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PARTNERS
POWER2YOUTH
A Comprehensive Approach to the Understanding of the Dynamics of Youth
Exclusion/Inclusion and the Prospects for Youth-led Change in the South and East
Mediterranean
Youth: biological or life stage/transition
socially-constructed category
Exclusion/Inclusion: process (of
exclusion/deprivation/disadvantage)
produced by unequal power relations
(people, institutions, practices)
Inter-sectional approach
Macro- Meso – Micro level process
Exclusion experienced subjectively as well as objectively
Structure and agency: Youth as agents of change (not just objects of
change)
Macro-level analysis
Government actions and policies
• How are youth and the youth problem
represented in public discourse at the
local level, national and international
levels?
• How does public action both in terms of
political discourse and concrete
government policies influence youth
exclusion/inclusion?
Meso-level Analysis
• How do youth relevant organisations
perceive, frame and elaborate the status of
being young and the ‘youth problem’?
• What factors favour or constrain youth
participation in organisations, formal and
informal, traditional or innovative?
• What is the transformative role of youth
organised collective agency?
Micro-level analysis
• How do young men and women perceive
the status of being young and the ‘youth
problem’?
• What individual and household factors
influence processes of youth
exclusion/inclusion?
• What is the transformative role of youth
individual agency?
Methodology
• Six countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco,
Lebanon, Palestine, Turkey
• Four domains of public action: employment,
family, migration, spatial planning
• Mixed methods: policy analysis, quantitative
(questionnaire-based survey), qualitative
(interviews, focus groups)
• Gender-sensitive approach throughout.
WP 7: Policy Recommendations
• Review ALL project findings
• Map onto existing EU approaches to youth
and youth policy
• Review against research literature on youth
and youth policy
• Offer framework analysis for future youth and
youth-relevant policy
• Focus groups (Palestine, Tunisia, Lebanon) as
checking mechanism.
• NOT to make specific individual policy
proposals.
Finding 1: Narratives behind national youth
policies don’t map onto everyday lives
National and EU policies position ‘youth’ as:
• Youth as ‘hope of the nation’
• Youth as ‘threat to the nation’
• Youth in common ‘transition deficit’ – the need for capacity-
building (PDA)
Reality for young people
• ‘Hope’ and ‘Threat’ have become the legitimising discourse
for political control by un-democratic regimes
• Not a lack of capacity so much as poor opportunity structures
• Everyday life is diverse and complex and youth are not
homogeneous. What works for one, won’t work for another.
Finding 2: Young people endure
multiple-marginalisations
• Unemployment, under-employment, precarious
labour and the informal labour market.
• Urban/rural
• Intra-urban (new wealth/declining M/C/
banlieue) Class
• Wasta (personalised connections)
• Gender
• Ethnicity, sect, religion
• Access/non-access to the State
Finding 3: Existential insecurity,
precarity and the fear of falling
• Physical/personal insecurity (violence from
state, society, and family)
• Economic (Epicentre of precarity/informal
economy overlap)
• Political/conflict
• Social (generational change,
discourse/reality disjuncture)
Vertigo
Nothing around me is secure, but nothing ever
changes. The system is fixed (by corruption,
wasta, the older generation, national political
elites, the ‘West’, globalisation), I can’t do
anything to change it, but it is leaving me
without a future. I have to upskill myself to try
and access something from it, but at the same
time I know I am shut out from it. The future
holds nothing for me but what I make for myself
and I can only do that with the things/people
closest to me.
“We think about our futures all the time. We
cannot waste time by having fun. For everything
we do there is an opportunity cost”
“Whenever we make decisions, we tend to go for
safety – whether it is about money, education,
walking the streets”
“There is no hope here, nothing changes”
“There is not any point in planning for a mortgage
or making any long term plans because you never
know what’s coming”
“We need to change the system and the culture
because we are doing everything to make ourselves
better, but inefficiencies and corruption don’t
change”
“I would like to have a job and be independent but
the truth is my family will pressure me to get
married and have children. Then I will pressure my
children and everything will begin all over again”
Finding 4: What works?
