The document discusses the strategic limitations and structural obstacles inherent in reformist socialism as a path to achieving a socialist society. It argues that reformist strategies are limited by the ideological effects of parliamentary institutions, their demobilizing effects, the formation of a parliamentary bureaucracy, and the limits of the nation state. Structural obstacles include the state's dependency on the capitalist sector for tax revenue, the economic consequences of high investment rates on profitability, the political consequences of full employment, and ecological limits to economic expansion. The rise and decline of reformism in Sweden from 1945-1990 is analyzed as corresponding to shifts in these factors according to historical context.
The document summarizes the emergence of bureaucratic authoritarian (BA) regimes in South Korea in the 1970s. It analyzes how South Korea's economic development through export-oriented industrialization led to conflicts between political and social classes. As labor protests increased in 1971 due to suppressed wages, President Park Chung-hee chose to repress democratic forces and instituted a BA regime through the Yushin constitution in 1972 to prioritize economic growth over political participation. The BA regime politically and economically excluded the popular sector to maintain stability for international capital and industrial development.
This thesis explores the link between political conflict and economic competitiveness in societies with weak institutions. It develops a formal model where elites use coercive means to bargain over economic rents and market access. The model shows that a moderate threat of regime change can induce elites to allow more competition, but support for competition relies on ongoing conflict. The thesis then tests this framework through a rigorous analysis of English history from 1200-1750, challenging the view that economic changes resulted from class conflict between elites and commoners. Instead, it finds that political and economic policies followed the dynamics of continuous intra-elite conflict.
This dissertation examines whether worker cooperatives could form a plausible alternative to mainstream capitalism and the role of international political economy. It includes four chapters analyzing definitions of cooperatives and corporations, the history of cooperatives, implementing a cooperativist model nationally, and applying cooperativist principles internationally. The introduction provides an overview of the dissertation's purpose and structure.
State Reforms for Human Development (UNDP presentation)UNDP Eurasia
The document discusses governance reforms and challenges in Eastern Europe over the past 20 years. It describes how in the 1990s, many countries pursued Western-style reforms and EU/NATO accession, but momentum faded as transitions proved difficult. While reforms succeeded in Central Europe, challenges remained. Corruption undermines development goals. EU pressure motivated anti-corruption efforts before accession, but implementation gaps remain and political will has waned in some countries post-accession. The economic crisis further exposed governance weaknesses across the region.
Two Tiers Of Representation And Policy The Eu And The Future Of ...legal2
This document summarizes and analyzes the representation of football in the European Union through two frameworks - the associative state model and the company state model. It discusses the formation and goals of the G-14 organization, which represents large European clubs and advocates for the commercial interests of football. It also discusses UEFA's role and how it emphasizes principles of solidarity over commercial interests. The document examines the EU's involvement in football from perspectives of competition policy, its role as a regulatory state, and its goal of increasing legitimacy among European citizens. It analyzes the tensions between viewing football as primarily an economic activity versus a social one.
This document provides a literature review on explanations for the gender pay gap. It discusses both mainstream economic theories like human capital theory and feminist perspectives. Human capital theory posits that women receive lower returns on their education and skills due to discrimination. Feminist views argue structural and cultural factors like occupational segregation and gender stereotypes reinforce the pay gap. The document evaluates factors like increased female participation in the workforce reducing the gap but discrimination persists as women still earn 15% less despite higher education levels.
Mapping key dimensions of industrial relations - 2016Eurofound
employment quality, autonomy, participation, representation, equality, equity, influence, fundamental rights, social cohesion, entrepreneurship, market, capitalism, non-discrimination, HRM, strategic choice, industrial relations in Europe, labour relations, employment relations, social dialogue, trade, unions, crisis, cross-sector, employers, european company, european framework agreements, european works council, industrial action, industrial action, industrial relations, law, minimum wage, sectoral social dialogue, social dialogue, trade unions, wages, working time, bargaining in the shadow of the law, collective agreements, European commission, EU law, EU treaties, decentralization of collective bargaining, single employer bargaining, multi-employer bargaining, extension of collective agreements, favourability principle, opt-out, opening clause, erga omnes, commodity, ILO, dispute settlement, varieties of capitalism, coordinated market economy, liberal market economy, bi-partite, tri-partite, Val Duchesse, macro-economic dialogue, tri-partite social summit, social dialogue committee, working time, labor productivity, labor cost, trade union density, collective bargaining coverage, pay, autonomous agreements, telework, parental leave, BUSINESSEUROPE, ETUC, CEEP, UEAPME, mega trends, information and consultation, open method of coordination, mutual learning,
Mapping key dimensions of industrial relationsEurofound
industrial relations, social justice, competitiveness, job quality, employment quality, decent work, employment quality, autonomy, participation, representation, equality, equity, influence, fundamental rights, social cohesion, entrepreneurship, market, capitalism, non-discrimination, HRM, strategic choice, industrial relations in Europe, labour relations, employment relations, social dialogue, trade, unions, crisis, cross-sector, employers, european company, european framework agreements, european works council, industrial action, industrial action, industrial relations, law, minimum wage, sectoral social dialogue, social dialogue, trade unions, wages, working time, bargaining in the shadow of the law, collective agreements, European commission, EU law, EU treaties, decentralization of collective bargaining, single employer bargaining, multi-employer bargaining, extension of collective agreements, favourability principle, opt-out, opening clause, erga omnes, commodity, ILO, dispute settlement, varieties of capitalism, coordinated market economy, liberal market economy, bi-partite, tri-partite, Val Duchesse, macro-economic dialogue, tri-partite social summit, social dialogue committee, working time, labor productivity, labor cost, trade union density, collective bargaining coverage, pay, autonomous agreements, telework, parental leave, BUSINESSEUROPE, ETUC, CEEP, UEAPME, mega trends, information and consultation, open method of coordination, mutual learning,
The document summarizes the emergence of bureaucratic authoritarian (BA) regimes in South Korea in the 1970s. It analyzes how South Korea's economic development through export-oriented industrialization led to conflicts between political and social classes. As labor protests increased in 1971 due to suppressed wages, President Park Chung-hee chose to repress democratic forces and instituted a BA regime through the Yushin constitution in 1972 to prioritize economic growth over political participation. The BA regime politically and economically excluded the popular sector to maintain stability for international capital and industrial development.
