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DOI 10.14746/ssp.2016.2.5
Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková,
Martina Topinková
Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic
Photojournalism in Central Europe:
on authenticity and ethics
Abstract: The development of the Internet and digital technology by the end of the
twentieth century has raised serious disputes about ethics, authenticity and photo
manipulation. These concerns are especially relevant in the field of photojournalism
in the news media, where credibility matters the most. In this paper we described
the current situation in relation to image authenticity and professional ethics in three
countries of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia. We asked re-
search questions regarding photo production, circumstances of photographing, image
content, technical improvements, manipulation, ethical standards and responsibility.
Our findings reveal a complexity of ethical issues related to working with visual news
material. During the fieldwork we conducted 65 in-depth interviews and surveys with
full-time and freelance photojournalists and photo editors working for printed and
online newspapers and opinion magazines in Central Europe.
Key words: photojournalism, authenticity, ethics, manipulation
Introduction
Ever since photography became an integral and inherent part of news
media, the dilemma whether photojournalists should or should not
intervene when witnessing certain situations has been hanging in the air.
Should photographers in some cases put down their cameras and start to
help? What would have happened if Kevin Carter1
had picked up a help-
less, undernourished girl and brought her to a feeding station, instead
of photographing her with a vulture in the background? Where are the
ethical limits of what can be captured on camera? And who should be in
charge of defining such ethical borderlines?
1
  Photo reporter Kevin Carter won the Pulitzer Prize in 1994 for his photograph
of an exhausted and malnourished Sudanese girl that was being followed by a vulture.
After winning the prize Carter was criticized in hundreds of letters for not helping the
girl to get to safety, instead of taking pictures of her (Ritchin, 2013, p. 22).
74	 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková	 ŚSP 2 ’16
The question of the detached, or not detached professional may be
followed by yet another serious issue. On the one hand, photographs have
usually been blindly accepted as evidence of something “that-has-been”
(Barthes, 1981, p. 76), with the photographer making “permanent the
truth” (Barthes, 1981, p. 110). On the other hand, the author – photogra-
pher – is the one who first mediates the visual information to the recipient.
The part of cropped reality he or she is going to show to the viewer me-
rely depends on his personality, point of view, and the decisive moment
of freezing time (Cartier-Bresson, 1952). Although objectivity has been
a much discussed issue, the photo reporter, as well as the journalist, can
hardly ever achieve it. Additionally, with the adoption of digital techno-
logy, many alterations and manipulations have become as effortless and
natural as pressing the shutter button.
This paper examines the authenticity of news photo production, the
ethical standards regarding its content, and the credibility of journalistic
photography in the age of easy digital manipulation. Last but not least,
we look at the ethical dilemmas photojournalists and photo editors face
when mediating events through their cameras, editing images and deci-
ding which part of reality should be presented to the public.
Theoretical framework
Lester (1991) identifies three primary ethical concerns in photojourna-
lism: the rights of victims of violence, privacy and its invasion, and fakery of
image content through staging or technical tools (Fahmy et al., 2014). Newton
(2009) proposes that photojournalistic ethics be divided into two categories.
First, process refers to the production of photographs and the way they are
used. Second, meaning deals with interpretation of the image and its textual
framing (Parry, 2010). Although the two usually overlap in everyday practi-
ce, for the purpose of our study we will focus on the first category. From this
viewpoint photojournalistic ethics might include several concerns, such as
actual photo production and the circumstances of photographing (Kim, Kel-
ly, 2010; Kobré, Brill, 2006; Langton, 2009; Patching, Hirst, 2013), image
content (Andén-Papadopoulos, 2008; Fahmy, Johnson, 2005; Parry, 2010),
and post-production and technical improvements/manipulation (Fahmy, Fo-
dick, Johnson, 2005; Láb, Lábová, 2009; Reaves 1991, 1995).
Actual photo production and the circumstances of photographing ra-
ise several ethical dilemmas, which photojournalists face when they try
ŚSP 2 ’16	Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics	 75
to create aesthetically outstanding and informationally rich photographs.
Langton (2009, p. 144) examines whether, and to what extent, the news
photographer should direct subjects to act or pose for the camera. Altho-
ugh, some practices would never be acceptable to many, they are accepta-
ble to some and under certain circumstances (Fahmy, Bock, Wanta, 2014,
p. 145). For instance, staging of soft news, magazine or feature photo-
graphs is more likely to be tolerated than a similar practice concerning
hard and sports news imagery (Langton, 2009, p. 144). Other scholars
examine why some news photographers in certain situations choose to
act as dispassionate observers/informants, or take the role of rescuer and
intervene in the action (Patchin, Hirst, 2014). Kim and Kelly (2010) test
readers by asking them to imagine themselves dealing with the photojour-
nalist’s decision to take a photograph of a person suffering severe trauma.
Their findings show that final decisions are very individual and involve
complex analysis of the situation. Based on the discussion outlined, we
propose the following research questions:
RQ1: Which procedures, and to what extent, are acceptable to photojour-
nalists during the actual production of news images?
RQ2: How do news photographers perceive critical situations, would they
continue shooting or would they rather intervene (e.g. give aid, etc.)?
A second range of discussions on ethics regards the content of news
photographs, such as victims and survivors, shooting intimate and nude
scenes, children, etc. Yet, one concern – showing graphic images – seems
to be the most dominant and studied issue. In their influential seminal
work, Galtung and Ruge (1965) list negativity as one of several news
values. Graphic imagery certainly possesses negative news value. Pot-
ter and Smith (2000, p. 302) identify two kinds of graphic photographs,
(1) close-up versus long shot, with the first being more graphic than the
other, and (2) the degree of physical alteration to the victim. Although
graphic content might bring viewers closer to the action and make the
action more real or more shocking, highly graphic portrayals of violence
are more likely to arouse fear in the short term, and lead to desensitization
over the long term (Potter, Smith, 2000). Thus, scenes of extreme violen-
ce might on the one hand seem appealing to a large part of journalists and
audiences, and might be profitable for news media. However, on the other
hand, such scenes also suggest questions about their necessity, saturation,
as well as ethical concerns (Sontag, 2003).
Scholars examine the attitude of news media with distinct cultural,
social and political backgrounds to publishing graphic imagery (Langton,
76	 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková	 ŚSP 2 ’16
2009). According to Parry (2010, p. 79), the salience of photographs with
a graphic nature is influenced by several factors, such as “media access,
perceived audience empathy (based on geographical and cultural distan-
ce or ‘otherness’) and national involvement in the conflict.” Similarly,
Fahmy’s (2005, p. 159) research based on a survey of photojournalists
and photo editors suggests that the “framing of human suffering occurs in
a dichotomy of valuing the lives of one’s own people more than the lives
of the other.” Discussion on whether or not to publish graphic photogra-
phs is also influenced by additional aspects, including political sensiti-
vity, readers’ criticisms and taste, and self-censorship in the visual gate
keeping process. Also, according to Robertson (2004), news media might
be affected by public opinion, readers’ political sensitivity, criticisms and
taste when publishing graphic content. With this theoretical framework in
mind, we put forward the following research questions:
RQ3: Regarding the content of visual material, what kind of imagery is
acceptable to news photographers, and to what extent?
