFFERTY9
or avoid altogether often spelled doom
for banks that didn’t find the time to work
through them in developing businesses in a
rapidly-growing US.
Was it ironic that the US banking industry’s
evolution seemed to turn on a piece of
federal legislation? In this, our current,
era of overreaction to any new piece of
regulation that emanates from the national
level, that is a catalytic question.
There may be similar dual banking systems
in other advanced economic markets
around the world, but none quite like that
in the US. There have been state-chartered
banks that have grown to be industry
behemoths, and there have been banks
with national charters that have existed in
the same small towns in which they were
born for more than 100 years.
The differences between the two have
probably been slight, and to cite the great
American poet Robert Frost, may have
hinged on ‘The Road Not Taken.’The
narrator in that fabled poem says that all
the difference lay in taking the road less
travelled. In the US banking industry, that
road was lonely indeed, for banks of all
shapes and sizes have tended to follow the
leader, lemming-like, toward whatever cliff
might await them. All those variant banks
often emulate possibly the most common
model in the world – junior football players.
As any parent, grandparent or other
relative who has watched an interminably
long football match among five and six
year-olds knows, a pack of players track
the ball wherever it might go on the pitch.
The continuous action of pairs of little feet
reinforce the invention of shin guards, as
nearly all of the players involved in the
match attempt to get a touch... but the key
observation is ‘nearly’ all of the players…
For it’s the intelligent young footballer
who realises that separating oneself from
the pack is the key to success. As the ball
inevitably squirts from the rugby-like scrum
to the lone player, a weak kick past an
uninvolved keeper brings cheers from the
crowd and glory to the solo star. And so it is
for the banks that found a way to separate
themselves from the crowd of banks and
other types of financial services providers,
and to truly differentiate themselves in the
eyes of their customers and markets.
Achieving that positive separation is
always much simpler in easy times; not so
much in tougher eras such as the one that
the world’s banks and economies have
endured over the period since 2008. Whilst
impossible to predict the future twists
(either near or intermediate term) that will
affect the banking organisations that have
endured the storms of the past several
years, the experiences that have shaped
them during the tempered tempest should,
in theory, strengthen them. What will truly
matter, though, is what has affected their
customers (especially their retail customers)
and how that will influence the future
behaviour of those customers.
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the American
president during much of the Great
Depression and most of World War II,
once said, “When you come to the end
of your rope, tie a knot and hang on.”
Survivor banks and their valiant customers
know all too well the feelings of fear
and exasperation that Roosevelt’s quote
exemplifies, and have vowed to apply the
lessons of the most recent global financial
crisis to enrich their collective future lives.
And, of course, President Roosevelt would
become the once, present and future
saviour of American community banking –
but that issue will be addressed a bit later in
this report.
LAFFERTY10
1. This Crisis Changed Everything
LAFFERTY

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Think Local, Act Local - extract

  • 1. LAFFERTY1 LAFFERTY THINK LOCAL, ACT LOCAL A Better Business Model for Retail Banking Peter A. Soraparu
  • 2. THINK LOCAL, ACT LOCAL A Better Business Model for Retail Banking By Peter A. Soraparu LAFFERTY Lafferty Group One Lyric Square, London, W6 0NB Tel: +44 (0)203 008 8415 Fax: +44 (0)203 008 8426 www.lafferty.com Think Local, Act Local is a publication of Lafferty Group. ISBN: 978-1-908884-19-0 Copy-editing and typesetting: Lafferty Group All rights reserved. Strictly no photocopying is permitted. It is illegal to reproduce, store in a central retrieval system or transmit, electronically or otherwise, any of the content of this publication without the prior consent of the publisher. For enterprise licences, please contact Evelyn Hunter-Jordan on +44 (0)20 3008 5283 or evelyn.hunter-jordan@lafferty.com. While every care is taken to provide accurate information, the publisher cannot accept liability for any errors or omissions. No responsibility will be accepted for any loss occurred by any individual due to acting or not acting as a result of any content in this publication. On any specific matter reference should be made to an appropriate adviser. Lafferty Ltd is a company registered in England and Wales. © Lafferty Ltd 2013 Company Number: 04621222 2013 Report