This thesis explores the link between political conflict and economic competitiveness in societies with weak institutions. It develops a formal model where elites use coercive means to bargain over economic rents and market access. The model shows that a moderate threat of regime change can induce elites to allow more competition, but support for competition relies on ongoing conflict. The thesis then tests this framework through a rigorous analysis of English history from 1200-1750, challenging the view that economic changes resulted from class conflict between elites and commoners. Instead, it finds that political and economic policies followed the dynamics of continuous intra-elite conflict.
This dissertation examines whether worker cooperatives could form a plausible alternative to mainstream capitalism and the role of international political economy. It includes four chapters analyzing definitions of cooperatives and corporations, the history of cooperatives, implementing a cooperativist model nationally, and applying cooperativist principles internationally. The introduction provides an overview of the dissertation's purpose and structure.
State Reforms for Human Development (UNDP presentation)UNDP Eurasia
The document discusses governance reforms and challenges in Eastern Europe over the past 20 years. It describes how in the 1990s, many countries pursued Western-style reforms and EU/NATO accession, but momentum faded as transitions proved difficult. While reforms succeeded in Central Europe, challenges remained. Corruption undermines development goals. EU pressure motivated anti-corruption efforts before accession, but implementation gaps remain and political will has waned in some countries post-accession. The economic crisis further exposed governance weaknesses across the region.
Two Tiers Of Representation And Policy The Eu And The Future Of ...legal2
This document summarizes and analyzes the representation of football in the European Union through two frameworks - the associative state model and the company state model. It discusses the formation and goals of the G-14 organization, which represents large European clubs and advocates for the commercial interests of football. It also discusses UEFA's role and how it emphasizes principles of solidarity over commercial interests. The document examines the EU's involvement in football from perspectives of competition policy, its role as a regulatory state, and its goal of increasing legitimacy among European citizens. It analyzes the tensions between viewing football as primarily an economic activity versus a social one.
This document provides a literature review on explanations for the gender pay gap. It discusses both mainstream economic theories like human capital theory and feminist perspectives. Human capital theory posits that women receive lower returns on their education and skills due to discrimination. Feminist views argue structural and cultural factors like occupational segregation and gender stereotypes reinforce the pay gap. The document evaluates factors like increased female participation in the workforce reducing the gap but discrimination persists as women still earn 15% less despite higher education levels.
Mapping key dimensions of industrial relations - 2016Eurofound
employment quality, autonomy, participation, representation, equality, equity, influence, fundamental rights, social cohesion, entrepreneurship, market, capitalism, non-discrimination, HRM, strategic choice, industrial relations in Europe, labour relations, employment relations, social dialogue, trade, unions, crisis, cross-sector, employers, european company, european framework agreements, european works council, industrial action, industrial action, industrial relations, law, minimum wage, sectoral social dialogue, social dialogue, trade unions, wages, working time, bargaining in the shadow of the law, collective agreements, European commission, EU law, EU treaties, decentralization of collective bargaining, single employer bargaining, multi-employer bargaining, extension of collective agreements, favourability principle, opt-out, opening clause, erga omnes, commodity, ILO, dispute settlement, varieties of capitalism, coordinated market economy, liberal market economy, bi-partite, tri-partite, Val Duchesse, macro-economic dialogue, tri-partite social summit, social dialogue committee, working time, labor productivity, labor cost, trade union density, collective bargaining coverage, pay, autonomous agreements, telework, parental leave, BUSINESSEUROPE, ETUC, CEEP, UEAPME, mega trends, information and consultation, open method of coordination, mutual learning,
Mapping key dimensions of industrial relationsEurofound
industrial relations, social justice, competitiveness, job quality, employment quality, decent work, employment quality, autonomy, participation, representation, equality, equity, influence, fundamental rights, social cohesion, entrepreneurship, market, capitalism, non-discrimination, HRM, strategic choice, industrial relations in Europe, labour relations, employment relations, social dialogue, trade, unions, crisis, cross-sector, employers, european company, european framework agreements, european works council, industrial action, industrial action, industrial relations, law, minimum wage, sectoral social dialogue, social dialogue, trade unions, wages, working time, bargaining in the shadow of the law, collective agreements, European commission, EU law, EU treaties, decentralization of collective bargaining, single employer bargaining, multi-employer bargaining, extension of collective agreements, favourability principle, opt-out, opening clause, erga omnes, commodity, ILO, dispute settlement, varieties of capitalism, coordinated market economy, liberal market economy, bi-partite, tri-partite, Val Duchesse, macro-economic dialogue, tri-partite social summit, social dialogue committee, working time, labor productivity, labor cost, trade union density, collective bargaining coverage, pay, autonomous agreements, telework, parental leave, BUSINESSEUROPE, ETUC, CEEP, UEAPME, mega trends, information and consultation, open method of coordination, mutual learning,
What does it mean to be a lobbyist? What does it mean to work in public affairs? This internal dialogue and our collaboration with the members of the Public Affairs Work Group form the basis of a report which we quote and elaborate below.
Economic development and political democracyHarsh Gupta
The document discusses the interaction between economic development and political democracy in India over the past 50 years, dividing it into three phases. The first phase from 1947-1966 saw development strategy shaped by political consensus and long-term planning. The second phase from 1967-1990 saw economic policies influenced by pressures of democracy with long-term consequences. The third phase from 1991-1997 was characterized by an absence of consensus and short-termism as liberalization policies and empowerment politics moved in opposing directions. It also examines the relationship between markets and democracy, and how exclusion from markets can exacerbate other forms of social, political, and cultural exclusion.
