The document discusses the relationship between the European Union (EU) and Morocco. It notes that in 2008, the EU granted Morocco "advanced status" after a decade of political reforms in Morocco, though the meaning of this status is unclear. The relationship is important as Morocco is a close neighbor and partner in the EU's policies toward the Mediterranean region and neighboring countries. Trade ties between the EU and Morocco are also close, with the EU being Morocco's largest trading partner. The document analyzes the history and development of EU-Morocco relations and integration, driven in part by Morocco's political reforms that have been supported by the EU.
This document provides background on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the evolving relationship between the IMF and the European Union (EU). It discusses the IMF's origins, purpose, governance structure, core activities and recent changes resulting from the global financial crisis and European debt crisis. It notes that while the EU's formal representation within the IMF has not changed, the nature of the IMF-EU relationship has strengthened, particularly in the context of "Troika" programs in Eurozone countries. The increased IMF involvement in European affairs has raised questions about transparency, accountability and the future of EU-IMF relations. The document concludes by recommending ways the European Parliament can enhance oversight and dialogue regarding these issues.
The document discusses Moldova's membership in international organizations and the fees associated with that membership. It notes that while Moldova has joined over 60 international bodies, the enthusiasm for joining has not always considered the costs and benefits to Moldova. Membership fees to these organizations total around 50 million lei annually. The document evaluates Moldova's participation in terms of efficiency, highlighting organizations like the UN, Council of Europe, WTO, and OSCE as providing clear benefits that outweigh their membership costs, such as advancing human rights, resolving trade disputes, and supporting development. However, it also notes there are some memberships where the usefulness is less clear when considering Moldova's limited resources.
This document provides an overview of Turkey's participation in the Bologna Process for establishing the European Higher Education Area. It describes the origins and objectives of the Bologna Process, outlines Turkey's reforms to harmonize its higher education system, and notes that quality assurance has been a key focus area for Turkey. Stakeholders in Turkey have generally found the Bologna Process to positively impact access to higher education and the modernization of degree structures, though mobility remains an ongoing challenge.
The document discusses the potential for Moldova and Ukraine to join the European Union either together as part of a "package approach" or separately on their own individual merits. It notes that both countries have expressed a desire to join the EU but have had ambiguous efforts in implementing necessary reforms. A package approach could encourage competition between the countries to reform but also ties their chances of joining to each other's performance. Currently Moldova and Ukraine are at similar stages in relations with the EU but differ in some respects. There are arguments for considering their cases separately rather than as a package.
Institutional prospect of IDIS "Viitorul"IDIS Viitorul
The Institute for Development and Social Initiatives "Viitorul" is a Moldovan research, education, and outreach organization focused on economic analysis, governance, law, and political science. It brings together young intellectuals concerned with Moldova's transition to a free market and open society. The Institute aims to contribute to independent thinking, societal competitiveness, and good governance. It conducts research and policy analysis on modernizing public sector, strengthening the market economy, and supporting an competitive society. Current projects cover areas such as energy efficiency, economic development, and European integration.
This document discusses energy efficiency policies and sustainable energy. It notes that many countries are implementing energy efficiency policies to address issues like global warming and dependence on fossil fuels. Energy efficiency and renewable energy are seen as key to sustainable energy policy. The document then discusses several countries' and regions' policies around energy efficiency, greenhouse gas emissions reductions, and renewable energy development, including the European Union, China, and the United States. It also discusses the Kyoto Protocol and concepts like the environmental Kuznets curve and carbon capture and storage.
Corruption is a global problem that hampers economic development and democratic progress. It exists in every country to some degree and permeates many aspects of society, including politics, charities, and the media. To reduce corruption, governments must have openness, accountability, and a system of checks and balances. They must also strengthen rule of law, increase transparency in public spending, reduce nepotism in government jobs, and ensure economic stability to disincentivize corruption. The media and civic education can also help by increasing public awareness of corruption issues. Anti-corruption policies in both public and private institutions are needed to define acceptable practices and prohibit bribery.
This document provides background on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the evolving relationship between the IMF and the European Union (EU). It discusses the IMF's origins, purpose, governance structure, core activities and recent changes resulting from the global financial crisis and European debt crisis. It notes that while the EU's formal representation within the IMF has not changed, the nature of the IMF-EU relationship has strengthened, particularly in the context of "Troika" programs in Eurozone countries. The increased IMF involvement in European affairs has raised questions about transparency, accountability and the future of EU-IMF relations. The document concludes by recommending ways the European Parliament can enhance oversight and dialogue regarding these issues.
The document discusses Moldova's membership in international organizations and the fees associated with that membership. It notes that while Moldova has joined over 60 international bodies, the enthusiasm for joining has not always considered the costs and benefits to Moldova. Membership fees to these organizations total around 50 million lei annually. The document evaluates Moldova's participation in terms of efficiency, highlighting organizations like the UN, Council of Europe, WTO, and OSCE as providing clear benefits that outweigh their membership costs, such as advancing human rights, resolving trade disputes, and supporting development. However, it also notes there are some memberships where the usefulness is less clear when considering Moldova's limited resources.
This document provides an overview of Turkey's participation in the Bologna Process for establishing the European Higher Education Area. It describes the origins and objectives of the Bologna Process, outlines Turkey's reforms to harmonize its higher education system, and notes that quality assurance has been a key focus area for Turkey. Stakeholders in Turkey have generally found the Bologna Process to positively impact access to higher education and the modernization of degree structures, though mobility remains an ongoing challenge.
The document discusses the potential for Moldova and Ukraine to join the European Union either together as part of a "package approach" or separately on their own individual merits. It notes that both countries have expressed a desire to join the EU but have had ambiguous efforts in implementing necessary reforms. A package approach could encourage competition between the countries to reform but also ties their chances of joining to each other's performance. Currently Moldova and Ukraine are at similar stages in relations with the EU but differ in some respects. There are arguments for considering their cases separately rather than as a package.
Institutional prospect of IDIS "Viitorul"IDIS Viitorul
The Institute for Development and Social Initiatives "Viitorul" is a Moldovan research, education, and outreach organization focused on economic analysis, governance, law, and political science. It brings together young intellectuals concerned with Moldova's transition to a free market and open society. The Institute aims to contribute to independent thinking, societal competitiveness, and good governance. It conducts research and policy analysis on modernizing public sector, strengthening the market economy, and supporting an competitive society. Current projects cover areas such as energy efficiency, economic development, and European integration.
This document discusses energy efficiency policies and sustainable energy. It notes that many countries are implementing energy efficiency policies to address issues like global warming and dependence on fossil fuels. Energy efficiency and renewable energy are seen as key to sustainable energy policy. The document then discusses several countries' and regions' policies around energy efficiency, greenhouse gas emissions reductions, and renewable energy development, including the European Union, China, and the United States. It also discusses the Kyoto Protocol and concepts like the environmental Kuznets curve and carbon capture and storage.