RQ4: How do photographers and photo editors deal with graphic images,
nudity, pictures of minors, survivors, etc.?
Our research suggests that all photojournalistic material in the Czech
Republic, Poland and Slovakia is now produced digitally. The advent of
digital technology and sophisticated photo-editing software has increased
a possibility to manipulate photographs without leaving apparent trace
(Brennen, 2010, p. 75; Wheeler, 2002). The “photographic proof,” pre-
viously guaranteed thanks to the original negative that proved the origin
of the photo shot, has disappeared (Láb, Turek, 2009, p. 51). Greer and
Gosen (2002) conclude that the increased level of digital alteration nega-
tively affects credibility and public attitudes toward news photos, photo-
graphy in general, and news media.
Yet photojournalistic ethics remains an open issue. What is digital
image manipulation and where does it begin? Or, what kind of digital
alteration is a common technical practice? Scholars usually agree that
unethical manipulation happens when one or more elements of photogra-
phed reality – that seen in the camera viewfinder – are changed, deleted,
added, or when more images are combined and subsequently published as
if they were true, without indicating the alterations that were made (Láb,
Lábová, 2009; Wheeler, Gleason, 2009). Reaves (1995) suggests that the
tolerance of digitally manipulated images depends on the category of
photographs. For example, significant digital adjustments are more likely
to be accepted when concerning feature and photo illustration, whereas
ŚSP 2 ’16	Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics	 77
computer alterations of spot news photos are the least tolerated. Accor-
ding to Gladney and Ehrlich (1994), media professionals are comfortable
with a certain level of manipulation, such as color enhancement, crop-
ping, etc. Other, more recent studies are in line with past literature. For
example, the results of research conducted by Fahmy, Fodick, and John-
son (2005, p. 12) suggest that photo editors only favor changing photos
to alter color. Handland, Campbell and Lambert (2015, p. 7): state that
“some of the practices reported by photographers suggest current ethical
guidelines are not adhered to in some circumstances.” Given the previous
discussion, we formulate the following research question:
RQ5: For photojournalists and photo editors, what counts as standard
post-production practice (editing practice) and what is considered
photo manipulation?
Methodology
The dataset considered in this paper represents a subset of large rese-
arch on the state of photojournalism in Central European countries. The
main source of data is based on a survey of photojournalists and photo
editors from the Czech Republic, Poland and the Slovak Republic. The
data collected in the survey is supported by responses from in-depth se-
mi-structured interviews we conducted either separately or together with
the survey.
Interviewees
Following Johnstone’s et al. (1976) definition, journalists are media
professionals that have some level of editorial responsibility for the con-
tent they produce. The photojournalists and photo editors considered in
our research are therefore news professionals with at least five years expe-
rience working as photojournalists or photo editors, whose main source of
income is from the production of visual news content.
We conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews and a survey2
of
63 photojournalists and 15 photo editors from 28 different Czech, Polish
and Slovak national print daily newspapers, online daily newspapers, and
2
  The estimated number of photojournalists and photo editors working in the
Czech, Polish and Slovak news media (based on our interviews and official informa-
tion provided by news organizations) is approximately 650 persons.
78	 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková	 ŚSP 2 ’16
weekly news and current affairs magazines. Additionally, we conducted
semi-structured interviews (no survey included) with four photojournali-
sts and one photo editor from the Czech Republic. A maximum of four
journalists from the same newsroom were interviewed (see Table 1).
Table 1
Sampling
Semi-structured interviews plus survey
Semi-structured
interviews
Czech Republic Poland Slovakia Czech Republic
Photojournalists 40   8 15 4
Photo editors   8   7 – 1
Total 48 15 15 5
Source: Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková.
Media outlets selection
The Czech, Polish and Slovak media landscape is comprised of public
(national TV, radio, and news agency) and private profit oriented news
organizations. For the purpose of this study, news organizations were se-
lected with several aspects in mind. First, we included print and online
media that have a regular photo department and represent the leading
photojournalistic standards in the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia.
Second, we distinguished types of media (dailies, weeklies, opinion, etc.).
Finally, the selection of leading print media was based on circulation.
Interviews dealt with practices at print media ranging in circulation from
33,000 to 320,000, half of them with a circulation of at least 100,000. Lo-
cal dailies and weeklies with circulations of less than 20,000 copies and
without regular photo departments were excluded from the research.
In-depth interviews and survey
The field research was divided into two periods: (1) from February to
June 20143
and (2) from September 2014 to May 2015.4
Interviews and
a survey were conducted face to face or by telephone/Skype and lasted
3
  30 interviews with photojournalists and photo editors from the Czech Republic
were conducted during this period.
4
  During this period, interviews with photojournalists and photo editors from the
Czech Republic (18 persons), Poland (15 persons) and Slovakia (15 persons) were
conducted.
ŚSP 2 ’16	Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics	 79
between 60 to 90 minutes. Interviewees were notified they could refuse
to answer any question and were assured participation was voluntary and
responses would remain anonymous.
The semi-structured interview contained open-ended questions cover-
ing all stages of photojournalistic production, ethics, credibility, and the
transition from the analog to digital medium. The survey contained 86
questions that regarded personal information, the size and condition of
photo departments, photo and editorial process, equipment, photographic
material, ethics, authenticity, photo captions and accompanying texts, job
satisfaction and working abroad.
Data analysis
To analyze the data, we used mixed techniques. Open-ended responses
were recorded and transcribed to allow in-depth content analysis (Gaskell,
2000; Saldaña, 2013) and provide valuable contextual information. Sur-
vey data was analyzed using statistical software (SPSS).
Findings
The findings of our research are divided into four themes in corre-
spondence with our theoretical framework and research questions.
Photo-production and the circumstances of photographing
The first research question dealt with the acceptance of several proce-
dures – the possibility of paying for information, paying people for taking
pictures of them, and paying for access to restricted areas (see Table 2).
For 53 per cent of photographers and photo editors it is never acceptable
to pay for confidential information, whereas for 45 per cent it is some-
times acceptable. There is a similar situation with paying somebody for
taking their picture: 52 per cent of photographers would never do it, but it
is always acceptable for 17 per cent. Paying for access to restricted areas
is never acceptable for 42 per cent of respondents and sometimes accept-
able for 50 per cent.
In accordance with the literature (Langton, 2009; Reaves, 1995), re-
spondents often claim their decision to offer payment would depend on
the context. Also, ten photojournalists agreed that payment is never ac-
ceptable when concerning hard news. However, they consider such prac-
80	 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková	 ŚSP 2 ’16
tices less questionable when related to lifestyle, illustration and photo
banks.
For 57 per cent of photographers it is never acceptable to put pressure
on someone who refuses to be photographed and for 37 per cent it is some-
times acceptable.According to them, it repeatedly depends on the situation.