The document criticizes a report by Transparency International Sweden on political corruption. It alleges that TIS and its researchers have failed to properly study Swedish political culture and practices, relying too heavily on global surveys. It argues their methodology is flawed and the report's conclusions are unreliable and contradicted by important studies they failed to consider. The document suggests political corruption is systemic in Sweden, especially regarding how civil servants implement policy regardless of laws. It aims to illustrate how TIS report is an example of this type of "vertical political corruption" in Sweden.
This document discusses the need for reforms to create a more social and democratic European Union. It argues that the current EU integration process overly favors market liberalization at the expense of social regulation and democracy. The institutional architecture of the EU multi-level system creates an imbalance that undermines fundamental social rights and weakens member states' social models. The document proposes using the concept of social democracy as a blueprint for reform. Specifically, it identifies three key policy areas for reform: establishing an "open" EU constitution, setting social minimum standards, and strengthening the fiscal capacities of member states.
Rodrik_Feasible_Globalizations
FEASIBLE GLOBALIZATIONS
Dani Rodrik1
Harvard University
July 2002
Introduction
We want economic integration to help boost living standards. We want democratic
politics so that public policy decisions are made by those that are directly affected by them (or
their representatives). And we want self-determination, which comes with the nation-state. This
paper argues that we cannot have all three things simultaneously. The political trilemma of the
global economy is that the nation-state system, democratic politics, and full economic
integration are mutually incompatible. We can have at most two out of the three. It follows that
the direction in which we seem to be headed—global markets without global governance—is
unsustainable.
The alternative is a renewed “Bretton-Woods compromise:” preserving some limits on
integration, as built into the original Bretton Woods arrangements, along with some more global
rules to handle the integration that can be achieved. Those who would make a different choice—
toward tighter economic integration—must face up to the corollary: either tighter world
government or less democracy.
During the first four decades following the close of the Second World War, international
policy makers had kept their ambitions in check. They pursued a limited form of
internationalization of their economies, leaving lots of room for national economic management.
Successive rounds of multilateral trade negotiations made great strides, but focused only on the
most egregious of the barriers at the border and excluded large chunks of the economy
1 I am grateful to Michael Weinstein for very helpful suggestions.
2
(agriculture, services, “sensitive” manufactures such as garments). In capital markets,
restrictions on currency transactions and financial flows remained the norm rather than the
exception. This Bretton Woods/GATT regime was successful because its architects subjugated
international economic integration to the needs and demands of national economic management
and of democratic politics.
This strategy changed drastically during the last two decades. Global policy is now
driven by an aggressive agenda of “deep” integration—elimination of all barriers to trade and
capital flows wherever those barriers may be found. The results have been problematic--in terms
of both economic performance (relative to the earlier post-war decades) and political legitimacy.
The simple reason is that “deep” economic integration is unattainable in a context where nation
states and democratic politics still exert considerable force.
The title of this essay conveys therefore two ideas. First, there are inherent limitations to
how far we can push global economic integration. It is neither feasible nor desirable to
maximize what Keynes called “economic entanglements betw ...
The document discusses the history and theorizations of political economies of welfare or social policy frameworks. It covers the post-war welfare consensus, the shift to Thatcherism in the 1980s emphasizing individualism and markets, and Blair's "Third Way" approach of the 1990s focusing on social investment and human capital. The document also examines how ideas and paradigms shape policy changes and differences between frameworks like the Keynesian welfare national state and post-national Schumpeterian workfare regime.
This document provides an overview of different political and economic systems around the world. It discusses key dimensions like collectivism vs individualism and democracy vs totalitarianism. It also describes different types of economies like market, command and mixed. Additionally, it outlines major legal systems including civil law, common law, religious law and customary law. Finally, it discusses important political risks and reasons for government intervention in trade and investment.
A brief comparative approach of Lobbying - Lobbying a democratic play or a political deviancy?
A first definition / The cultural dimension / A need for a regulation to avoid any trouble for the democracy.
This chapter discusses the political and legal environments facing international business. It begins with an opening case on China's evolving business environment. The chapter then covers the main political systems like democracy and totalitarianism, trends in political risk, and approaches to managing political risk. Next, it examines major legal systems like common law and civil law, and how they differ. It also profiles legal issues that affect international business operations and strategies. The chapter concludes by discussing intellectual property rights and the challenges of software piracy globally.
Political and economic institutions are the organizations that help govern society. Political institutions create and enforce laws through bodies like governments, parties, and heads of state. There are different types of political systems including democracy, republics, monarchies, and dictatorships. Economic institutions can be specific agencies that study the economy or established structures like property rights and free markets. Both political and economic institutions aim to maintain stability and order in society through rules and processes.
The results of the first decade of economic transition are very uneven and are distributed according to a sub-regional pattern. The group of "leading reformers" consists of middle-income countries of democratic capitalism of the Central Europe and Baltic region (CEB). The second group of less advanced reformers includes mainly lower- and lower-middle-income countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) where both capitalism and democracy are still immature and sometimes heavily distorted.
This differentiation can be explained mainly by the adopted transition strategies and political factors determining them. Also the perspective of the European integration has played an important leveraging role. Fast reforms allowed for shortening the period of a temporary system vacuum, breaking down the inertia of the old system, and exploiting maximally the initial political window of opportunity.
The ability of individual countries to follow the effective (i.e. fast) reform strategy was determined by the scale of the initial political changes and further developments in the sphere of institutional and political reform. Generally, a very strong correlation between the progress in political and economic reforms could be observed.
Looking at the role of specific institutional solutions one must underline the advantage of the parliamentary or parliamentary-presidential regime over the presidential or presidential-parliamentary system. The former helped to build the transparent and relatively stable system of the political parties while the latter contributed to political fragmentation, irresponsible legislature and oligarchic capitalism.