Corruption is a global problem that hampers economic development and democratic progress. It exists in every country to some degree and permeates many aspects of society, including politics, charities, and the media. To reduce corruption, governments must have openness, accountability, and a system of checks and balances. They must also strengthen rule of law, increase transparency in public spending, reduce nepotism in government jobs, and ensure economic stability to disincentivize corruption. The media and civic education can also help by increasing public awareness of corruption issues. Anti-corruption policies in both public and private institutions are needed to define acceptable practices and prohibit bribery.
The document discusses how the Lisbon Treaty has implications for European citizenship and identity over national identity. It argues that the Treaty forces some EU member state laws to be superseded by common European laws, bringing citizens of EU states together under a common identity with shared rights and obligations. This favors the development of a European identity over solely national identities among EU citizens. The Treaty reinforces concepts from the earlier proposed but rejected EU Constitution, but avoids national referendums. This shift toward a European identity may reduce euroscepticism and increase EU citizens' participation in and support for European integration policies over time.
The 15th EU-Ukraine Summit will take place in Kiev on December 19, 2011 to discuss Ukraine's reform agenda and goals of political association and economic integration between the EU and Ukraine. Key discussion topics will include political association and respect for shared values, economic integration and governance, mobility issues, and regional/international relations. The EU and Ukraine have a long history of cooperation based on democratic principles and will work to implement agreements on trade, energy cooperation, and nuclear safety.
The document discusses Moldova's ongoing negotiations with the EU for a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). It provides context on the EU's Eastern Partnership initiative and explains that a DCFTA goes beyond simply reducing tariffs to integrate countries across all trade-related areas like services, intellectual property, and regulations. For Moldova, the key benefits of a DCFTA would be increased foreign investment, technological upgrading, and more competitive exports internationally. The document notes that Moldova has made significant progress in its reforms and appears to be moving faster than Ukraine in DCFTA negotiations.
The emergence of a europe wide public sphere slow but surelyAusten Uche Uwosomah
The document summarizes the implications of the European Constitution and Treaty of Lisbon on European citizenry. It discusses how the rejection of the initial European Constitution led EU institutions to pursue the Treaty of Lisbon to achieve similar goals. The Treaty of Lisbon strengthens EU institutions' power over member states and establishes common EU laws, policies, and citizenship that will unite Europeans under a shared identity. This is expected to encourage the emergence of a Europe-wide public sphere as EU citizens become more invested in EU policies that will increasingly impact their lives more than national policies.
Critically examine the arguments surrounding the possibility of Turkish acces...Eoin Guerin
1) Turkey has long sought closer ties with the EU, applying for membership in 1987. However, negotiations have faced significant reservations from some EU member states over Turkish accession.
2) Opposition argues that Turkey does not share European cultural and historical roots as a predominantly Muslim country. There are also concerns that Turkish membership could significantly increase the Muslim population of Europe.
3) While Turkey has reformed many of its laws and policies to align with EU standards, negotiations have stalled due to disputes with Cyprus and opposition from countries like France. The future of Turkey's EU membership bid remains uncertain.
In 2018 the European Union (EU) recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the
EU. The vision of an “European (Union) future” was announced to the Balkan countries fifteen
years earlier, in 2003, when they were recognized as a potential candidates for membership in
the EU.
In 2016 Sarajevo decided to apply for membership in the European Union. Therefore, the
main aim of this article is to analyse the possibility of joining the EU by Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is necessary to identify – even if chosen – opportunities and challenges, perspectives
and barriers on the path to further integration of that country with Brussels. The background of
these considerations must be the EU’s policy towards the Western Balkans region, which lost its
dynamics with the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, and is trying to retrieve
if for various reasons nowadays. Will Bosnia and Herzegovina benefit from the intensification
of the EU’s enlargement policy?
2013vol26nr2 finale versie-druk_-article_p_debusscherDr Lendy Spires
This document examines how the European Union frames gender equality in its development aid towards Sub-Saharan Africa compared to civil society organizations. It analyzes 28 EU policy documents and compares them to 10 texts from civil society groups using critical frame analysis. The document finds that while the EU promotes gender mainstreaming, its approach focuses more on using gender equality to achieve existing development goals rather than challenging gender relations or power structures, which is more in line with the frames of civil society organizations. There is a gap between the EU's policy framing of gender issues and the views expressed by civil society that can be partly explained by the EU's reluctance to fully incorporate civil society perspectives.
Visa policy,European Union,Turkey and Turkey’s Strategic Importance and Factors Over the World, Strategic Importance, Geopolitical Dimension, Economic Dimension
Turkey – EU Relations, The Ankara Agreement , Customs Union, Negotiation Process, The Helsinki Summit, The Benefits of Accession for Turkey and the EU, EU Visa Status and Turkey,Is Turkey ready to join the EU?
Cross border cooperation and the european administrative space – prospects fr...Nuno Miguel Cunha Rolo
This document summarizes a journal article about cross-border cooperation in Europe and how the principle of mutual recognition could improve it. Cross-border regions make up a large portion of the EU territory and population, but cooperation is hindered by differing national legal and administrative frameworks. The principle of mutual recognition was originally developed for the free movement of goods and could now provide a basis for more effective cross-border governance if applied to four proposed fields: administrative policy, indirect policy influences, actor constellations, and Europeanization mechanisms. This could lead to improved transnational administrative cooperation and make cross-border regions important laboratories for the European Administrative Space and integration.
This document provides an assessment of Ukraine's application for membership in the European Union. It discusses Ukraine's history of integration with the EU, including through an Association Agreement. It finds that Ukraine meets the political criteria for membership as a stable democracy that respects human rights and the rule of law. While reforms are still needed, Ukraine has shown resilience and commitment to European values. The document concludes by assessing Ukraine's ability to meet the economic and administrative requirements for membership.
This document discusses the evolution of development policy between the EU and former colonies from the Treaty of Rome in 1958 to the present day. It analyzes key agreements like Lomé and Cotonou and how the relationship has shifted from partnership to competition as the EU prioritizes its own economic interests. External pressures from policies like neoliberalism and security concerns have also frustrated the goals of EU development policies to reduce poverty and support sustainable development in former colonies. The document evaluates alternatives needed to build a common purpose development policy within the EU.