• Young people themselves: adaptive
resilience
• The local over the national, small rather
than big
• Different things in different places
• (Young Arab Voices in Tunisia, Lebanon and
Libya)
What does this mean for (EU) policy
• Do no harm!
Don’t support ALMPs/policy interventions which endorse
corrupt practices or exclusionary regime practices?
Don’t institute policy interventions which reproduce narratives
which ‘blame’ young people/ imply the deficit lies in them?
Don’t let policy interventions in other areas (eg: counter-
radicalisation) reduce meaningful opportunities for young
people such as travel/exchanges?
Don’t let policy interventions reproduce exclusions such as the
urban/rural divide, language divides, gender divides?
Don’t assume political stability is necessarily good for young
people.
Policy areas which can make a
positive difference for young people
• Creating fair and enabling environments
• strong monitoring and evaluation/conditionality of funded projects, programmes and
interventions
• Fair and equal access to capacity-building programmes, reaching into rural areas, poorer
urban areas, and mono-lingual communities Young Arab Voices
• Assist mobility (local, national, international) so young people can have greater space in
which to draw upon their own capacities to build their own futures.
• Reducing existential insecurity
• Human and civil rights
• Secure public space
• Efficient, safe public transport
• Combatting sexual harassment and domestic violence
• Public housing
• Combatting drug-taking in society
Policy areas which can make a
positive difference for young people
Meaningful educational opportunities
• Vocational, exchange, digital, internship, educational reform.
Fair and accountable institutions
• Anti-corruption (combatting Wasta)
• Transparency and accountability (building confidence)
• Rule of law (rebuild trust in the state and its institutions
Working at the local/municipal level to give young people an investment in the public ‘world’
they know and trust (more)
• Trash collection
• Play areas/safe spaces/ leisure facilities (might be sport or not)
• Civic engagement
• Social capital building.
• ARLA
“radicalisation does not begin because the
transportation is not free: it begins if people cannot do
anything about it”
“the EU should stop funding programmes and projects
that further legitimise corrupt systems an should focus
on rebuilding trust in public institutions and public
transports”
Without wasta, it would not make it better, it would
make it fairer”
Thank you
Drew Mikhael

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PowerPoint Presentation 2016-2.pptx

  • 1.
  • 3. POWER2YOUTH A Comprehensive Approach to the Understanding of the Dynamics of Youth Exclusion/Inclusion and the Prospects for Youth-led Change in the South and East Mediterranean Youth: biological or life stage/transition socially-constructed category Exclusion/Inclusion: process (of exclusion/deprivation/disadvantage) produced by unequal power relations (people, institutions, practices) Inter-sectional approach Macro- Meso – Micro level process Exclusion experienced subjectively as well as objectively Structure and agency: Youth as agents of change (not just objects of change)
  • 4. Macro-level analysis Government actions and policies • How are youth and the youth problem represented in public discourse at the local level, national and international levels? • How does public action both in terms of political discourse and concrete government policies influence youth exclusion/inclusion?
  • 5. Meso-level Analysis • How do youth relevant organisations perceive, frame and elaborate the status of being young and the ‘youth problem’? • What factors favour or constrain youth participation in organisations, formal and informal, traditional or innovative? • What is the transformative role of youth organised collective agency?
  • 6. Micro-level analysis • How do young men and women perceive the status of being young and the ‘youth problem’? • What individual and household factors influence processes of youth exclusion/inclusion? • What is the transformative role of youth individual agency?
  • 7. Methodology • Six countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Lebanon, Palestine, Turkey • Four domains of public action: employment, family, migration, spatial planning • Mixed methods: policy analysis, quantitative (questionnaire-based survey), qualitative (interviews, focus groups) • Gender-sensitive approach throughout.
  • 8. WP 7: Policy Recommendations • Review ALL project findings • Map onto existing EU approaches to youth and youth policy • Review against research literature on youth and youth policy • Offer framework analysis for future youth and youth-relevant policy • Focus groups (Palestine, Tunisia, Lebanon) as checking mechanism. • NOT to make specific individual policy proposals.