Acceptable situations might include taking a picture of a public person (such
as a politician) in a public space. Five respondents mentioned common ac-
ceptable practice includes persuading with words, but without insulting or
blackmailing anybody. Publishing photographs of somebody who refuses it
is never acceptable for 48 per cent and sometimes acceptable for 45 per cent
of photographers and photo editors. Six respondents were comfortable with
publishing such photographs when the identity is not recognizable, such as
pixelating, unfocused fuzzy face, placing a black stripe over the eyes, etc.
A photojournalist from an opinion magazine comments:
“A photographer should always discuss publishing such photogra-
phs with the photo editor. If it is an important, relevant event that
cannot be shown in any other way, then the publishing of it is
acceptable.”
Staging photographs of any kind is not acceptable for only 13 per cent
of our respondents. Out of the 58 per cent who answered that it is some-
time acceptable, or always acceptable (29 per cent), at least 25 respond-
ents think such practices should concern only lifestyle content, magazine
portraits, illustration or features, but never hard news or sports photogra-
phy. Three respondents said they accepted such practice as long as it does
not change the meaning of the event. Again, these findings are in line with
other studies (Langton, 2010; Reaves, 1995). The majority of respondents
(77 per cent) refuse to use actors to remake or dramatize events.
Table 2
Acceptance of certain procedures concerning photo-production and the
circumstances of photographing (per cent)
Always
acceptable
Sometimes
acceptable
Never
acceptable
1 2 3 4
Paying for confidential information   2 45 53
Paying somebody for taking pictures of them 17 31 52
Paying for access into restricted areas   8 50 42
Pressure on somebody that does not want to be
photographed
  6 37 57
ŚSP 2 ’16	Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics	 81
1 2 3 4
Publishing photographs of somebody who refused
to be photographed
  7 45 48
Working undercover (incognito) to obtain exclusi-
ve photos
13 42 45
Staging photographs (consciously influencing
composition, content, events, etc.)
13 58 29
Using actors to remake or dramatize events   6 17 77
Source: Štefaniková S., Láb F. (2016), Changing structure and content. Photojournal-
ism practice in Central Europe in the age of digital and network media, “Research final
report”.
When asked whether they would continue shooting when witness-
ing a critical situation, the majority of photojournalists (64 per cent) an-
swered they would intervene (see Table 3). It is important to point out
that the majority of respondents claimed they have never experienced
such a situation. Similar to Kim’s and Kelly’s (2010) test on readers, the
photojournalists’ decisions whether to intervene or not was also based on
a complex analysis of the situation, asking what kind of critical situation
it would be, if somebody else who could give help is present, etc. None
of the respondents chose the answer, “I would continue shooting,” while
three photojournalists said they would probably continue shooting, ex-
plaining it was their job to do so.
Table 3
Critical situation – continue shooting vs. intervene
Photojournalists (%)
I would intervene 64
I would probably intervene 31
I would probably continue shooting   5
I would continue shooting   0
Source: Štefaniková S., Láb F. (2016), Changing structure and content. Photojournal-
ism practice in Central Europe in the age of digital and network media, “Research final
report”.
Image content
Important ethical issues of visual journalism concern explicit images
showing dead or wounded people, grief, accidents, disasters, the after-
math of terror, victims, as well as nudity, photographs of minors and other
82	 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková	 ŚSP 2 ’16
similar cases. In general, our respondents5
expressed a professional, re-
sponsible and also humane approach to these extreme examples (see Ta-
ble 4). The most frequent answer on the acceptance of problematic visual
material was “sometimes acceptable.” Of all the questions we asked, less
than 10% of our respondents answered it was “always acceptable” to
shoot and publish explicit imagery. The photojournalists often justified
their answer, explaining that their responsibility is to photograph, while
it is the photo editors’ task to decide whether such images should be pub-
lished. A photojournalist working for a print daily elaborates:
“I think there are no situations for me in which it would be unac-
ceptable to photograph. When on assignment, I must do my work,
and that is to photograph. However, this doesn’t mean everything
has to be published. There are no boundaries when taking pictures.
Publishing is another thing – the decision belongs to the editor.”
Another five photographers and photo editors held a similar opinion.
Referring to the photo editors’ gate keeping authority, photojournalists
were often less concerned about ethics than about their professional obli-
gation to photograph in any situation disregarding the circumstances.
Concerning images of nudity, they are sometimes acceptable for
68.2 per cent of respondents. Six photographers conditioned such image-
ry upon the consent of the photographed persons. Nudity is never accept-
able for 22 per cent of respondents.
Very similar answers appeared in the question dealing with disturb-
ing imagery of disasters, violent acts and their consequences. They are
sometimes acceptable for 66% of photographers and photo editors. Pho-
tographing and publishing disturbing imagery of disasters was never ac-
ceptable for 24 per cent of respondents and always acceptable for 10 per
cent.
Our results report a significant shift in acceptance when regarding ex-
plicit, graphic images of dead bodies, extreme violence, disasters, and
deadly accidents. Publishing such content is never acceptable for 42 per
cent of respondents. About 49 per cent of respondents think it is some-
times acceptable under certain conditions, such as war reporting. Two
photographers distinguish the level of graphicness, with close-ups being
more graphic than a medium or long shot. These findings are consist-
ent with previous literature (Potter, Smith 2000; Parry, 2010; Robertson,
2004).
5
  None of the interviewees works for tabloid media.
ŚSP 2 ’16	Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics	 83
Another sensitive and ethically problematic issue concerns images of
victims of accidents, violent acts, survivors of disasters, etc. In this case,
the value “always acceptable” was the least frequent among all cases,
only 6 per cent. About 73 per cent of respondents said it is sometimes ac-
ceptable, and for 22 per cent it is never acceptable to shoot or publish such
photographs. Eight respondents said that the identity of victims should
remain anonymous in regards to a dead person, survivors and relatives.
The final question concerned taking and publishing photographs of
minors without parental or legal guardian consent. More than half of re-
spondents (59 per cent) answered it was never acceptable and for 33 per
cent it was sometimes acceptable. Eleven photojournalists stressed they
would approve such images if they were photographed in a public space,
because sometimes it is not avoidable.
Table 4
Acceptance of certain image content (per cent)
Always
acceptable
Sometimes
acceptable
Never
acceptable
Nudity in daily newspapers and weekly magazines   9 68 23
Disturbing imagery of disaster, violent acts, acci-
dents, etc. and their consequences in general
10 66 24
Graphic imagery of dead bodies, extreme violent
acts, accidents, etc.
  9 49 42
Pictures of victims and survivors of disaster, vio-
lent acts, accidents, etc. (in general, not graphic
imagery)
  6 72 22
Imagery of minors without their parents’/ legal gu-
ardians’ consent
  8 33 59
Source: Štefaniková S., Láb F. (2016), Changing structure and content. Photojournal-
ism practice in Central Europe in the age of digital and network media, “Research final
report”.