Moldova unilaterally declares its EU membership aspirations and started the process of economic, legal and institutional approximation targeted at establishing free market economy, stable democratic institutions and sound legal system. In the paper the authors made an attempt to assess the competitive and institutional capacity of Moldova in the context of EU membership requirements. It presents Polish achievements in European integration process as a CEE successful way towards full membership. The paper is devoted to transfer know how on Polish experience in EU integration at first stages of the process, with the emphasis on assessment of fulfillment of Copenhagen criteria and the role of association stage in the integration process as a whole. Basing on Poland's example, it provides the recommendations for Moldova on possible ways of integration with the EU so that Moldovan economy and society would be able to benefit most from the process - in other words, to successfully conclude the transformation of economy and adjust law and state institutions to European standards.
The analysis does not cover the political aspects of Transdniestrian conflict as it is an important and broad issue that requires deep separate analysis. In the paper there is also no evaluation of cooperation within Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe since we consider Moldova as Eastern European country with clear geopolitical position neighboring Ukraine and Romania.
Authored by: Iurie Gotisan, Karina Kostrzewa, Eugen Osmochescu
Published in 2005
The document provides an overview of Moldova's relations with the EU and its progress towards visa liberalization. It discusses Moldova's participation in programs like the Eastern Partnership and its negotiations of agreements like the Association Agreement. It also examines Moldova's implementation of reforms in priority areas for visa liberalization like border management, security, and documents. Support for EU integration among Moldovans is high, though Russia is still seen as a key strategic partner due to historical and ethnic ties. Overall progress has been made but inconsistencies remain in some reform areas.
This document discusses the need for reforms to create a more social and democratic European Union. It argues that the current EU integration process overly favors market liberalization at the expense of social regulation and democracy. The institutional architecture of the EU multi-level system creates an imbalance that undermines fundamental social rights and weakens member states' social models. The document proposes using the concept of social democracy as a blueprint for reform. Specifically, it identifies three key policy areas for reform: establishing an "open" EU constitution, setting social minimum standards, and strengthening the fiscal capacities of member states.
Polityka spójności Unii Europejskiej jest głównym narzędziem modernizacji społecznej
i gospodarczej w państwach Europy Środkowej. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza Polski, która otrzymuje największą pomoc finansową z tego instrumentu spośród wszystkich innych państw członkowskich UE. Celem artykułu jest analiza zmian w polityce spójności pod wpływem kryzysu
w strefie euro oraz ocena tego, w jaki sposób te zmiany mogą wpłynąć na procesy modernizacyjne w najsłabiej rozwijających się państwach UE, a także szerzej – jak wpłyną na sposób
funkcjonowania integracji europejskiej.
Polish Political Science Yearbook, 2017
The Amsterdam Treaty has established the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). Since then, it is an example of a policy-making area creating its way quickly and comprehensively. However, in this paper the main dilemma is to what extent the Schengen development has modified the framework of AFSJ and how it adapts in this policy while being an example of enhanced cooperation and differentiated integration model. Developments in this area are part of a realisation that European states need to act together to better face new challenges to peace and internal security, while ensuring respect for democracy and human rights. It is important to add, that cooperation in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice has been driven by forces different from that seen in other policy areas.
The EU and Morocco strengthened their partnership in 2009 through the Advanced Status agreement. Key progress was made in political dialogue and negotiations. The 2010 EU-Morocco Summit highlighted achievements and commitments to further regulatory alignment and reforms. The EU is Morocco's largest trading partner, though trade was impacted by the economic crisis. For 2011-2013, €580.5 million will support bilateral cooperation focused on social development, economic modernization, governance, and the environment.
Institutional Aspect of Economic Integration in the European Union and ASEAN:...inventionjournals
The European Union (EU), a leading regional political organisation of today, started with economic integration and was known as European Economic Community (EEC). Later, this (EEC) triggered political unity and formed the very centre of EU. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) came into being in 1969 with the objective of economic, political and socio-cultural unity. Under Malaysian Chairmanship, the economic community came into being in December, 2015. This study makes a brief overview of the institutional aspect of these two regional organisations to spot their comparative features of legal harmonisation meant for economic integration. It underlines the importance of an ASEAN court for consistent constitutional and legal interpretation. Students and scholars of comparative economic integration would find this work relevant for further research.
Strengthening the Role of Women in the NeighbourhoodENPI Info Centre
The document summarizes information from the 2010 and 2009 editions of EuropeAid's Gender Equality drawing competition. It discusses the EU's commitment to promoting gender equality as a fundamental right and core value. It highlights efforts in the Euro-Mediterranean partnership to strengthen women's roles and achieve gender equality through measures to prevent discrimination and protect women's rights. It also describes the Enhancing Equality Programme which aims to implement CEDAW and combat gender-based violence in the EuroMed region through capacity building and training.
6_Lecture_The economic geography of Southern Europe, continuationPrivate
The document provides an overview of the structure and content of a lecture series on regional geography in Southern Europe. The 11 lectures will cover topics like the economic geography and planning systems of Southern Europe, EU integration and funding, sustainability efforts, and regional futures. Key examination dates are also outlined.
The document discusses the creation and history of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). It explains that the EMU was created both for economic and political reasons, including promoting growth, integration, and stability after issues with fluctuating currency exchange rates in the 1970s. The European Monetary System (EMS) was launched in 1979 as a precursor to the EMU to stabilize currencies and protect them from dollar fluctuations. The EMS established exchange rate limits but was asymmetric with Germany's currency dominating, which caused tensions. This led to discussions in the late 1980s and agreements, like the Single European Act and Delors Report, to further economic convergence and establish a true single currency, which became the Euro.
Fukushima Nuclear Disaster Impact on Global LNG PricesEce Dincaslan
The Fukushima nuclear disaster led to a reduction in nuclear power generation globally. This has increased demand for liquefied natural gas (LNG) as a replacement, putting upward pressure on LNG prices. Germany decided to phase out all nuclear power by 2022, which will significantly increase its demand for natural gas. Other European countries are also reviewing their reliance on nuclear power. Higher LNG prices are benefiting exporters like Russia but increasing costs for importers such as Japan, China, and other Asian nations. The long-term impact on global energy markets and prices remains uncertain.
More Related Content
Similar to The European Union and Morocco Relations
The document discusses how the Lisbon Treaty has implications for European citizenship and identity over national identity. It argues that the Treaty forces some EU member state laws to be superseded by common European laws, bringing citizens of EU states together under a common identity with shared rights and obligations. This favors the development of a European identity over solely national identities among EU citizens. The Treaty reinforces concepts from the earlier proposed but rejected EU Constitution, but avoids national referendums. This shift toward a European identity may reduce euroscepticism and increase EU citizens' participation in and support for European integration policies over time.