  • 3. Table of Contents Letter from the Publisher Page 4 Foreword Page 5 Introduction Page 8 Chapter 1: This Crisis Changed Everything Page 10 Chapter 2: Retail Banking Holds Banking’s Future Page 15 Chapter 3: The Generational Evolution of Community Banking Page 18 Chapter 4: The Past Generation’s Effect on Banking Tactics Page 23 Chapter 5: Landmark Shifts in Business Approaches Page 28 Chapter 6: Subtle but Signigicant: How One Crisis Begat Another Page 31 Chapter 7: The Regulatory Ying and Yang Page 35 Chapter 8: An Established Framework Page 38 Chapter 9: Regulatory Responses to Market Changes Page 41 Chapter 10: The Long-Term Regulatory View Page 46 Chapter 11: Community Banking – Expanding and Contracting Page 49 Chapter 12: The Community Banking Model Page 52 Chapter 13: The Peak of Numbers Coverage Page 58 Chapter 14: Refining Delivery in the Face of Challenges Page 61 Chapter 15: Capital Is King Page 66 Chapter 16: The “De Novo” Burst Page 70 Chapter 17: Managing Through Capital Ideas Page 73 Chapter 18: Building a Capital Base for the Future Page 76 Chapter 19: Defining the Community Bank Advantage Page 81 Chapter 20: Focus on Customers: Retail and Small Business Page 84 Chapter 21: Integrating Information and Technology Page 88 Chapter 22: Pioneering “Ring-Fencing” Page 97 Chapter 23: Understanding the Community Banking Opportunity Page 101 Chapter 24: Redefining Communities Page 104 Chapter 25: Morphing into “Accessographics” Page 107 Chapter 23: Evolving Markets, Evolving Approaches Page 111 Summary Page 114 Figure Citations Page 121 Appendix Page 122 Case Studies Page 123 Endnotes Page 130 Image Sources Page 136 About the Author Page 137
  • 4. LAFFERTY4 Publisher’s Note We are all sick and tired of hearing about banks that were supposedly ‘too-big-to-fail’. The truth is they were too big to change, too big to innovate, too big to notice what was happening toreal people and, in the end, too big to do anything but fail. People are crying out for a better way and there are many lessons to be learned from the US community banking model. That’s why Lafferty Group commissioned this report, expertly written by Peter Soraparu, a man immersed in the minutiae of US community banking for the last 30 years. In the US, small banks are generally the pride of their communities. They are not merely called ‘community banks’ as part of some nefarious corporate social responsibility whitewash; they are banks based at the very heart of their localities. These are not credit unions (which are thriving mutuals) or savings and loan associations (which, like mutual building societies in countries such as Australia, South Africa, Ireland and the UK have largely disappeared), but shareholder- owned, commercial and mainly retail banks. A confident credit union system and a reinvigorated building society movement certainly have a role to play but there is a lot more to the community banking model than either of those limited entities have to offer. Most community banks have fewer than 200 shareholders, while some are quoted companies. Many have been owned by the same family for generations and focus on relationship (as opposed to transactional) banking. They tend to have assets of no more than $1bn and are generally better capitalised than bigger banks. As this report illustrates, over 70 percent of all small business loans are arranged by community banks. They are the lender of first resort for the true engines of growth in the economy – the exact opposite of the type of reckless casino banking which caused our current crisis. We need to move away from a world where bankers are playing with our money for their own gain. Richard Abbey, a writer once described as ‘the Thoreau of the American West’ once said “When the biggest, richest, glassiest buildings in town are the banks, you know that town’s in trouble.” Community banks don’t have such problems; they are ran by the people of the town, for the people of the town. They are not all mom and pop operations by any means, and some have hundreds of branches, but it is the ethos that matters. They are there to serve, not tosiphon off, and that is something we can all learn from. Michael Lafferty
  • 5. LAFFERTY5 Foreword In a sense, the history of banking around the world has always been about communities. Like-minded groups of people have always congregated in geographic enclaves to advance their common interests, with complementary skills and talents building to a common good, and with recognised financial stakes considered for all community members. In various parts of the world, specialised financial institutions (and industries, indeed) have evolved from these sorts of endeavours. Great cities grew up around this approach, and spawned companies that demanded more products and services from those financial institutions, creating tremendous growth that created large, then huge and then mega-banks. As banks grew ever larger, in some ways they sparked a sort of mitosis of those exploding organisations, spewing divisions-cum-companies that demanded separate and extremely focused financial resources and management attention. Overall though, the community banking experience in the United States has been unique and extremely differentiated. It’s difficult to imagine a more variegated past than that of community banking in the US. Stretching back over at least 10 generations, pre-dating even the formation of the state itself, it’s challenging