Post-production and technical improvements/manipulation
All images taken by the Czech, Polish and Slovak photojournalists
in our research undergo post-production editing. The majority of news
photographers (94 per cent) stated they edited images on their own. The
rest of the photographers delegate this task to somebody else from the
newsroom (e.g. photo editor or graphic designer).
The majority of news photographers (70 per cent) spend less than one
minute editing a single photograph in image editing software, doing only
84	 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková	 ŚSP 2 ’16
basic digital image editing, which is considered common practice. This
editing includes: color enhancement, cropping, levels, curves, sharpness,
white balance, saturation, contrast and correction of exposition. Accord-
ing to a photojournalist working for a weekly magazine, these computer
alterations are fully acceptable and standard. Contrary to the past litera-
ture (Fahmy, Fosdick, Johnson, 2005), he supposes that using them is
even an unavoidable approach:
“It is an auxiliary tool which highlights and underlines the visual-
ity of the image. It is similar to adjustments in the darkroom. The
image is just being cleaned.”
Local adjustments of contrast, tone, color and white balance (underex-
posed, overexposed, cause of backlight, e.g. dark face of the main object)
are then acceptable for the majority of respondents, but only if they do not
change the meaning of the photograph.
Cropping is considered to be acceptable by the majority (60 per cent)
and sometimes acceptable by 34 per cent respondents. A few photojour-
nalists report they prefer to photograph on full frame without any cropping
because they were trained to do so due to analog equipment. Surprisingly,
the majority (68 per cent) considers lightening and darkening specific ob-
jects or parts of the image as an always acceptable adjustment.
According to respondents, the original meaning of the photography
and its basic information has to be preserved, especially in the case of
news photography, where credibility matters the most. This finding is
again in line with previous studies (Reaves, 1994; Gladney, Ehrlich,
1994). Anything that could possibly lead to misrepresentation is strictly
forbidden. Therefore, the following digital adjustments should not be al-
lowed: removal of disruptive objects and use of cloning tools. When con-
cerning hard news photography, any change (altering, removing, adding
of elements, highlighting aspects) or action that would change the mean-
ing of the photograph is not acceptable.
Nevertheless, removal of small interfering objects in a photograph
using retouching is acceptable for 85 per cent of respondents. Minor re-
touching of the image (e.g. dust on the chip, scratches, and noise) does not
change the meaning of a photograph. It is also necessary to distinguish
between different genres of photographs. For the use of retouching and
cloning tools in general, nine respondents stated they would abolish them
completely from news photography, but they still might allow them in
lifestyle photography. Once again, it always depends on the context. This
ŚSP 2 ’16	Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics	 85
is valid also for applying effect filters and using HDR techniques, which
are shunned by the majority, but not in the case of landscape photography
(according to four respondents).
Another issue is the combination of two or more photographs into
a single image. Such practice is not acceptable for half (51 per cent) and
sometimes acceptable for 44 per cent of respondents. However, some
photographers (12 respondents) would not be that strict when it comes
to panoramas and illustrations. Moreover, it is always necessary to indi-
cate such a combination, as confirmed by 19 respondents. A photo editor
working for an online news website claims that when using a montage, it
is necessary to admit it:
“When manipulating something, it must be mentioned with the
photo that it is a montage. We do it that way. For example, when
we combine two people in one photo or when we add something to
the background, we always do it in a way it is recognizable and we
have to clearly indicate that the image is not authentic.”
Table 5
Acceptance of certain digital image editing (per cent)
Always
acceptable
Sometimes
acceptable
Never
acceptable
Global adjustment of contrast, tone, color/white ba-
lance
94   6   0
Local adjustment of contrast, tone, color/white ba-
lance
75 23   2
Lightening/darkening specific objects/parts of the
image
68 30   2
Minor retouching of the image (dust on the chip,
scratches, noise)
85 14   1
Removal of small interfering objects in photograph
using retouching but without changing overall me-
aning of photograph
15 42 43
Combination of two or more photographs into a sin-
gle image
  5 44 51
Applying effect filters   9 38 53
Using HDR techniques 10 40 50
Using cloning tools in general (in addition to basic
retouching)
  4 43 53
Cropping photos to change the original format and
composition
60 34   6
Source: Štefaniková S., Láb F. (2016), Changing structure and content. Photojournalism
practice in Central Europe in the age of digital and network media, “Research final report”.
86	 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková	 ŚSP 2 ’16
Conclusion
Our paper focused on several ethical issues connected to the produc-
tion, content, editing and responsibility for published visual news materi-
al. Although our respondents showed a high sense of professionalism and
ethical awareness, among many findings one result is the most evident.
That is, any photojournalist’s and photo editor’s decision always depends
on the context and the evaluation of each case independently. Thus, even
the most questionable practice might be acceptable under certain condi-
tions. But what about legal limitations?
Respondents often distinguished between hard news and soft news,
lifestyle, feature or illustration photography, with alteration and manipu-
lation being the least tolerated in the case of hard news imagery. Ethically
questionable practices might include staging of photographs, paying for
exclusive photographs, information or access, taking and publishing pic-
tures of somebody who refused to be photographed.
Ethical concern also relates to the depiction of critical situations and
human suffering. Deciding whether to “take the picture” of a newswor-
thy event or “save the victim” is not only an ethical, but also humanistic
and legal issue. Respondents claimed that every situation requires careful
consideration and agreed there are certain limits when the newsworthi-
ness should not overshadow an obligation to provide aid.
Also, when regarding the content of photographed and published im-
ages, respondents expressed a high level of professionalism and most
were serious in their approach to visual content. Our respondents were
quite conservative regarding the ongoing debate on tabloidization of the
media and the presumed rise of infotainment. For example, the majority
of respondents do not approve of photographing or publishing any kind
of graphic imagery or photographs of children taken without the consent
of their parents. In other cases, like images of victims, disturbing images
of disasters and violence, or nudity, the answers of our respondents also
expressed quite a high level of responsibility.
We suggested that digital alterations might lower the credibility of
news photographs. The results of our study show all photographs pub-
lished in news media today have been edited in digital imaging software.
However, some changes are considered to be common practice, such as
color enhancement, color balance, contrast, cropping, etc. Other digital
alterations are accepted by photojournalists and photo editors only in
some contexts and under specific conditions. Again, there is a different
ŚSP 2 ’16	Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics	 87
tolerance level when concerning hard news photography and lifestyle,
soft news, illustration or feature visual content. Regarding hard news,
the majority of respondents do not approve of any digital image editing
other than common practices that do not change or manipulate the overall
meaning of the photograph. A few oppose even these changes (especially
cropping). On the other hand, benevolence toward digital alteration of
lifestyle, soft news and illustration photography is considerably wider
– starting with simple esthetic retouching and ending with photomon-
tage. Several respondents mention they do not have a problem with any
alteration as long as the label “photo illustration” appears next to the pho-
tograph. In other words, it is possible to manipulate anything, but the
recipients have to be aware of it.