The 15th EU-Ukraine Summit will take place in Kiev on December 19, 2011 to discuss Ukraine's reform agenda and goals of political association and economic integration between the EU and Ukraine. Key discussion topics will include political association and respect for shared values, economic integration and governance, mobility issues, and regional/international relations. The EU and Ukraine have a long history of cooperation based on democratic principles and will work to implement agreements on trade, energy cooperation, and nuclear safety.
The document discusses Moldova's ongoing negotiations with the EU for a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). It provides context on the EU's Eastern Partnership initiative and explains that a DCFTA goes beyond simply reducing tariffs to integrate countries across all trade-related areas like services, intellectual property, and regulations. For Moldova, the key benefits of a DCFTA would be increased foreign investment, technological upgrading, and more competitive exports internationally. The document notes that Moldova has made significant progress in its reforms and appears to be moving faster than Ukraine in DCFTA negotiations.
The emergence of a europe wide public sphere slow but surelyAusten Uche Uwosomah
The document summarizes the implications of the European Constitution and Treaty of Lisbon on European citizenry. It discusses how the rejection of the initial European Constitution led EU institutions to pursue the Treaty of Lisbon to achieve similar goals. The Treaty of Lisbon strengthens EU institutions' power over member states and establishes common EU laws, policies, and citizenship that will unite Europeans under a shared identity. This is expected to encourage the emergence of a Europe-wide public sphere as EU citizens become more invested in EU policies that will increasingly impact their lives more than national policies.
Critically examine the arguments surrounding the possibility of Turkish acces...Eoin Guerin
1) Turkey has long sought closer ties with the EU, applying for membership in 1987. However, negotiations have faced significant reservations from some EU member states over Turkish accession.
2) Opposition argues that Turkey does not share European cultural and historical roots as a predominantly Muslim country. There are also concerns that Turkish membership could significantly increase the Muslim population of Europe.
3) While Turkey has reformed many of its laws and policies to align with EU standards, negotiations have stalled due to disputes with Cyprus and opposition from countries like France. The future of Turkey's EU membership bid remains uncertain.
In 2018 the European Union (EU) recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the
EU. The vision of an “European (Union) future” was announced to the Balkan countries fifteen
years earlier, in 2003, when they were recognized as a potential candidates for membership in
the EU.
In 2016 Sarajevo decided to apply for membership in the European Union. Therefore, the
main aim of this article is to analyse the possibility of joining the EU by Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is necessary to identify – even if chosen – opportunities and challenges, perspectives
and barriers on the path to further integration of that country with Brussels. The background of
these considerations must be the EU’s policy towards the Western Balkans region, which lost its
dynamics with the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, and is trying to retrieve
if for various reasons nowadays. Will Bosnia and Herzegovina benefit from the intensification
of the EU’s enlargement policy?
2013vol26nr2 finale versie-druk_-article_p_debusscherDr Lendy Spires
This document examines how the European Union frames gender equality in its development aid towards Sub-Saharan Africa compared to civil society organizations. It analyzes 28 EU policy documents and compares them to 10 texts from civil society groups using critical frame analysis. The document finds that while the EU promotes gender mainstreaming, its approach focuses more on using gender equality to achieve existing development goals rather than challenging gender relations or power structures, which is more in line with the frames of civil society organizations. There is a gap between the EU's policy framing of gender issues and the views expressed by civil society that can be partly explained by the EU's reluctance to fully incorporate civil society perspectives.
Visa policy,European Union,Turkey and Turkey’s Strategic Importance and Factors Over the World, Strategic Importance, Geopolitical Dimension, Economic Dimension
Turkey – EU Relations, The Ankara Agreement , Customs Union, Negotiation Process, The Helsinki Summit, The Benefits of Accession for Turkey and the EU, EU Visa Status and Turkey,Is Turkey ready to join the EU?
Cross border cooperation and the european administrative space – prospects fr...Nuno Miguel Cunha Rolo
This document summarizes a journal article about cross-border cooperation in Europe and how the principle of mutual recognition could improve it. Cross-border regions make up a large portion of the EU territory and population, but cooperation is hindered by differing national legal and administrative frameworks. The principle of mutual recognition was originally developed for the free movement of goods and could now provide a basis for more effective cross-border governance if applied to four proposed fields: administrative policy, indirect policy influences, actor constellations, and Europeanization mechanisms. This could lead to improved transnational administrative cooperation and make cross-border regions important laboratories for the European Administrative Space and integration.
This document provides an assessment of Ukraine's application for membership in the European Union. It discusses Ukraine's history of integration with the EU, including through an Association Agreement. It finds that Ukraine meets the political criteria for membership as a stable democracy that respects human rights and the rule of law. While reforms are still needed, Ukraine has shown resilience and commitment to European values. The document concludes by assessing Ukraine's ability to meet the economic and administrative requirements for membership.
This document discusses the evolution of development policy between the EU and former colonies from the Treaty of Rome in 1958 to the present day. It analyzes key agreements like Lomé and Cotonou and how the relationship has shifted from partnership to competition as the EU prioritizes its own economic interests. External pressures from policies like neoliberalism and security concerns have also frustrated the goals of EU development policies to reduce poverty and support sustainable development in former colonies. The document evaluates alternatives needed to build a common purpose development policy within the EU.
Moldova unilaterally declares its EU membership aspirations and started the process of economic, legal and institutional approximation targeted at establishing free market economy, stable democratic institutions and sound legal system. In the paper the authors made an attempt to assess the competitive and institutional capacity of Moldova in the context of EU membership requirements. It presents Polish achievements in European integration process as a CEE successful way towards full membership. The paper is devoted to transfer know how on Polish experience in EU integration at first stages of the process, with the emphasis on assessment of fulfillment of Copenhagen criteria and the role of association stage in the integration process as a whole. Basing on Poland's example, it provides the recommendations for Moldova on possible ways of integration with the EU so that Moldovan economy and society would be able to benefit most from the process - in other words, to successfully conclude the transformation of economy and adjust law and state institutions to European standards.
The analysis does not cover the political aspects of Transdniestrian conflict as it is an important and broad issue that requires deep separate analysis. In the paper there is also no evaluation of cooperation within Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe since we consider Moldova as Eastern European country with clear geopolitical position neighboring Ukraine and Romania.
Authored by: Iurie Gotisan, Karina Kostrzewa, Eugen Osmochescu
Published in 2005
The document provides an overview of Moldova's relations with the EU and its progress towards visa liberalization. It discusses Moldova's participation in programs like the Eastern Partnership and its negotiations of agreements like the Association Agreement. It also examines Moldova's implementation of reforms in priority areas for visa liberalization like border management, security, and documents. Support for EU integration among Moldovans is high, though Russia is still seen as a key strategic partner due to historical and ethnic ties. Overall progress has been made but inconsistencies remain in some reform areas.