Authored by: Marek Dabrowski, Radzislawa Gortat
Published in 2002
The 20th anniversary of the beginning of economic reforms in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union provides a good opportunity to comment on the lessons of transition says Andrei Shleifer, a Professor of Economics at Harvard University. He made a top seven list, which might be useful to future reformers. Some of the issues are relevant not only for communist countries; the problems of heavily statist economies are similar.
Authored by: Andrei Shleifer
Published in 2012
Strengths and Weaknesses of the Russian Economy.pdfYashrajTiwari4
russian military strengths and weaknesses
russia economic weaknesses
russias strengths and weaknesses
what are russias weaknesses
russia strengths and weaknesses ww1
what are russias strengths
swot analysis of russia
what is russias biggest weakness.
russia's strengths and weaknesses
what are russia's weaknesses
russia strengths and weaknesses ww1
what are russia's strengths
swot analysis of russia
This document discusses the relationship between culture/religion and democracy. It examines how Confucianism, Islam, and geopolitics have hampered democratic progress in some countries and regions. Confucian values like authority, order, and group interests can conflict with democratic ideals of individual rights and dissent. Similarly, some interpretations of Islam reject distinctions between religious and political rule, making democracy difficult. Geopolitical factors like the Arab-Israeli conflict have also been used to divert populations away from democratic reforms. However, the document also notes some counterarguments, like surveys finding many Muslims support democracy, and examples of democratic countries with ethnic or religious divisions.
Definition of development & Underdevelopment
Theories of Development
a) Modernization theory
b) Dependency theory
c) Participation theory
d) Marxist thought of Development
Conclusion
References
This paper evaluates achievements and shortcomings of the Lisbon Strategy launched by the European Union in the spring of 2000 aiming to increase the competitiveness of the European economy within ten years. A careful examination of the Strategy’s pros and cons shows that its general rationale was sound and helpful despite an incorrect and naive political call to economically outperform the rest of the world in such period. The main priorities of the Strategy: promoting growth through creating more and better jobs and developing the knowledge base of the economy, remain valid for today and for the future. However, it has to be underlined that implementing desired changes requires time. At the moment, it is crucial to accomplish structural reforms, which have significant impact on job creation, business performance and growth. Among them, it is essential to complete the Single Market, still limited by many administrative barriers.
The paper shows main areas of necessary improvements to be undertaken by the Community and the member states. To strengthen real ownership of the Lisbon process, politicians must change their thinking from short-term and national to long-term and beneficial for the entire Community. Only such committed leadership can persuade the citizens to support the reforms, aiming to build a common European public good. Exploring these ideas would be a desirable return to the basic concept of the European Community, shaped by its founding fathers short after the World War II.
Authored by: Barbara Blaszczyk
Published in 2005
Political Feasibility for Policy Adoption: A case study of Crackdown on Smoki...Smriti Sharma
This document summarizes several frameworks for analyzing public policy, including interest group theory, institutional rational choice, path dependence, advocacy coalition framework, social construction framework, multiple streams framework, and punctuated equilibrium. It outlines key elements of each framework and implications for policy analysis. For example, it states that interest group theory posits that concentrated interests are advantaged over diffuse interests, and organized interests over unorganized interests. This implies the need to mobilize or create organizations to represent diffuse stakeholders.
This document provides a comparative analysis of the rule of law and its impact on economic development in Poland and Germany. It finds that while both countries have strong rule of law frameworks de jure, there are significant differences de facto, with Polish firms showing less trust in the state and courts compared to German firms. Empirical analysis suggests higher levels of investment and economic development in Germany can be partially attributed to firms' greater recognition of the rule of law's ability to reduce transaction costs. Erosion of the rule of law in Poland since 2015 has likely negatively impacted investment and capital accumulation compared to Germany.
What does it mean to be a lobbyist? What does it mean to work in public affairs? This internal dialogue and our collaboration with the members of the Public Affairs Work Group form the basis of a report which we quote and elaborate below.
Economic development and political democracyHarsh Gupta
The document discusses the interaction between economic development and political democracy in India over the past 50 years, dividing it into three phases. The first phase from 1947-1966 saw development strategy shaped by political consensus and long-term planning. The second phase from 1967-1990 saw economic policies influenced by pressures of democracy with long-term consequences. The third phase from 1991-1997 was characterized by an absence of consensus and short-termism as liberalization policies and empowerment politics moved in opposing directions. It also examines the relationship between markets and democracy, and how exclusion from markets can exacerbate other forms of social, political, and cultural exclusion.
The document criticizes a report by Transparency International Sweden on political corruption. It alleges that TIS and its researchers have failed to properly study Swedish political culture and practices, relying too heavily on global surveys. It argues their methodology is flawed and the report's conclusions are unreliable and contradicted by important studies they failed to consider. The document suggests political corruption is systemic in Sweden, especially regarding how civil servants implement policy regardless of laws. It aims to illustrate how TIS report is an example of this type of "vertical political corruption" in Sweden.
This document discusses the need for reforms to create a more social and democratic European Union. It argues that the current EU integration process overly favors market liberalization at the expense of social regulation and democracy. The institutional architecture of the EU multi-level system creates an imbalance that undermines fundamental social rights and weakens member states' social models. The document proposes using the concept of social democracy as a blueprint for reform. Specifically, it identifies three key policy areas for reform: establishing an "open" EU constitution, setting social minimum standards, and strengthening the fiscal capacities of member states.