Future research might address ethical concerns connected to the
meaning of photographs and visual framing needs further consideration,
or specific ethical issues, such as the use of visual material from social
networks. The question here is how the news media should deal with
content that is controversial primarily because of the (1) user’s privacy
and (2) difficulty of finding the original source. Visual news material pro-
duced by citizen journalists/citizen witnesses and other non-profession-
als without journalistic training and minimal awareness of professional
standards, routines and ethics also has the potential to engage an entirely
new set of ethical issues.
Funding
This paper was supported by the funding scheme Charles University
Research Development Schemes (PRVOUK), Faculty of Social Sciences.
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Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics

  • 1. DOI 10.14746/ssp.2016.2.5 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics Abstract: The development of the Internet and digital technology by the end of the twentieth century has raised serious disputes about ethics, authenticity and photo manipulation. These concerns are especially relevant in the field of photojournalism in the news media, where credibility matters the most. In this paper we described the current situation in relation to image authenticity and professional ethics in three countries of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia. We asked re- search questions regarding photo production, circumstances of photographing, image content, technical improvements, manipulation, ethical standards and responsibility. Our findings reveal a complexity of ethical issues related to working with visual news material. During the fieldwork we conducted 65 in-depth interviews and surveys with full-time and freelance photojournalists and photo editors working for printed and online newspapers and opinion magazines in Central Europe. Key words: photojournalism, authenticity, ethics, manipulation Introduction Ever since photography became an integral and inherent part of news media, the dilemma whether photojournalists should or should not intervene when witnessing certain situations has been hanging in the air. Should photographers in some cases put down their cameras and start to help? What would have happened if Kevin Carter1 had picked up a help- less, undernourished girl and brought her to a feeding station, instead of photographing her with a vulture in the background? Where are the ethical limits of what can be captured on camera? And who should be in charge of defining such ethical borderlines? 1   Photo reporter Kevin Carter won the Pulitzer Prize in 1994 for his photograph of an exhausted and malnourished Sudanese girl that was being followed by a vulture. After winning the prize Carter was criticized in hundreds of letters for not helping the girl to get to safety, instead of taking pictures of her (Ritchin, 2013, p. 22).
  • 2. 74 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková ŚSP 2 ’16 The question of the detached, or not detached professional may be followed by yet another serious issue. On the one hand, photographs have usually been blindly accepted as evidence of something “that-has-been” (Barthes, 1981, p. 76), with the photographer making “permanent the truth” (Barthes, 1981, p. 110). On the other hand, the author – photogra- pher – is the one who first mediates the visual information to the recipient. The part of cropped reality he or she is going to show to the viewer me- rely depends on his personality, point of view, and the decisive moment of freezing time (Cartier-Bresson, 1952). Although objectivity has been a much discussed issue, the photo reporter, as well as the journalist, can hardly ever achieve it. Additionally, with the adoption of digital techno- logy, many alterations and manipulations have become as effortless and natural as pressing the shutter button. This paper examines the authenticity of news photo production, the ethical standards regarding its content, and the credibility of journalistic photography in the age of easy digital manipulation. Last but not least, we look at the ethical dilemmas photojournalists and photo editors face when mediating events through their cameras, editing images and deci- ding which part of reality should be presented to the public. Theoretical framework Lester (1991) identifies three primary ethical concerns in photojourna- lism: the rights of victims of violence, privacy and its invasion, and fakery of image content through staging or technical tools (Fahmy et al., 2014). Newton (2009) proposes that photojournalistic ethics be divided into two categories. First, process refers to the production of photographs and the way they are used. Second, meaning deals with interpretation of the image and its textual framing (Parry, 2010). Although the two usually overlap in everyday practi- ce, for the purpose of our study we will focus on the first category. From this viewpoint photojournalistic ethics might include several concerns, such as actual photo production and the circumstances of photographing (Kim, Kel- ly, 2010; Kobré, Brill, 2006; Langton, 2009; Patching, Hirst, 2013), image content (Andén-Papadopoulos, 2008; Fahmy, Johnson, 2005; Parry, 2010), and post-production and technical improvements/manipulation (Fahmy, Fo- dick, Johnson, 2005; Láb, Lábová, 2009; Reaves 1991, 1995). Actual photo production and the circumstances of photographing ra- ise several ethical dilemmas, which photojournalists face when they try
  • 3. ŚSP 2 ’16 Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics 75 to create aesthetically outstanding and informationally rich photographs. Langton (2009, p. 144) examines whether, and to what extent, the news photographer should direct subjects to act or pose for the camera. Altho- ugh, some practices would never be acceptable to many, they are accepta- ble to some and under certain circumstances (Fahmy, Bock, Wanta, 2014, p. 145). For instance, staging of soft news, magazine or feature photo- graphs is more likely to be tolerated than a similar practice concerning hard and sports news imagery (Langton, 2009, p. 144). Other scholars examine why some news photographers in certain situations choose to act as dispassionate observers/informants, or take the role of rescuer and intervene in the action (Patchin, Hirst, 2014). Kim and Kelly (2010) test readers by asking them to imagine themselves dealing with the photojour- nalist’s decision to take a photograph of a person suffering severe trauma. Their findings show that final decisions are very individual and involve complex analysis of the situation. Based on the discussion outlined, we propose the following research questions: RQ1: Which procedures, and to what extent, are acceptable to photojour- nalists during the actual production of news images? RQ2: How do news photographers perceive critical situations, would they continue shooting or would they rather intervene (e.g. give aid, etc.)? A second range of discussions on ethics regards the content of news photographs, such as victims and survivors, shooting intimate and nude scenes, children, etc. Yet, one concern – showing graphic images – seems to be the most dominant and studied issue. In their influential seminal work, Galtung and Ruge (1965) list negativity as one of several news values. Graphic imagery certainly possesses negative news value. Pot- ter and Smith (2000, p. 302) identify two kinds of graphic photographs, (1) close-up versus long shot, with the first being more graphic than the other, and (2) the degree of physical alteration to the victim. Although graphic content might bring viewers closer to the action and make the action more real or more shocking, highly graphic portrayals of violence are more likely to arouse fear in the short term, and lead to desensitization over the long term (Potter, Smith, 2000). Thus, scenes of extreme violen- ce might on the one hand seem appealing to a large part of journalists and audiences, and might be profitable for news media. However, on the other hand, such scenes also suggest questions about their necessity, saturation, as well as ethical concerns (Sontag, 2003). Scholars examine the attitude of news media with distinct cultural, social and political backgrounds to publishing graphic imagery (Langton,