This document discusses the need for reforms to create a more social and democratic European Union. It argues that the current EU integration process overly favors market liberalization at the expense of social regulation and democracy. The institutional architecture of the EU multi-level system creates an imbalance that undermines fundamental social rights and weakens member states' social models. The document proposes using the concept of social democracy as a blueprint for reform. Specifically, it identifies three key policy areas for reform: establishing an "open" EU constitution, setting social minimum standards, and strengthening the fiscal capacities of member states.
Polityka spójności Unii Europejskiej jest głównym narzędziem modernizacji społecznej
i gospodarczej w państwach Europy Środkowej. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza Polski, która otrzymuje największą pomoc finansową z tego instrumentu spośród wszystkich innych państw członkowskich UE. Celem artykułu jest analiza zmian w polityce spójności pod wpływem kryzysu
w strefie euro oraz ocena tego, w jaki sposób te zmiany mogą wpłynąć na procesy modernizacyjne w najsłabiej rozwijających się państwach UE, a także szerzej – jak wpłyną na sposób
funkcjonowania integracji europejskiej.
Polish Political Science Yearbook, 2017
The Amsterdam Treaty has established the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). Since then, it is an example of a policy-making area creating its way quickly and comprehensively. However, in this paper the main dilemma is to what extent the Schengen development has modified the framework of AFSJ and how it adapts in this policy while being an example of enhanced cooperation and differentiated integration model. Developments in this area are part of a realisation that European states need to act together to better face new challenges to peace and internal security, while ensuring respect for democracy and human rights. It is important to add, that cooperation in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice has been driven by forces different from that seen in other policy areas.
The EU and Morocco strengthened their partnership in 2009 through the Advanced Status agreement. Key progress was made in political dialogue and negotiations. The 2010 EU-Morocco Summit highlighted achievements and commitments to further regulatory alignment and reforms. The EU is Morocco's largest trading partner, though trade was impacted by the economic crisis. For 2011-2013, €580.5 million will support bilateral cooperation focused on social development, economic modernization, governance, and the environment.
Institutional Aspect of Economic Integration in the European Union and ASEAN:...inventionjournals
The European Union (EU), a leading regional political organisation of today, started with economic integration and was known as European Economic Community (EEC). Later, this (EEC) triggered political unity and formed the very centre of EU. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) came into being in 1969 with the objective of economic, political and socio-cultural unity. Under Malaysian Chairmanship, the economic community came into being in December, 2015. This study makes a brief overview of the institutional aspect of these two regional organisations to spot their comparative features of legal harmonisation meant for economic integration. It underlines the importance of an ASEAN court for consistent constitutional and legal interpretation. Students and scholars of comparative economic integration would find this work relevant for further research.
Strengthening the Role of Women in the NeighbourhoodENPI Info Centre
The document summarizes information from the 2010 and 2009 editions of EuropeAid's Gender Equality drawing competition. It discusses the EU's commitment to promoting gender equality as a fundamental right and core value. It highlights efforts in the Euro-Mediterranean partnership to strengthen women's roles and achieve gender equality through measures to prevent discrimination and protect women's rights. It also describes the Enhancing Equality Programme which aims to implement CEDAW and combat gender-based violence in the EuroMed region through capacity building and training.
6_Lecture_The economic geography of Southern Europe, continuationPrivate
The document provides an overview of the structure and content of a lecture series on regional geography in Southern Europe. The 11 lectures will cover topics like the economic geography and planning systems of Southern Europe, EU integration and funding, sustainability efforts, and regional futures. Key examination dates are also outlined.
Similar to The European Union and Morocco Relations (20)
The document discusses the creation and history of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). It explains that the EMU was created both for economic and political reasons, including promoting growth, integration, and stability after issues with fluctuating currency exchange rates in the 1970s. The European Monetary System (EMS) was launched in 1979 as a precursor to the EMU to stabilize currencies and protect them from dollar fluctuations. The EMS established exchange rate limits but was asymmetric with Germany's currency dominating, which caused tensions. This led to discussions in the late 1980s and agreements, like the Single European Act and Delors Report, to further economic convergence and establish a true single currency, which became the Euro.
Fukushima Nuclear Disaster Impact on Global LNG PricesEce Dincaslan
The Fukushima nuclear disaster led to a reduction in nuclear power generation globally. This has increased demand for liquefied natural gas (LNG) as a replacement, putting upward pressure on LNG prices. Germany decided to phase out all nuclear power by 2022, which will significantly increase its demand for natural gas. Other European countries are also reviewing their reliance on nuclear power. Higher LNG prices are benefiting exporters like Russia but increasing costs for importers such as Japan, China, and other Asian nations. The long-term impact on global energy markets and prices remains uncertain.
Common Foreign and Security Policy of EUEce Dincaslan
The document summarizes the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union. It discusses how the CFSP emerged from informal cooperation in foreign policy among EU members in 1970. The Maastricht Treaty in 1993 formally established the CFSP to allow the EU to speak with one voice in foreign affairs. Key developments included the establishment of the High Representative for CFSP and bodies to coordinate foreign policy. However, unanimity among members and their freedom to pursue independent foreign policies have limited the effectiveness of the CFSP.
WAR ON IRAQ IN THE LIGHT OF DEMOCRATIC PEACE THEORYEce Dincaslan
The document discusses the US-led war in Iraq beginning in 2003 and how it relates to democratic peace theory. It provides background on democratic peace theory and how the US justified the Iraq war using this framework. However, the document also notes that the war in Iraq can be seen as scientifically questionable in relation to democratic peace theory. It discusses opponents who argue the war was not truly motivated by weapons of mass destruction or democracy promotion, but instead by other factors like oil.
The document discusses the issue of energy security within the European Union. It notes that the EU imports around half of its total energy needs and will become more dependent on foreign energy imports over time. This dependence creates challenges for ensuring stable, affordable, and reliable energy supplies. The document examines some of the EU's key energy relationships and policies around securing supplies, including its dependence on Russia as a major energy exporter, efforts to diversify energy imports from other countries and routes, and the need for a coherent EU energy policy to strengthen its position internationally.
The document discusses the geopolitics surrounding energy politics in the Caspian region, with a focus on Turkmenistan's natural gas resources and pipeline options. Following the Soviet Union's collapse, there was intense competition over control of the Caspian region's oil and gas. Turkmenistan has significant natural gas reserves but has faced challenges exporting its gas due to geopolitical factors and lack of alternative pipelines not controlled by Russia. The document examines Turkmenistan's pipeline options to Europe and Asia and the interests of regional players like the US, Russia, and China in controlling access to Caspian energy.