to construct an exact bridge between what we call banking today and what out ancestors experienced. As recently as 30 years ago, there were nearly 15,000 separately chartered ‘banks’ in the US (and several thousand more ‘thrift’ institutions and credit unions), and in many parts of the world that is simply unimaginable. How that many banks could survive, much less thrive, in an economically advanced country like the United States, is more than a fair question. The answer, which will be examined in depth in this report, has at least in part been provided by the events of the past generation, which have halved the number of those banks in the US. That generation has survived two garden variety recessions, ‘The Great Recession’ of the last few years and the explosion of the dot-com bubble in the equity markets. The banks that have emerged – 95 percent - of them can be classified as community banks – have mostly morphed their business models in an extremely adaptive way, but it still may not be enough to ensure their collective survival. Individual banks will surely remain in place, but perhaps in not a purely Darwinian fashion. It may be that the absolute fittest of US community banks will be those that are the most attractive to the burgeoning group of likely acquisitive regional banks and the handful of US banks that serve a more national market. There will also be a continuing consolidation of community banks in the mid-sized markets that now support multiple parochially-focused banks. One thing is certain – it will not take another entire generation to again halve the size of the US banking market. But how can we best focus this investigation into the recent past and more importantly, the near-term future of US community banks? This report will not delve deeply into the roots of US community banking (that effort would likely span several volumes of this size); rather, it will continually reference the legacy business that sired a singular approach to serving the basic and evolving financial needs of entrepreneurs and individuals, in turn sparking the continuing
  • 6. LAFFERTY6 Figure 1: The number of banks in the US went up by over 1000 in 30 years – a slow and gradual growth (Note – this figure refers to banking groups or companies as opposed to bank branches, which will be covered later.)
  • 7. LAFFERTY7 economic regeneration of the American economy, which became and remains the engine of economic growth (or recovery, depending upon the period) across the globe. It’s probably appropriate at this very early stage to define the lexicon of this venture. Here, simply, are the general definitions of some of the concepts in this report: Community Banking: The US-centric but globally relevant approach to banking that focuses on a specific geographic area and generally includes an asset size determinant as well; we will be including all banks of US$1 billion in assets in this categorical grouping. Despite relatively similar sizes, community banks in the US don’t necessarily fit a homogeneous description. How they achieved, and how they sustain, their size and viability might significantly differ. Regional Banking: Referencing those US banks that meet the dual metrics of an asset size between $1 billion and $25 billion, and a geographic reach of up to 1000 miles from their headquarter offices. For a time in the 1990s, there was a sub-class of US banks referred to as ‘super-regional’ banks, but that description has mainly disappeared. US regional banks generally feed on community banking institutions as their principal source of growth. National Banking: A surprisingly small group of banks that combine a more or less national reach across the US (at least 15 of the 50 United States) with assets of more than $25 billion, with many of them reaching toward or beyond $1 trillion. These massive organisations have absorbed countless banks and bank holding companies over the past 25 years, with nothing materially to show for those acquisitions beyond sheer size. Retail Banking: For the purposes of this report, retail banking will refer to the efforts of financial institutions to serve the various banking needs of ordinary individuals and assorted small businesses (often referred to as small- and medium-sized enterprises, or SMEs) that comprise the backbone and engine of any economic system. Many industry observers in the US and around the world believe that retail banking provides a vibrant path forward in the aftermath of the recent financial crisis, juxtaposed against the abject failure of a universal banking model. Universal Banking: Contextually, this report will reference universal banking as the jumbling of all manner of financial services including corporate, investment, commercial and retail banking, insurance and other variants within one broad organisational structure. This generally describes all of the world’s largest banks, and is a model increasingly decried by regulators and customers across the globe. There are just a few universal banks that can claim any consistent success, and their ongoing successful performance is in jeopardy due to the growing velocity of the crosswinds in the financial services industry.