  • 4. 76 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková ŚSP 2 ’16 2009). According to Parry (2010, p. 79), the salience of photographs with a graphic nature is influenced by several factors, such as “media access, perceived audience empathy (based on geographical and cultural distan- ce or ‘otherness’) and national involvement in the conflict.” Similarly, Fahmy’s (2005, p. 159) research based on a survey of photojournalists and photo editors suggests that the “framing of human suffering occurs in a dichotomy of valuing the lives of one’s own people more than the lives of the other.” Discussion on whether or not to publish graphic photogra- phs is also influenced by additional aspects, including political sensiti- vity, readers’ criticisms and taste, and self-censorship in the visual gate keeping process. Also, according to Robertson (2004), news media might be affected by public opinion, readers’ political sensitivity, criticisms and taste when publishing graphic content. With this theoretical framework in mind, we put forward the following research questions: RQ3: Regarding the content of visual material, what kind of imagery is acceptable to news photographers, and to what extent? RQ4: How do photographers and photo editors deal with graphic images, nudity, pictures of minors, survivors, etc.? Our research suggests that all photojournalistic material in the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia is now produced digitally. The advent of digital technology and sophisticated photo-editing software has increased a possibility to manipulate photographs without leaving apparent trace (Brennen, 2010, p. 75; Wheeler, 2002). The “photographic proof,” pre- viously guaranteed thanks to the original negative that proved the origin of the photo shot, has disappeared (Láb, Turek, 2009, p. 51). Greer and Gosen (2002) conclude that the increased level of digital alteration nega- tively affects credibility and public attitudes toward news photos, photo- graphy in general, and news media. Yet photojournalistic ethics remains an open issue. What is digital image manipulation and where does it begin? Or, what kind of digital alteration is a common technical practice? Scholars usually agree that unethical manipulation happens when one or more elements of photogra- phed reality – that seen in the camera viewfinder – are changed, deleted, added, or when more images are combined and subsequently published as if they were true, without indicating the alterations that were made (Láb, Lábová, 2009; Wheeler, Gleason, 2009). Reaves (1995) suggests that the tolerance of digitally manipulated images depends on the category of photographs. For example, significant digital adjustments are more likely to be accepted when concerning feature and photo illustration, whereas
  • 5. ŚSP 2 ’16 Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics 77 computer alterations of spot news photos are the least tolerated. Accor- ding to Gladney and Ehrlich (1994), media professionals are comfortable with a certain level of manipulation, such as color enhancement, crop- ping, etc. Other, more recent studies are in line with past literature. For example, the results of research conducted by Fahmy, Fodick, and John- son (2005, p. 12) suggest that photo editors only favor changing photos to alter color. Handland, Campbell and Lambert (2015, p. 7): state that “some of the practices reported by photographers suggest current ethical guidelines are not adhered to in some circumstances.” Given the previous discussion, we formulate the following research question: RQ5: For photojournalists and photo editors, what counts as standard post-production practice (editing practice) and what is considered photo manipulation? Methodology The dataset considered in this paper represents a subset of large rese- arch on the state of photojournalism in Central European countries. The main source of data is based on a survey of photojournalists and photo editors from the Czech Republic, Poland and the Slovak Republic. The data collected in the survey is supported by responses from in-depth se- mi-structured interviews we conducted either separately or together with the survey. Interviewees Following Johnstone’s et al. (1976) definition, journalists are media professionals that have some level of editorial responsibility for the con- tent they produce. The photojournalists and photo editors considered in our research are therefore news professionals with at least five years expe- rience working as photojournalists or photo editors, whose main source of income is from the production of visual news content. We conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews and a survey2 of 63 photojournalists and 15 photo editors from 28 different Czech, Polish and Slovak national print daily newspapers, online daily newspapers, and 2   The estimated number of photojournalists and photo editors working in the Czech, Polish and Slovak news media (based on our interviews and official informa- tion provided by news organizations) is approximately 650 persons.
  • 6. 78 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková ŚSP 2 ’16 weekly news and current affairs magazines. Additionally, we conducted semi-structured interviews (no survey included) with four photojournali- sts and one photo editor from the Czech Republic. A maximum of four journalists from the same newsroom were interviewed (see Table 1). Table 1 Sampling Semi-structured interviews plus survey Semi-structured interviews Czech Republic Poland Slovakia Czech Republic Photojournalists 40   8 15 4 Photo editors   8   7 – 1 Total 48 15 15 5 Source: Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková. Media outlets selection The Czech, Polish and Slovak media landscape is comprised of public (national TV, radio, and news agency) and private profit oriented news organizations. For the purpose of this study, news organizations were se- lected with several aspects in mind. First, we included print and online media that have a regular photo department and represent the leading photojournalistic standards in the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia. Second, we distinguished types of media (dailies, weeklies, opinion, etc.). Finally, the selection of leading print media was based on circulation. Interviews dealt with practices at print media ranging in circulation from 33,000 to 320,000, half of them with a circulation of at least 100,000. Lo- cal dailies and weeklies with circulations of less than 20,000 copies and without regular photo departments were excluded from the research. In-depth interviews and survey The field research was divided into two periods: (1) from February to June 20143 and (2) from September 2014 to May 2015.4 Interviews and a survey were conducted face to face or by telephone/Skype and lasted 3   30 interviews with photojournalists and photo editors from the Czech Republic were conducted during this period. 4   During this period, interviews with photojournalists and photo editors from the Czech Republic (18 persons), Poland (15 persons) and Slovakia (15 persons) were conducted.