Today EU’s and most of the countries’ main concern is energy security. How they reach energy at an affordable price, reliable, diverse and abundant supplies, is the main question. Moreover, energy security composed of commonly with Supply ‘Consumers’, Transportation, Demand ‘Producers’ and Physical Security ‘Producer and Consumer’. Because there is a struggle over resources, EU, ‘national and supranational governance’ should take challenges, opportunities well in to consideration
Today’s renewable energy sources are very important for lots of countries. Therefore, many countries start to change and implement their policies. Especially, in Turkey and Europe the importance of solar and wind energies influence the energy policies.
Can the Caspian Sea be our savior in the energy deal? or Is it worth for the compelling missions? Thus, The Caspian Sea is an newly emerged region of potentially big oil resources. In order to understand the complexity of Caspian Bonanza firstly, control of production of the oil and gas, and secondly, control of the pipelines that will transfer the hydrocarbons the world markets should be examined.
The document discusses new holographic and virtual reality technologies that can integrate images, allow for interactive 3D applications, and provide immersive experiences without needing special glasses. It notes how the technologies can be used for interior design, clothing design, education, business meetings and presentations, entertainment, and more. Some comments provided discuss how the technologies could focus on environmental issues and human relations.
Slide deck with charts from our Digital News Report 2024, the most comprehensive exploration of news consumption habits around the world, based on survey data from more than 95,000 respondents across 47 countries.
केरल उच्च न्यायालय ने 11 जून, 2024 को मंडला पूजा में भाग लेने की अनुमति मांगने वाली 10 वर्षीय लड़की की रिट याचिका को खारिज कर दिया, जिसमें सर्वोच्च न्यायालय की एक बड़ी पीठ के समक्ष इस मुद्दे की लंबित प्रकृति पर जोर दिया गया। यह आदेश न्यायमूर्ति अनिल के. नरेंद्रन और न्यायमूर्ति हरिशंकर वी. मेनन की खंडपीठ द्वारा पारित किया गया
18062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
ग्रेटर मुंबई के नगर आयुक्त को एक खुले पत्र में याचिका दायर कर 540 से अधिक मुंबईकरों ने सभी अवैध और अस्थिर होर्डिंग्स, साइनबोर्ड और इलेक्ट्रिक साइनेज को तत्काल हटाने और 13 मई, 2024 की शाम को घाटकोपर में अवैध होर्डिंग के गिरने की विनाशकारी घटना के बाद अपराधियों के खिलाफ सख्त कार्रवाई की मांग की है, जिसमें 17 लोगों की जान चली गई और कई निर्दोष लोग गंभीर रूप से घायल हो गए।
17062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
12062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
16062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
Why We Chose ScyllaDB over DynamoDB for "User Watch Status"ScyllaDB
Yichen Wei and Adam Drennan share the architecture and technical requirements behind "user watch status" for a major global media streaming service, what that meant for their database, the pros and cons of the many options they considered for replacing DynamoDB, why they ultimately chose ScyllaDB, and their lessons learned so far.
Recent years have seen a disturbing rise in violence, discrimination, and intolerance against Christian communities in various Islamic countries. This multifaceted challenge, deeply rooted in historical, social, and political animosities, demands urgent attention. Despite the escalating persecution, substantial support from the Western world remains lacking.
projet de traité négocié à Istanbul (anglais).pdfEdouardHusson
Ceci est le projet de traité qui avait été négocié entre Russes et Ukrainiens à Istanbul en mars 2022, avant que les Etats-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne ne détournent Kiev de signer.
Shark Tank Jargon | Operational ProfitabilityTheUnitedIndian
Don't let fancy business words confuse you! This blog is your cheat sheet to understanding the Shark Tank Jargon. We'll translate all the confusing terms like "valuation" (how much the company is worth) and "royalty" (a fee for using someone's idea). You'll be swimming with the Sharks like a pro in no time!
13062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
Federal Authorities Urge Vigilance Amid Bird Flu Outbreak | The Lifesciences ...The Lifesciences Magazine
Federal authorities have advised the public to remain vigilant but calm in response to the ongoing bird flu outbreak of highly pathogenic avian influenza, commonly known as bird flu.
#WenguiGuo#WashingtonFarm Guo Wengui Wolf son ambition exposed to open a far...rittaajmal71
Since fleeing to the United States in 2014, Guo Wengui has founded a number of projects in the United States, such as GTV Media Group, GTV private equity, farm loan project, G Club Operations Co., LTD., and Himalaya Exchange.
#WenguiGuo#WashingtonFarm Guo Wengui Wolf son ambition exposed to open a far...
The European Union and Morocco Relations
1. Author: Ece DINCASLAN
The European Union and Morocco Relations
After a decade of reforms through modernization, liberalization and relative
democratization, the European Union (EU) granted Morocco “advanced status” on October
2008. However, what does advanced status suggest is not clear. Does the EU give Morocco a full
membership status? Answer to this question is a direct no, but other questions are harder to
respond. Is the status of Morocco actually advanced for the EU, or is it just a gesture of the EU to
applause the reforms of Morocco? In addition to vagueness of the current situation, the future is
not clear either. To what extend advanced status will bring further integration of Morocco to the
EU? Will this lead to a full membership, or at least accession to the common market? Or does
advanced status not suggest any significant meaning for further integration? In order to answer
these questions, the paper analyzes the history of Morocco – EU relations, reviews the current
literature in order to formulate the present developments, and tries to conceptualize the nature of
the relations to predict the possible outcomes for the future. Special emphasis is given to
Moroccan internal political structure since it plays a key role for EU – Morocco relations. In
addition, the attitude of the EU towards Morocco is also essential. A strong comprehension of
the Moroccan political structure and the responses of the EU is necessary to understand the
integration of Morocco to Europe. However, the paper first addresses the importance of the
issue, and why and how the integration process develops, in order to build a strong informational
background.
The relationship of the EU and Morocco is particularly important for the European
studies because geographically Morocco is a very close neighbor of the EU and a Mediterranean
state, which make it a part of both the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and the European-
Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) (Baracani, 2005). Furthermore, the case of Morocco provides
a significant example for the EU, since promotion of democracy and human rights are important
aspects of the foreign policy of the EU (Haddadi, 2003, p. 74). After a series of political reforms
initiated by the King Mohammed VI and directly supported by the EU, Morocco‟s progress on
democracy and human rights surpassed the regional standards (Kausch, 2009). Thus, Morocco
eventually became “a pioneer in the ENP” and the advanced status is granted in October 2008
(Akgul, 2010). Therefore, Morocco is a test for the EU to examine its influential strength and
2. strategies, as well as a platform to illustrate its democratizing effect. Every step of Morocco
towards democracy and human rights is a credit for the EU since the EU directly backs up the
Moroccan reforms. In short, Morocco can be a success story of the EU, and a showcase to
demonstrate its “transformative power” (Behr, 2010).