Rodrik_Feasible_Globalizations
FEASIBLE GLOBALIZATIONS
Dani Rodrik1
Harvard University
July 2002
Introduction
We want economic integration to help boost living standards. We want democratic
politics so that public policy decisions are made by those that are directly affected by them (or
their representatives). And we want self-determination, which comes with the nation-state. This
paper argues that we cannot have all three things simultaneously. The political trilemma of the
global economy is that the nation-state system, democratic politics, and full economic
integration are mutually incompatible. We can have at most two out of the three. It follows that
the direction in which we seem to be headed—global markets without global governance—is
unsustainable.
The alternative is a renewed “Bretton-Woods compromise:” preserving some limits on
integration, as built into the original Bretton Woods arrangements, along with some more global
rules to handle the integration that can be achieved. Those who would make a different choice—
toward tighter economic integration—must face up to the corollary: either tighter world
government or less democracy.
During the first four decades following the close of the Second World War, international
policy makers had kept their ambitions in check. They pursued a limited form of
internationalization of their economies, leaving lots of room for national economic management.
Successive rounds of multilateral trade negotiations made great strides, but focused only on the
most egregious of the barriers at the border and excluded large chunks of the economy
1 I am grateful to Michael Weinstein for very helpful suggestions.
2
(agriculture, services, “sensitive” manufactures such as garments). In capital markets,
restrictions on currency transactions and financial flows remained the norm rather than the
exception. This Bretton Woods/GATT regime was successful because its architects subjugated
international economic integration to the needs and demands of national economic management
and of democratic politics.
This strategy changed drastically during the last two decades. Global policy is now
driven by an aggressive agenda of “deep” integration—elimination of all barriers to trade and
capital flows wherever those barriers may be found. The results have been problematic--in terms
of both economic performance (relative to the earlier post-war decades) and political legitimacy.
The simple reason is that “deep” economic integration is unattainable in a context where nation
states and democratic politics still exert considerable force.
The title of this essay conveys therefore two ideas. First, there are inherent limitations to
how far we can push global economic integration. It is neither feasible nor desirable to
maximize what Keynes called “economic entanglements betw ...
The document discusses the history and theorizations of political economies of welfare or social policy frameworks. It covers the post-war welfare consensus, the shift to Thatcherism in the 1980s emphasizing individualism and markets, and Blair's "Third Way" approach of the 1990s focusing on social investment and human capital. The document also examines how ideas and paradigms shape policy changes and differences between frameworks like the Keynesian welfare national state and post-national Schumpeterian workfare regime.
This document provides an overview of different political and economic systems around the world. It discusses key dimensions like collectivism vs individualism and democracy vs totalitarianism. It also describes different types of economies like market, command and mixed. Additionally, it outlines major legal systems including civil law, common law, religious law and customary law. Finally, it discusses important political risks and reasons for government intervention in trade and investment.
A brief comparative approach of Lobbying - Lobbying a democratic play or a political deviancy?
A first definition / The cultural dimension / A need for a regulation to avoid any trouble for the democracy.
This chapter discusses the political and legal environments facing international business. It begins with an opening case on China's evolving business environment. The chapter then covers the main political systems like democracy and totalitarianism, trends in political risk, and approaches to managing political risk. Next, it examines major legal systems like common law and civil law, and how they differ. It also profiles legal issues that affect international business operations and strategies. The chapter concludes by discussing intellectual property rights and the challenges of software piracy globally.
Political and economic institutions are the organizations that help govern society. Political institutions create and enforce laws through bodies like governments, parties, and heads of state. There are different types of political systems including democracy, republics, monarchies, and dictatorships. Economic institutions can be specific agencies that study the economy or established structures like property rights and free markets. Both political and economic institutions aim to maintain stability and order in society through rules and processes.
The results of the first decade of economic transition are very uneven and are distributed according to a sub-regional pattern. The group of "leading reformers" consists of middle-income countries of democratic capitalism of the Central Europe and Baltic region (CEB). The second group of less advanced reformers includes mainly lower- and lower-middle-income countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) where both capitalism and democracy are still immature and sometimes heavily distorted.
This differentiation can be explained mainly by the adopted transition strategies and political factors determining them. Also the perspective of the European integration has played an important leveraging role. Fast reforms allowed for shortening the period of a temporary system vacuum, breaking down the inertia of the old system, and exploiting maximally the initial political window of opportunity.
The ability of individual countries to follow the effective (i.e. fast) reform strategy was determined by the scale of the initial political changes and further developments in the sphere of institutional and political reform. Generally, a very strong correlation between the progress in political and economic reforms could be observed.
Looking at the role of specific institutional solutions one must underline the advantage of the parliamentary or parliamentary-presidential regime over the presidential or presidential-parliamentary system. The former helped to build the transparent and relatively stable system of the political parties while the latter contributed to political fragmentation, irresponsible legislature and oligarchic capitalism.
Authored by: Marek Dabrowski, Radzislawa Gortat
Published in 2002
The 20th anniversary of the beginning of economic reforms in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union provides a good opportunity to comment on the lessons of transition says Andrei Shleifer, a Professor of Economics at Harvard University. He made a top seven list, which might be useful to future reformers. Some of the issues are relevant not only for communist countries; the problems of heavily statist economies are similar.
Authored by: Andrei Shleifer
Published in 2012
Strengths and Weaknesses of the Russian Economy.pdfYashrajTiwari4
russian military strengths and weaknesses
russia economic weaknesses
russias strengths and weaknesses
what are russias weaknesses
russia strengths and weaknesses ww1
what are russias strengths
swot analysis of russia
what is russias biggest weakness.
russia's strengths and weaknesses
what are russia's weaknesses
russia strengths and weaknesses ww1
what are russia's strengths
swot analysis of russia
This document discusses the relationship between culture/religion and democracy. It examines how Confucianism, Islam, and geopolitics have hampered democratic progress in some countries and regions. Confucian values like authority, order, and group interests can conflict with democratic ideals of individual rights and dissent. Similarly, some interpretations of Islam reject distinctions between religious and political rule, making democracy difficult. Geopolitical factors like the Arab-Israeli conflict have also been used to divert populations away from democratic reforms. However, the document also notes some counterarguments, like surveys finding many Muslims support democracy, and examples of democratic countries with ethnic or religious divisions.