  • 7. ŚSP 2 ’16 Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics 79 between 60 to 90 minutes. Interviewees were notified they could refuse to answer any question and were assured participation was voluntary and responses would remain anonymous. The semi-structured interview contained open-ended questions cover- ing all stages of photojournalistic production, ethics, credibility, and the transition from the analog to digital medium. The survey contained 86 questions that regarded personal information, the size and condition of photo departments, photo and editorial process, equipment, photographic material, ethics, authenticity, photo captions and accompanying texts, job satisfaction and working abroad. Data analysis To analyze the data, we used mixed techniques. Open-ended responses were recorded and transcribed to allow in-depth content analysis (Gaskell, 2000; Saldaña, 2013) and provide valuable contextual information. Sur- vey data was analyzed using statistical software (SPSS). Findings The findings of our research are divided into four themes in corre- spondence with our theoretical framework and research questions. Photo-production and the circumstances of photographing The first research question dealt with the acceptance of several proce- dures – the possibility of paying for information, paying people for taking pictures of them, and paying for access to restricted areas (see Table 2). For 53 per cent of photographers and photo editors it is never acceptable to pay for confidential information, whereas for 45 per cent it is some- times acceptable. There is a similar situation with paying somebody for taking their picture: 52 per cent of photographers would never do it, but it is always acceptable for 17 per cent. Paying for access to restricted areas is never acceptable for 42 per cent of respondents and sometimes accept- able for 50 per cent. In accordance with the literature (Langton, 2009; Reaves, 1995), re- spondents often claim their decision to offer payment would depend on the context. Also, ten photojournalists agreed that payment is never ac- ceptable when concerning hard news. However, they consider such prac-
  • 8. 80 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková ŚSP 2 ’16 tices less questionable when related to lifestyle, illustration and photo banks. For 57 per cent of photographers it is never acceptable to put pressure on someone who refuses to be photographed and for 37 per cent it is some- times acceptable.According to them, it repeatedly depends on the situation. Acceptable situations might include taking a picture of a public person (such as a politician) in a public space. Five respondents mentioned common ac- ceptable practice includes persuading with words, but without insulting or blackmailing anybody. Publishing photographs of somebody who refuses it is never acceptable for 48 per cent and sometimes acceptable for 45 per cent of photographers and photo editors. Six respondents were comfortable with publishing such photographs when the identity is not recognizable, such as pixelating, unfocused fuzzy face, placing a black stripe over the eyes, etc. A photojournalist from an opinion magazine comments: “A photographer should always discuss publishing such photogra- phs with the photo editor. If it is an important, relevant event that cannot be shown in any other way, then the publishing of it is acceptable.” Staging photographs of any kind is not acceptable for only 13 per cent of our respondents. Out of the 58 per cent who answered that it is some- time acceptable, or always acceptable (29 per cent), at least 25 respond- ents think such practices should concern only lifestyle content, magazine portraits, illustration or features, but never hard news or sports photogra- phy. Three respondents said they accepted such practice as long as it does not change the meaning of the event. Again, these findings are in line with other studies (Langton, 2010; Reaves, 1995). The majority of respondents (77 per cent) refuse to use actors to remake or dramatize events. Table 2 Acceptance of certain procedures concerning photo-production and the circumstances of photographing (per cent) Always acceptable Sometimes acceptable Never acceptable 1 2 3 4 Paying for confidential information   2 45 53 Paying somebody for taking pictures of them 17 31 52 Paying for access into restricted areas   8 50 42 Pressure on somebody that does not want to be photographed   6 37 57
  • 9. ŚSP 2 ’16 Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics 81 1 2 3 4 Publishing photographs of somebody who refused to be photographed   7 45 48 Working undercover (incognito) to obtain exclusi- ve photos 13 42 45 Staging photographs (consciously influencing composition, content, events, etc.) 13 58 29 Using actors to remake or dramatize events   6 17 77 Source: Štefaniková S., Láb F. (2016), Changing structure and content. Photojournal- ism practice in Central Europe in the age of digital and network media, “Research final report”. When asked whether they would continue shooting when witness- ing a critical situation, the majority of photojournalists (64 per cent) an- swered they would intervene (see Table 3). It is important to point out that the majority of respondents claimed they have never experienced such a situation. Similar to Kim’s and Kelly’s (2010) test on readers, the photojournalists’ decisions whether to intervene or not was also based on a complex analysis of the situation, asking what kind of critical situation it would be, if somebody else who could give help is present, etc. None of the respondents chose the answer, “I would continue shooting,” while three photojournalists said they would probably continue shooting, ex- plaining it was their job to do so. Table 3 Critical situation – continue shooting vs. intervene Photojournalists (%) I would intervene 64 I would probably intervene 31 I would probably continue shooting   5 I would continue shooting   0 Source: Štefaniková S., Láb F. (2016), Changing structure and content. Photojournal- ism practice in Central Europe in the age of digital and network media, “Research final report”. Image content Important ethical issues of visual journalism concern explicit images showing dead or wounded people, grief, accidents, disasters, the after- math of terror, victims, as well as nudity, photographs of minors and other
  • 10. 82 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková ŚSP 2 ’16 similar cases. In general, our respondents5 expressed a professional, re- sponsible and also humane approach to these extreme examples (see Ta- ble 4). The most frequent answer on the acceptance of problematic visual material was “sometimes acceptable.” Of all the questions we asked, less than 10% of our respondents answered it was “always acceptable” to shoot and publish explicit imagery. The photojournalists often justified their answer, explaining that their responsibility is to photograph, while it is the photo editors’ task to decide whether such images should be pub- lished. A photojournalist working for a print daily elaborates: “I think there are no situations for me in which it would be unac- ceptable to photograph. When on assignment, I must do my work, and that is to photograph. However, this doesn’t mean everything has to be published. There are no boundaries when taking pictures. Publishing is another thing – the decision belongs to the editor.” Another five photographers and photo editors held a similar opinion. Referring to the photo editors’ gate keeping authority, photojournalists were often less concerned about ethics than about their professional obli- gation to photograph in any situation disregarding the circumstances. Concerning images of nudity, they are sometimes acceptable for 68.2 per cent of respondents. Six photographers conditioned such image- ry upon the consent of the photographed persons. Nudity is never accept- able for 22 per cent of respondents. Very similar answers appeared in the question dealing with disturb- ing imagery of disasters, violent acts and their consequences. They are sometimes acceptable for 66% of photographers and photo editors. Pho- tographing and publishing disturbing imagery of disasters was never ac- ceptable for 24 per cent of respondents and always acceptable for 10 per cent. Our results report a significant shift in acceptance when regarding ex- plicit, graphic images of dead bodies, extreme violence, disasters, and deadly accidents. Publishing such content is never acceptable for 42 per cent of respondents. About 49 per cent of respondents think it is some- times acceptable under certain conditions, such as war reporting. Two photographers distinguish the level of graphicness, with close-ups being more graphic than a medium or long shot. These findings are consist- ent with previous literature (Potter, Smith 2000; Parry, 2010; Robertson, 2004). 5   None of the interviewees works for tabloid media.