  • 8. LAFFERTY8 Introduction The history of banking in the US might best be described as spotty. There has been no straight-line evolution, smoothing any rough developmental edges. Rather, US banking’s path has been a serpentine circuit that has produced heady highs and dastardly lows. Experiencing a series of booms, busts, expansions, recessions, mania and bursting bubbles, US banking has navigated a course that sometimes resembled that of a person flying blind in a blizzard. All along that rough-tumble route, the US banking industry has exuded a myriad of winners and losers; often, a clear winner of one generation might become a disgraced loser in the next, leaving in its wake confused customers, consigned employees and contrite shareholders. As the industry progressed, there was a divergence point that separated the survivors by size and, often, capabilities. After the National Banking Act became effective on January 1, 1863, American banks of all types scrambled for the coveted national charters that, because of the US Civil War that was raging at the time, went to banks throughout the northern states that comprised the Union. The states that were part of the Confederacy in the south had to wait until much later to receive their national charters, so in many ways the banks in the major Union cities like New York, Philadelphia, Cleveland and Chicago had a head start on those in southern cities such as Atlanta, Charlotte, Richmond and New Orleans. Of course, the National Banking Act also created another sort of divide in the nascent US banking industry – it led to what became known as the ‘dual chartering’ system. The first two attempts at creating national banks in the US had miserably failed, so the third time around it was important that the experiment succeeded. Banks chartered by the individual states and that dominated individual cities had become the norm and actually remained so post-1863. The principal reason for that outcome was that despite the word ‘national’ in their names, these newly-chartered banks were limited to another word in their names – that of the geography cited. For example, The First National Bank of Chicago only had one office in Chicago and, interestingly, due to the vagaries of state law in Illinois, that bank was limited to only one retail banking outlet in its home city and none anywhere else in the state or US. Of course, state- chartered banks in that particular US state were limited to one retail banking office as well; so while it was a level playing field, it was an extremely peculiar pitch. The new national banks in other parts of the US were much more fortunate than First Chicago (as that bank came to be popularly known), and they were able to establish retail branches within the states in which they operated. True interstate banking would not come to the US for another century.These geographic constraints on the banking business in the US produced a proliferation of separately-chartered state and national banks that focused on the parochial needs of regions and industries. The banks became specialists of sorts, which brought plenty of positives but countless negatives, too. Banks that were too closely aligned with agriculture were hostage to inconsistent weather patterns that affected crop yields; those that served a heavy manufacturing base suffered when the manufacturers’ markets dried up. Business concentrations that banks later learned to better manage
  • 9. LAFFERTY9 or avoid altogether often spelled doom for banks that didn’t find the time to work through them in developing businesses in a rapidly-growing US. Was it ironic that the US banking industry’s evolution seemed to turn on a piece of federal legislation? In this, our current, era of overreaction to any new piece of regulation that emanates from the national level, that is a catalytic question. There may be similar dual banking systems in other advanced economic markets around the world, but none quite like that in the US. There have been state-chartered banks that have grown to be industry behemoths, and there have been banks with national charters that have existed in the same small towns in which they were born for more than 100 years. The differences between the two have probably been slight, and to cite the great American poet Robert Frost, may have hinged on ‘The Road Not Taken.’The narrator in that fabled poem says that all the difference lay in taking the road less travelled. In the US banking industry, that road was lonely indeed, for banks of all shapes and sizes have tended to follow the leader, lemming-like, toward whatever cliff might await them. All those variant banks often emulate possibly the most common model in the world – junior football players. As any parent, grandparent or other relative who has watched an interminably long football match among five and six year-olds knows, a pack of players track the ball wherever it might go on the pitch. The continuous action of pairs of little feet reinforce the invention of shin guards, as nearly all of the players involved in the match attempt to get a touch... but the key observation is ‘nearly’ all of the players… For it’s the intelligent young footballer who realises that separating oneself from the pack is the key to success. As the ball inevitably squirts from the rugby-like scrum to the lone player, a weak kick past an uninvolved keeper brings cheers from the crowd and glory to the solo star. And so it is for the banks that found a way to separate themselves from the crowd of banks and other types of financial services providers, and to truly differentiate themselves in the eyes of their customers and markets. Achieving that positive separation is always much simpler in easy times; not so much in tougher eras such as the one that the world’s banks and economies have endured over the period since 2008. Whilst impossible to predict the future twists (either near or intermediate term) that will affect the banking organisations that have endured the storms of the past several years, the experiences that have shaped them during the tempered tempest should, in theory, strengthen them. What will truly matter, though, is what has affected their customers (especially their retail customers) and how that will influence the future behaviour of those customers. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the American president during much of the Great Depression and most of World War II, once said, “When you come to the end of your rope, tie a knot and hang on.” Survivor banks and their valiant customers know all too well the feelings of fear and exasperation that Roosevelt’s quote exemplifies, and have vowed to apply the lessons of the most recent global financial crisis to enrich their collective future lives. And, of course, President Roosevelt would become the once, present and future saviour of American community banking – but that issue will be addressed a bit later in this report.
  • 10. LAFFERTY10 1. This Crisis Changed Everything LAFFERTY