Definition of development & Underdevelopment
Theories of Development
a) Modernization theory
b) Dependency theory
c) Participation theory
d) Marxist thought of Development
Conclusion
References
This paper evaluates achievements and shortcomings of the Lisbon Strategy launched by the European Union in the spring of 2000 aiming to increase the competitiveness of the European economy within ten years. A careful examination of the Strategy’s pros and cons shows that its general rationale was sound and helpful despite an incorrect and naive political call to economically outperform the rest of the world in such period. The main priorities of the Strategy: promoting growth through creating more and better jobs and developing the knowledge base of the economy, remain valid for today and for the future. However, it has to be underlined that implementing desired changes requires time. At the moment, it is crucial to accomplish structural reforms, which have significant impact on job creation, business performance and growth. Among them, it is essential to complete the Single Market, still limited by many administrative barriers.
The paper shows main areas of necessary improvements to be undertaken by the Community and the member states. To strengthen real ownership of the Lisbon process, politicians must change their thinking from short-term and national to long-term and beneficial for the entire Community. Only such committed leadership can persuade the citizens to support the reforms, aiming to build a common European public good. Exploring these ideas would be a desirable return to the basic concept of the European Community, shaped by its founding fathers short after the World War II.
Authored by: Barbara Blaszczyk
Published in 2005
Political Feasibility for Policy Adoption: A case study of Crackdown on Smoki...Smriti Sharma
This document summarizes several frameworks for analyzing public policy, including interest group theory, institutional rational choice, path dependence, advocacy coalition framework, social construction framework, multiple streams framework, and punctuated equilibrium. It outlines key elements of each framework and implications for policy analysis. For example, it states that interest group theory posits that concentrated interests are advantaged over diffuse interests, and organized interests over unorganized interests. This implies the need to mobilize or create organizations to represent diffuse stakeholders.
This document provides a comparative analysis of the rule of law and its impact on economic development in Poland and Germany. It finds that while both countries have strong rule of law frameworks de jure, there are significant differences de facto, with Polish firms showing less trust in the state and courts compared to German firms. Empirical analysis suggests higher levels of investment and economic development in Germany can be partially attributed to firms' greater recognition of the rule of law's ability to reduce transaction costs. Erosion of the rule of law in Poland since 2015 has likely negatively impacted investment and capital accumulation compared to Germany.
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1. On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism
Center for Marxist Social Studies
ABF-huset, Stockholm
October 20th 2013
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
1 / 27
2. Goals of the talk and text
Figure : The Impossibilities of Reformism, samizdat, 2011.
Explaining rise and fall of reformism: ‘Opportunism’ and
‘leadership betrayal’ are not adequate nor fruitful.
Present a framework to grasp the limitations of reformist socialism
based on past research and debates.
Enable a structured discussion on strategy across the socialist Left.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
2 / 27
3. Reformism as a strategic path
Common goal amongst socialists:
A society that does not reproduce social inequalities but rather
enables the free development of individualities.
Requires a transformation of the political economy ⇒ popular
control of the productive assets.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
3 / 27
4. Reformism as a strategic path
Common goal amongst socialists:
A society that does not reproduce social inequalities but rather
enables the free development of individualities.
Requires a transformation of the political economy ⇒ popular
control of the productive assets.
Reformist socialism as a strategic path to reach the goal:
Centered on winning national-parliamentary elections to gradually
implement a series of reforms which transform the structure of the
political economy.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
3 / 27
5. Reformism as a strategic path
Figure : The bearers of reformist socialism? SAP 1925 och PT 2005.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
4 / 27
6. Social-democratic conception of history
Three phases of the conceived strategy in SAP:
political democracy → social democracy → economic democracy
Figure : Bearers of reformist socialism in Sweden.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
5 / 27
7. Social-democratic conception of history
Three phases of the conceived strategy in SAP:
political democracy → social democracy → economic democracy
Understood as a cumulative process in Sweden from 1890s to 1970s...
...until a series of events derailed the movement:
OPEC oil price hike
Counter-offensive by business community
Internal traitors: Kjell-Olof Feldt, et al.
External saboteurs: Prime PR, et al.
...
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
6 / 27
8. Social-democratic conception of history
In sum:
1
The collapse of reformist socialism as a project is conceived as the
outcome of contingent factors and/or leadership betrayals.
2
Consequently, dilemmas or structural problems inherent to the
reformist strategy cannot be examined and exploration of viable
alternative paths to the socialist goal is precluded.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
7 / 27
9. Social-democratic conception of history
Hidden assumptions in this conception:
Parliamentary hypothesis: Societal development is primarily
determined by the character of the national-parliamentary
government. The state is a neutral instrument in the hands of
national representatives.
Stability hypothesis: Economic conditions are in the main stable
and external factors set the economy into crisis.
Distribution hypothesis: Conflicts between the working class and
bourgeoisie are primarily a struggle over distribution, not a
structural feature of the production process.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
8 / 27
10. The limits of reformist socialism
Strategic limitations: Inherent limitations which tend to undermine
the strategy.
Structural obstacles: Obstacles inherent in the mode of operation of
capitalist economies that confront the strategy.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
9 / 27
11. The limits of reformist socialism
Strategic limitation #1: The ideological effects of parliamentary
institutions
Formal separation between political and economic order.
Individuals within unequal class relations are represented as
formally equal citizens.
Parliamentary institutions appear as the embodiment of abstract
general public: fictional unity which expresses the self-governance
of the people despite their separation and nonparticipation.
Parliamentary elections in and of themselves tend to ideologically
affirm a liberal conception of society. Counter-tendency possible
only through class-polarizing and conflict-based mobilization.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
10 / 27
12. The limits of reformist socialism
Strategic limitation #2: The demobilizing effects of parliamentary
strategies
The MP:s of the movement are transformed into representatives in
an institution that is based on nonparticipation of membership.