The major factor which leads to the further integration of Morocco to the EU is, as stated
above, Morocco‟s geographical location. In addition to the short distance between Morocco and
Spain -Spain shores can be seen from the coasts of Morocco (Kausch, 2009), Spain holds two
small territories, Ceuta and Melilla on the south of the Gibraltar Strait (Migdalovitz, 2010). Thus
this geographical intimacy causes crucial issues such as illegal immigration and drug trafficking
(Migdalovitz, 2010), security and terrorism (Haddadi, 2003), free trade, fisheries, transportation
and energy transition (Kausch, 2009). Because of these important issues, Morocco and the EU
found themselves obligated to cooperate and to develop a strong relationship. Moreover, both the
EU and Morocco have further incentives. The EU is the Morocco‟s major trading partner; almost
60% of Morocco‟s total trade is with the EU (European Commission, 2010). In 2007, the EU
exported €15.1 billion worth products and services to Morocco (European Commission, 2010).
This close trade relations consequently lead to further integration of Morocco to the EU.
Although the integration process has taken a major course after the inauguration of King
Mohammed VI, his predecessor Hassan II applied to the European Communities (preceding
institution) for accession decades earlier, in 1987. However, the application was turned down on
the basis that Morocco is not considered European (Akgul, 2010). King Hassan II initiated a
political reform process in 1992 but major reforms took place under his successor King
Mohammed VI. Consequently, relationship between the EU and Morocco escalated
tremendously due to liberalization of Morocco through reforms (Kausch, 2009). Moreover, the
EU launched the ENP in 2003 in order to enhance “stability, security and well being” and
prevent “the emergence of new dividing lines between the enlarged Union and its neighbors”
(Baracani, 2005, p. 6). The ENP targets to develop strong ties with the states who are not offered
full membership incentives. (Baracani, 2005). In this respect, European Commission President
Romano Prodi promised “sharing everything but institutions” to the ENP states (Prodi, 2002). As
Chilosi states; “the promise refers to the possibility for neighbours to have the same treatment
and economic advantages of EU membership, except the participation in EU institutions”
3. (Chilosi, 2006, p. 2). Thus, the ENP brought Moroccan – EU relations to a new dimension. The
position of Morocco was enhanced as an ENP country. Morocco is the first country in the region
to conclude the Action Plan with the EU on 2005 (Kausch, 2009). In addition, Morocco is also in
the EMP; a party to Agadir Agreement and an important member of the “Euromed process”
which seeks to establish a Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area (European Commission, 2010).
European Commission defines the aim of the EU and Morocco as to establish “a close economic
relationship that is more than association, less than accession” (European Commission, 2010).
This integration process consequently led the EU to grant „advanced status‟ under the framework
of ENP to Morocco in October 2008 (Kausch, 2009). The close relationship between the EU and
Morocco reached a new peak with the Granada Summit in March 2010. The joint statement of
the EU and Morocco underlines the importance of the summit:
“This summit between the EU and Morocco constitutes an unprecedented event for both parties. … It bears
witness to the pioneering and distinctive nature of the EU-Morocco partnership. It illustrates the degree of
maturity and confidence attained in the political dialogue and highlights the strategic importance of the EU-
Morocco partnership” (Council of The European Union, 2010, p. 1).
As stated above, the political structure of Morocco plays a crucial role on its relations
with the EU since promotion of democracy and human rights are integral parts of EU‟s foreign
policy (Haddadi, 2003). This nature of the EU-Morocco relations is also significant in the Joint
Statement of Granada Summit: “The EU and Morocco reaffirmed their attachment to respect for
and protection and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the consolidation
of the rule of law, democracy and good governance, which are one of the fundamental pillars of
the EU-Morocco partnership” (Council of The European Union, 2010, p. 5). After several
reforms influenced from the EU and its member states, Morocco emerged as “a shining
example” among Arab countries, and its level of political liberalism is distinctive in the region
(Kausch, 2009, pp. 165-166) Thus, its peculiar status in the region contributed to the Morocco-
EU relations (Kausch, 2009, p. 169). However, reform process is still controversial, as scholars
underline that Morocco‟s current ambition for democratization has not reached to an absolute
level since achievements indicate relative regional successes rather than “irreversible” steps
towards “genuine democracy” (Haddadi, 2003; Kausch, 2009, p. 166).
One of the most important reformation step was the establishment of Equity and
Reconciliation Commission (IER) to investigate human rights violations between 1956 and 1999
4. (Kausch, 2009). Additional projects to compensate the victims of human rights violations (e.g.
disappearances) conducted such as EU backed MEDA Democracy Programme (MDP) (Haddadi,
2002). Even compensation was a starting step, it was not sufficient: “Though compensation was
granted in hundreds of cases, the issue still occupies centre stage as some victims and their
families ask for truth and justice as the only way of achieving settlement and reconciliation”
(Haddadi, 2003, p. 77). Nevertheless, these improvements are still important since it shows an
ambition to promote human rights.
In addition to IER, several other reforms were also important such as a comprehensive
revision of the civil personal code (mudawanna), decentralization steps by the establishment of
“super walis”, “granting official recognition to the Berber language as part of the Moroccan
cultural identity and future integration in the school system” (Haddadi, 2003, p. 76), legislation
about torture, and “the opening of the political space for political parties” (Kausch, 2009, p. 167).
In 2002, Morocco witnessed so-called the first free and fair elections. In 2007, international
observers as well as observers of NGO‟s admitted to monitor the elections for the first time in
Morocco history (Kausch, 2009). The election of 2007 is celebrated by important political actors
of the EU such as the Portuguese EU Presidency, Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Angel
Moratinos and Nicolas Sarkozy (Kausch, 2009). Even though the 2007 elections met
international standards, “only 37% of the voters turned out and 19% cast blank ballots, reflecting
widespread disillusionment with the political process and popular understanding of the
powerlessness of the legislature” (Migdalovitz, 2010, p. 1). Furthermore, the European
Commission underlined that “the low voter turnout might be an indicator that voters do not see
their votes translated into meaningful change” (Kausch, 2009, p. 172).
The political space for the political parties, indeed, is very narrow in Morocco. Although
there were elections in 2007 which met international standards, the real power is still in the
hands of the Monarchy and its surrounding elite, the Makhzen:
“The powers are distinguished in law and discourse, but in practice there is neither separation nor balance
of powers, with the palace-led executive exerting leading influence over the legislature and judiciary.