  • 9. Finding 1: Narratives behind national youth policies don’t map onto everyday lives National and EU policies position ‘youth’ as: • Youth as ‘hope of the nation’ • Youth as ‘threat to the nation’ • Youth in common ‘transition deficit’ – the need for capacity- building (PDA) Reality for young people • ‘Hope’ and ‘Threat’ have become the legitimising discourse for political control by un-democratic regimes • Not a lack of capacity so much as poor opportunity structures • Everyday life is diverse and complex and youth are not homogeneous. What works for one, won’t work for another.
  • 10. Finding 2: Young people endure multiple-marginalisations • Unemployment, under-employment, precarious labour and the informal labour market. • Urban/rural • Intra-urban (new wealth/declining M/C/ banlieue) Class • Wasta (personalised connections) • Gender • Ethnicity, sect, religion • Access/non-access to the State
  • 11. Finding 3: Existential insecurity, precarity and the fear of falling • Physical/personal insecurity (violence from state, society, and family) • Economic (Epicentre of precarity/informal economy overlap) • Political/conflict • Social (generational change, discourse/reality disjuncture)
  • 12. Vertigo Nothing around me is secure, but nothing ever changes. The system is fixed (by corruption, wasta, the older generation, national political elites, the ‘West’, globalisation), I can’t do anything to change it, but it is leaving me without a future. I have to upskill myself to try and access something from it, but at the same time I know I am shut out from it. The future holds nothing for me but what I make for myself and I can only do that with the things/people closest to me.
  • 13. “We think about our futures all the time. We cannot waste time by having fun. For everything we do there is an opportunity cost” “Whenever we make decisions, we tend to go for safety – whether it is about money, education, walking the streets” “There is no hope here, nothing changes”
  • 14. “There is not any point in planning for a mortgage or making any long term plans because you never know what’s coming” “We need to change the system and the culture because we are doing everything to make ourselves better, but inefficiencies and corruption don’t change” “I would like to have a job and be independent but the truth is my family will pressure me to get married and have children. Then I will pressure my children and everything will begin all over again”
  • 15. Finding 4: What works? • Young people themselves: adaptive resilience • The local over the national, small rather than big • Different things in different places • (Young Arab Voices in Tunisia, Lebanon and Libya)
  • 16. What does this mean for (EU) policy • Do no harm! Don’t support ALMPs/policy interventions which endorse corrupt practices or exclusionary regime practices? Don’t institute policy interventions which reproduce narratives which ‘blame’ young people/ imply the deficit lies in them? Don’t let policy interventions in other areas (eg: counter- radicalisation) reduce meaningful opportunities for young people such as travel/exchanges? Don’t let policy interventions reproduce exclusions such as the urban/rural divide, language divides, gender divides? Don’t assume political stability is necessarily good for young people.
  • 17. Policy areas which can make a positive difference for young people • Creating fair and enabling environments • strong monitoring and evaluation/conditionality of funded projects, programmes and interventions • Fair and equal access to capacity-building programmes, reaching into rural areas, poorer urban areas, and mono-lingual communities Young Arab Voices • Assist mobility (local, national, international) so young people can have greater space in which to draw upon their own capacities to build their own futures. • Reducing existential insecurity • Human and civil rights • Secure public space • Efficient, safe public transport • Combatting sexual harassment and domestic violence • Public housing • Combatting drug-taking in society
  • 18. Policy areas which can make a positive difference for young people Meaningful educational opportunities • Vocational, exchange, digital, internship, educational reform. Fair and accountable institutions • Anti-corruption (combatting Wasta) • Transparency and accountability (building confidence) • Rule of law (rebuild trust in the state and its institutions Working at the local/municipal level to give young people an investment in the public ‘world’ they know and trust (more) • Trash collection • Play areas/safe spaces/ leisure facilities (might be sport or not) • Civic engagement • Social capital building. • ARLA
  • 19. “radicalisation does not begin because the transportation is not free: it begins if people cannot do anything about it” “the EU should stop funding programmes and projects that further legitimise corrupt systems an should focus on rebuilding trust in public institutions and public transports” Without wasta, it would not make it better, it would make it fairer”