Within parliamentary-oriented movements the activity of the
representatives tends to displace the activity of the movement.
In order to garner votes beyond the movement, the potential MP:s
need to be responsive to nonmember voters, rather than the
movement. Incentives subordinate the movement to the party
leadership.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
11 / 27
13. The limits of reformist socialism
Strategic limitation #3: Formation of a parliamentary bureaucracy
The political profession secures economic privileges and the
parliamentary system tends to select people based on status and
formal education.
The professional politicians of the party tend to be dominated by
people who systematically distort the goals of the labour
movement.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
12 / 27
14. The limits of reformist socialism
Strategic limitation #4: The limits of the nation state
Focus on the national parliament affirms the nation ideologically
as the natural political unit. But capital accumulation proceeds
beyond these boundaries.
Lacking a coordinated political strategy the reformist parties
cripple when the possibilities of ‘reformism in one country’ vanish.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
13 / 27
15. The limits of reformist socialism
Strategic limitations
1
The ideological effects of parliamentary institutions
2
The demobilizing effects of parliamentary strategies
3
Formation of a parliamentary bureaucracy
4
The limits of the nation state
⇒ Demobilization of the labour movement
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
14 / 27
16. The limits of reformist socialism
Structural obstacle #1: The dependency on the capitalist sector
The state provides the capitalist sector a legal system etc., but is
in turn dependent on tax revenues from the sector.
State managers must ensure that economic activity is maintained.
This is largely determined by the level of investments within the
sector.
Potential investment strikes and capital flight constitute a
structural mechanism which disciplines states to pursue policies
which do not harm the business confidence.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
15 / 27
17. The limits of reformist socialism
Structural obstacle #1: The dependency on the capitalist sector
The state provides the capitalist sector a legal system etc., but is
in turn dependent on tax revenues from the sector.
State managers must ensure that economic activity is maintained.
This is largely determined by the level of investments within the
sector.
Potential investment strikes and capital flight constitute a
structural mechanism which disciplines states to pursue policies
which do not harm the business confidence.
Contra the parliamentary hypothesis
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
15 / 27
18. The limits of reformist socialism
Structural obstacle #2: Economic consequences of high rate of
investment
Average rate of return on invested capital stock is determined by the
balance of three factors
⇑ Growth rate of total labour-time
⇑ Growth rate of productivity
⇓ Investment level
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
16 / 27
19. The limits of reformist socialism
Structural obstacle #2: Economic consequences of high rate of
investment
Average rate of return on invested capital stock is determined by the
balance of three factors
⇑ Growth rate of total labour-time
⇑ Growth rate of productivity
⇓ Investment level
The reformist strategy strives for high levels of investment, but if this
balance is not favourable the result is a crisis of profitability.
Contra the stability hypothesis
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
16 / 27
20. The limits of reformist socialism
Structural obstacle #3: Political consequences of high rate of
investment
Class configuration which enables high investment levels and full
employment unravels due to shifting balance of forces.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
17 / 27
21. The limits of reformist socialism
Structural obstacle #3: Political consequences of high rate of
investment
Class configuration which enables high investment levels and full
employment unravels due to shifting balance of forces.
Indeed, under a regime of permanent full employment, the
‘sack’ would cease to play its role as a disciplinary measure.
The social position of the boss would be undermined, and the
self-assurance and class-consciousness of the working class
would grow. Strikes for wage increases and improvements in
conditions of work would create political tension.
(M. Kalecki, 1943)
Contra the distribution hypothesis
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
17 / 27
22. The limits of reformist socialism
Structural obstacle #4: Ecological limits to economic expansion
rate
High investment level is required for a transition to resource- and
labour-saving technologies.
In capitalism, high investment levels result in growth of output per
capita, but in general lacking counterbalancing reduction of finite
resource extraction.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
18 / 27
23. The limits of reformist socialism
Structural obstacle #4: Ecological limits to economic expansion
rate
High investment level is required for a transition to resource- and
labour-saving technologies.
In capitalism, high investment levels result in growth of output per
capita, but in general lacking counterbalancing reduction of finite
resource extraction.
High investment levels for advancing reformism or sustainable
development?
Dilemma inherent to strategy
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
18 / 27
24. The limits of reformist socialism
Strategic limitations
1
The ideological effects of parliamentary institutions
2
The demobilising effects of parliamentary strategies
3
Formation of a parliamentary bureaucracy
4
The limits of the nation state
⇒ Demobilization of the labour movement
Structural obstacles
1
Dependency on the capitalist sector
2
Economic consequences of high investment rate
3
Political consequences of high investment rate
4
Ecological limits to economic expansion
⇒ Dependency on capitalists’ investments
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
19 / 27
25. The rise of reformism in historical context
1
The preconditions for the parliamentary strength of Social
Democracy were given by the structure of the political economy.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
20 / 27
26. The rise of reformism in historical context
1
The preconditions for the parliamentary strength of Social
Democracy were given by the structure of the political economy.
2
Despite exceptional parliamentary strength of Social Democracy in
Norway and Sweden, comparable quantitative development of
welfare-state policies and employment in several other advanced
economies.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
20 / 27
27. The rise of reformism in historical context
1
The preconditions for the parliamentary strength of Social
Democracy were given by the structure of the political economy.
2
Despite exceptional parliamentary strength of Social Democracy in
Norway and Sweden, comparable quantitative development of
welfare-state policies and employment in several other advanced
economies.
3
SAP 1920-2012 shifted between administrative versus reformist
periods depending on the politico-economic conjuncture.
4
Establishment of welfare states and full employment policies only
after Second World War.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
20 / 27
28. The rise of reformism in historical context
1
The preconditions for the parliamentary strength of Social
Democracy were given by the structure of the political economy.