Government and parliament execute the will of the Makhzen rather than the will of the electorate. The King
presides over the Council of Ministers and appoints the government as well as high officials in strategically
important ministries (interior, foreign affairs, defence, and religion). Royal counsellors, loyal technocrats of
the King’s personal entourage, are the true decision makers in the ministries. At the local level, the regional
governors (Walis), usually close to the palace, take all significant decisions. The King also approves and
adopts legislation, can rule by decree and can veto any parliamentary or governmental decision. Political
5. parties have so far been too weak to provide meaningful political alternatives. The lack of independence of
the highly corrupt judiciary and the gap between legal provisions and their practical use undermine the
practical value of many legal reforms. In short, decision-making power on significant political change does
not lie in the hands of elected individuals and institutions, and a separation of powers, both institutionally
and in terms of political practice, is not even under consideration” (Kausch, 2009, p. 168).
Even the reforms were conducted as royal initiatives and introduced a “new concept
authority” rather than spontaneous steps to a genuine democracy (Haddadi, 2003, p. 76). In this
sense, reforms mostly introduced a fast political liberalization whereas democratization process
was, in fact, very slow (Haddadi, 2003, p. 77). In addition Kausch suggests that “the switch from
open repression to a semi-authoritarianism with formally democratic structures and discourse in
Morocco … suggests that incumbent regimes increasingly see open repression as less sustainable
than making concessions to liberalism as a way to retain power and privileges” (2009, p. 170).
Both Haddadi and Kausch underlines the EU‟s soft response to Morocco‟s dedication to
conserve the very nature of its political structure. In a nutshell, the EU focuses on the
achievements of Morocco while neglecting the authoritarian political structure, and it does not
push for further reforms and steps towards genuine democracy and human rights, but settle with
what Morocco‟s Monarch and political elite presents. Haddadi states that the EU‟s policy is
neither imposing nor demanding but “too cautious, worried about upsetting the government and
persistent in its attitude of „change within continuity'” (2003, p. 87). Furthermore he warns that
“such a slow attitude towards promoting democracy in Morocco might risk discrediting
democratization itself in the eyes of the population” (2003, p. 87). Kausch asserts that “both
discourse and action suggest that European policies towards Morocco do not aspire to back full
political freedom and genuine democracy in Morocco” (2009, p. 175). In addition, Kausch
criticizes the EU‟s response as “applause policy” which “creates a distorted image of what the
EU perceives as the reality of Moroccan political life, thereby indirectly bolstering the ruling
elite and weakening the position of Moroccan democracy activists” (2009, p. 172).
Ivan Martin is skeptical on the advanced status of Morocco (2009). In his self
explanatorily titled article “EU-Morocco Relations: How Advanced is the „Advanced Status‟” he
claims that “the Advanced Status does not introduce any novelty” (2009, p. 241). Furthermore,
he adds that the advanced status does not suggest “a clear legal status” either (2009, p. 243).
Martin underlines the lack of rules and guidelines, and the vagueness of the concepts such as „an
increasingly close and mutually beneficial partnership” (2009, p. 244). Hence the relations have
6. not been building on concrete guidelines and legally binding frameworks but ad hoc
arrangements. Moreover, the status of Morocco may be „advanced‟ in rhetoric, but in reality the
position of Israel and other ENP states under „Eastern Partnership‟ are far more advanced than
Morocco since their relations are conducted by the European Council (Morocco-EU relations are
handled through Association Council) and based on concrete guidelines and legal frameworks
(Martin, 2009, p. 243). In addition, the „Eastern Partnership‟ set „full visa liberation‟ and „labor
mobility‟ goals which are omitted for Morocco (Martin, 2009, p. 243). Although Behr is more
hopeful than Martin, he also underlines the possibility of advanced status turning into “just
another empty bureaucratic shell” (2010).
In conclusion, Morocco‟s current political structure is far from the EU norms even
though its performance is outstanding in regional standards. It is true that relationship between
the EU and Morocco has been gradually escalating, but we can not talk about a genuine
integration so far, and it is not prospected even in the long term. Integration will not go beyond a
FTA, the EU funding to Morocco, collaboration in the foreign policy and some gestures of
positive intent such as current observer status of Morocco in the EU institutions, technical and
financial cooperation, participation of Morocco in EU programmes and the EU-Morocco Joint
Parliamentary Committee foreseen in the Granada Summit (Council of The European Union,
2010, pp. 8-9). Accession of Morocco to the customs union with common external tariff policy
or the common market with free flow of capital and labor is as unlikely as the full membership.
In short, the close relationship between the EU and Morocco refers to a relative case; being
closer than other regional actors rather than an absolute closeness, and advanced status does not
necessarily indicate advancement but a gesture for the reforms of Morocco.
7. Bibliography
Akgul, A. (2010, March 8). Barroso: ‘The Morocco-EU Summit Is an Unprecedented Event’ . Retrieved
April 14, 2010, from The Journal of Turkish Weekly:
http://www.turkishweekly.net/news/99089/barroso-%E2%80%98the-morocco-eu-summit-is-an-
unprecedented-event%E2%80%99-.html
Baracani, E. (2005, June 16-18). From the EMP to the ENP: A new European pressure for
democratization? The case of Morocco. Florence: The Centre for the Study of European Politics and
Society.
Behr, T. (2010, March 9). EU-Morocco Summit: How Special a Friendship? Retrieved April 15, 2010, from
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs: http://www.upi-fiia.fi/en/blog/275/
Chilosi, Alberto (2006): The European Union and its neighbours: "Everything but institutions"?
Unpublished: http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/925/1/MPRA_paper_925.pdf.
Council of The European Union. (2010, March 7). Joint Statement European Union-Morocco Summit
Granada, 7 March 2010 (7220/10 (Presse 54)) . Brussels, Belgieum: Council of The European Union.
European Commission. (2010, March). The EU and Morocco. Retrieved April 14, 2010, from Bilateral
Relations: Morocco: http://ec.europa.eu/trade/creating-opportunities/bilateral-
relations/countries/morocco/index_en.htm
Haddadi, S. (2003). The EMP and Morocco: Diverging Political Agendas? Mediterranean Politics , 8 (2),
73-89.
Haddadi, S. (2002). Two Cheers for Whom? The European Union and Democratization in.
Democratization , 9 (1), 149-169.
Kausch, K. (2009). The European Union and Political Reform in Morocco. Mediterranean Politics , 14 (2),
165-179.
Martin, I. (2009). EU-Morocco Relations: How Advanced is the 'Advanced Status'? Mediterranean Politics
, 14 (2), 239-245.
Migdalovitz, C. (2010). Morocco: Current Issues. Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service.
Prodi, R. (2002, December 06). Europa - Press Releases. Retrieved April 14, 2010, from Peace, Security
And Stability International Dialogue and the Role of the EU:
http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/02/619&format=HTML&aged=0&la
nguage=EN&guiLanguage=en