2
Despite exceptional parliamentary strength of Social Democracy in
Norway and Sweden, comparable quantitative development of
welfare-state policies and employment in several other advanced
economies.
3
SAP 1920-2012 shifted between administrative versus reformist
periods depending on the politico-economic conjuncture.
4
Establishment of welfare states and full employment policies only
after Second World War.
5
Destruction of the Great Depression and the outcome of WWII
altered the balance of forces between state apparatuses, workers,
capitalists, and peasants in Europe, and enabled therefore the
breakthrough of the reformist project.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
20 / 27
29. The rise of reformism 1945-1975
Industrial capital
Workers
Finance capital
Figure : Balance of forces circa 1890.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
21 / 27
30. The rise of reformism 1945-1975
Industrial capital
Workers
Finance capital
Figure : Balance of forces circa 1950.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
21 / 27
31. The rise of reformism 1945-1975
Industrial capital
Workers
Finance capital
Figure : Balance of forces circa 1950.
New balance of forces with high levels of investment:
High rates of capita growth
Full employment
Implementation of welfare-state policies
Rising real wages
Initially proceeding without the collapse of business confidence.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
21 / 27
32. The rise of reformism 1945-1975
SWE
Profitkvot (% per år)
20
15
10
5
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
Figure : Decline in average profitability...
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
22 / 27
33. The rise of reformism 1945-1975
SWE
Profitkvot (% per år)
20
15
10
5
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
Figure : ... as a consequence of high level of investment
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
22 / 27
34. The rise of reformism 1945-1975
High investment level ⇒ full employment
90
ArbetsInställelser per miljon anställda
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
Figure : Sweden is a part of an international wave of labour militancy
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
23 / 27
35. The decline of reformism 1983-1990
1
⇒ Crisis of profitability and confidence for owners of capital.
2
No coherent strategy to address the declining scope of reformist
policies that follow from the dependency on investments in the
capitalist sector.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
24 / 27
36. The decline of reformism 1983-1990
1
⇒ Crisis of profitability and confidence for owners of capital.
2
No coherent strategy to address the declining scope of reformist
policies that follow from the dependency on investments in the
capitalist sector.
3
Two most ambitious attempts: LO:s wage-earner fund proposal
(1976) and the reform offensive by the French Socialist party
(1981) fail due to the demobilizing effects of the strategy.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
24 / 27
37. The decline of reformism 1983-1990
1
⇒ Crisis of profitability and confidence for owners of capital.
2
No coherent strategy to address the declining scope of reformist
policies that follow from the dependency on investments in the
capitalist sector.
3
Two most ambitious attempts: LO:s wage-earner fund proposal
(1976) and the reform offensive by the French Socialist party
(1981) fail due to the demobilizing effects of the strategy.
Organized representatives of financial capital take the lead:
4
Low inflation and high real interest rates are prioritized
Capital mobility and labour reserves in the East are opened up
Privatization and cuts in tax-financed services
...
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
24 / 27
38. The decline of reformism 1983-1990
Industrial capital
Workers
Finance capital
Figure : Balance of forces circa 1990.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
25 / 27
39. The decline of reformism 1983-1990
Industrial capital
Workers
Finance capital
Figure : Balance of forces circa 1990.
Social-democratic parties carry on with same objectives: win
national-parliamentary elections, but now in the context of
Internationally weakened labour movement
Declining scope of reformist policies
Abandonment of any alternative political economy
What remains is therefore their role as state managers and an
orientation towards profit-led capitalist recovery.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
25 / 27
40. The return of reformist socialism?
Historical changes that weaken the strategy:
The decreasing autonomy of individual nation states
The trend towards smaller workplace units
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
26 / 27
41. The return of reformist socialism?
Historical changes that weaken the strategy:
The decreasing autonomy of individual nation states
The trend towards smaller workplace units
Rising structural obstacles:
1
Return to high levels of investments lacking a balancing
technological pattern will reproduce crisis tendency.
2
Welfare policies become increasingly contested due to the
labour-intensive character of services and growing social needs.
3
Exponential growth required for reformist policies increasingly
incompatible with sustainable development.
⇑ Dependency on the capitalist sector
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
26 / 27
42. Conclusions
1
The strategic limitations and structural obstacles of reformist
socialism:
Demobilization of the labour movement
Dependency on investments in capitalist sector
2
The crisis of European Social Democracy as a long-term result of
clinging to the objective of winning parliamentary elections while
lacking a set of strategies to circumvent the obstacles on the
parliamentary road.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
27 / 27
43. Conclusions
1
The strategic limitations and structural obstacles of reformist
socialism:
Demobilization of the labour movement
Dependency on investments in capitalist sector
2
3
4
The crisis of European Social Democracy as a long-term result of
clinging to the objective of winning parliamentary elections while
lacking a set of strategies to circumvent the obstacles on the
parliamentary road.
Each parliamentary advance must be used to strengthen and
expand the extra-parliamentary strength of the labour movement.
The question of control of investments and the structure of the
political economy must therefore become the central issue in
practical politics.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
27 / 27
44. Conclusions
1
The strategic limitations and structural obstacles of reformist
socialism:
Demobilization of the labour movement
Dependency on investments in capitalist sector
2
3
4
The crisis of European Social Democracy as a long-term result of
clinging to the objective of winning parliamentary elections while
lacking a set of strategies to circumvent the obstacles on the
parliamentary road.
Each parliamentary advance must be used to strengthen and
expand the extra-parliamentary strength of the labour movement.
The question of control of investments and the structure of the
political economy must therefore become the central issue in
practical politics.
If the primary goal is to be a ‘party of government’ then all that
remains is the role as state managers and, out of necessity, as
guardians of a class-divided society.
CMS Stockholm (ABF)
On the Limitations of Reformist Socialism 20th 2013
October
27 / 27