  • 11. ŚSP 2 ’16 Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics 83 Another sensitive and ethically problematic issue concerns images of victims of accidents, violent acts, survivors of disasters, etc. In this case, the value “always acceptable” was the least frequent among all cases, only 6 per cent. About 73 per cent of respondents said it is sometimes ac- ceptable, and for 22 per cent it is never acceptable to shoot or publish such photographs. Eight respondents said that the identity of victims should remain anonymous in regards to a dead person, survivors and relatives. The final question concerned taking and publishing photographs of minors without parental or legal guardian consent. More than half of re- spondents (59 per cent) answered it was never acceptable and for 33 per cent it was sometimes acceptable. Eleven photojournalists stressed they would approve such images if they were photographed in a public space, because sometimes it is not avoidable. Table 4 Acceptance of certain image content (per cent) Always acceptable Sometimes acceptable Never acceptable Nudity in daily newspapers and weekly magazines   9 68 23 Disturbing imagery of disaster, violent acts, acci- dents, etc. and their consequences in general 10 66 24 Graphic imagery of dead bodies, extreme violent acts, accidents, etc.   9 49 42 Pictures of victims and survivors of disaster, vio- lent acts, accidents, etc. (in general, not graphic imagery)   6 72 22 Imagery of minors without their parents’/ legal gu- ardians’ consent   8 33 59 Source: Štefaniková S., Láb F. (2016), Changing structure and content. Photojournal- ism practice in Central Europe in the age of digital and network media, “Research final report”. Post-production and technical improvements/manipulation All images taken by the Czech, Polish and Slovak photojournalists in our research undergo post-production editing. The majority of news photographers (94 per cent) stated they edited images on their own. The rest of the photographers delegate this task to somebody else from the newsroom (e.g. photo editor or graphic designer). The majority of news photographers (70 per cent) spend less than one minute editing a single photograph in image editing software, doing only
  • 12. 84 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková ŚSP 2 ’16 basic digital image editing, which is considered common practice. This editing includes: color enhancement, cropping, levels, curves, sharpness, white balance, saturation, contrast and correction of exposition. Accord- ing to a photojournalist working for a weekly magazine, these computer alterations are fully acceptable and standard. Contrary to the past litera- ture (Fahmy, Fosdick, Johnson, 2005), he supposes that using them is even an unavoidable approach: “It is an auxiliary tool which highlights and underlines the visual- ity of the image. It is similar to adjustments in the darkroom. The image is just being cleaned.” Local adjustments of contrast, tone, color and white balance (underex- posed, overexposed, cause of backlight, e.g. dark face of the main object) are then acceptable for the majority of respondents, but only if they do not change the meaning of the photograph. Cropping is considered to be acceptable by the majority (60 per cent) and sometimes acceptable by 34 per cent respondents. A few photojour- nalists report they prefer to photograph on full frame without any cropping because they were trained to do so due to analog equipment. Surprisingly, the majority (68 per cent) considers lightening and darkening specific ob- jects or parts of the image as an always acceptable adjustment. According to respondents, the original meaning of the photography and its basic information has to be preserved, especially in the case of news photography, where credibility matters the most. This finding is again in line with previous studies (Reaves, 1994; Gladney, Ehrlich, 1994). Anything that could possibly lead to misrepresentation is strictly forbidden. Therefore, the following digital adjustments should not be al- lowed: removal of disruptive objects and use of cloning tools. When con- cerning hard news photography, any change (altering, removing, adding of elements, highlighting aspects) or action that would change the mean- ing of the photograph is not acceptable. Nevertheless, removal of small interfering objects in a photograph using retouching is acceptable for 85 per cent of respondents. Minor re- touching of the image (e.g. dust on the chip, scratches, and noise) does not change the meaning of a photograph. It is also necessary to distinguish between different genres of photographs. For the use of retouching and cloning tools in general, nine respondents stated they would abolish them completely from news photography, but they still might allow them in lifestyle photography. Once again, it always depends on the context. This
  • 13. ŚSP 2 ’16 Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics 85 is valid also for applying effect filters and using HDR techniques, which are shunned by the majority, but not in the case of landscape photography (according to four respondents). Another issue is the combination of two or more photographs into a single image. Such practice is not acceptable for half (51 per cent) and sometimes acceptable for 44 per cent of respondents. However, some photographers (12 respondents) would not be that strict when it comes to panoramas and illustrations. Moreover, it is always necessary to indi- cate such a combination, as confirmed by 19 respondents. A photo editor working for an online news website claims that when using a montage, it is necessary to admit it: “When manipulating something, it must be mentioned with the photo that it is a montage. We do it that way. For example, when we combine two people in one photo or when we add something to the background, we always do it in a way it is recognizable and we have to clearly indicate that the image is not authentic.” Table 5 Acceptance of certain digital image editing (per cent) Always acceptable Sometimes acceptable Never acceptable Global adjustment of contrast, tone, color/white ba- lance 94   6   0 Local adjustment of contrast, tone, color/white ba- lance 75 23   2 Lightening/darkening specific objects/parts of the image 68 30   2 Minor retouching of the image (dust on the chip, scratches, noise) 85 14   1 Removal of small interfering objects in photograph using retouching but without changing overall me- aning of photograph 15 42 43 Combination of two or more photographs into a sin- gle image   5 44 51 Applying effect filters   9 38 53 Using HDR techniques 10 40 50 Using cloning tools in general (in addition to basic retouching)   4 43 53 Cropping photos to change the original format and composition 60 34   6 Source: Štefaniková S., Láb F. (2016), Changing structure and content. Photojournalism practice in Central Europe in the age of digital and network media, “Research final report”.
  • 14. 86 Filip Láb, Sandra Štefaniková, Martina Topinková ŚSP 2 ’16 Conclusion Our paper focused on several ethical issues connected to the produc- tion, content, editing and responsibility for published visual news materi- al. Although our respondents showed a high sense of professionalism and ethical awareness, among many findings one result is the most evident. That is, any photojournalist’s and photo editor’s decision always depends on the context and the evaluation of each case independently. Thus, even the most questionable practice might be acceptable under certain condi- tions. But what about legal limitations? Respondents often distinguished between hard news and soft news, lifestyle, feature or illustration photography, with alteration and manipu- lation being the least tolerated in the case of hard news imagery. Ethically questionable practices might include staging of photographs, paying for exclusive photographs, information or access, taking and publishing pic- tures of somebody who refused to be photographed. Ethical concern also relates to the depiction of critical situations and human suffering. Deciding whether to “take the picture” of a newswor- thy event or “save the victim” is not only an ethical, but also humanistic and legal issue. Respondents claimed that every situation requires careful consideration and agreed there are certain limits when the newsworthi- ness should not overshadow an obligation to provide aid. Also, when regarding the content of photographed and published im- ages, respondents expressed a high level of professionalism and most were serious in their approach to visual content. Our respondents were quite conservative regarding the ongoing debate on tabloidization of the media and the presumed rise of infotainment. For example, the majority of respondents do not approve of photographing or publishing any kind of graphic imagery or photographs of children taken without the consent of their parents. In other cases, like images of victims, disturbing images of disasters and violence, or nudity, the answers of our respondents also expressed quite a high level of responsibility. We suggested that digital alterations might lower the credibility of news photographs. The results of our study show all photographs pub- lished in news media today have been edited in digital imaging software. However, some changes are considered to be common practice, such as color enhancement, color balance, contrast, cropping, etc. Other digital alterations are accepted by photojournalists and photo editors only in some contexts and under specific conditions. Again, there is a different
  • 15. ŚSP 2 ’16 Photojournalism in Central Europe: on authenticity and ethics 87 tolerance level when concerning hard news photography and lifestyle, soft news, illustration or feature visual content. Regarding hard news, the majority of respondents do not approve of any digital image editing other than common practices that do not change or manipulate the overall meaning of the photograph. A few oppose even these changes (especially cropping). On the other hand, benevolence toward digital alteration of lifestyle, soft news and illustration photography is considerably wider – starting with simple esthetic retouching and ending with photomon- tage. Several respondents mention they do not have a problem with any alteration as long as the label “photo illustration” appears next to the pho- tograph. In other words, it is possible to manipulate anything, but the recipients have to be aware of it. Future research might address ethical concerns connected to the meaning of photographs and visual framing needs further consideration, or specific ethical issues, such as the use of visual material from social networks. The question here is how the news media should deal with content that is controversial primarily because of the (1) user’s privacy and (2) difficulty of finding the original source. Visual news material pro- duced by citizen journalists/citizen witnesses and other non-profession- als without journalistic training and minimal awareness of professional standards, routines and ethics also has the potential to engage an entirely new set of ethical issues. Funding This paper was supported by the funding scheme Charles University Research Development Schemes (PRVOUK), Faculty of Social Sciences. References Andén-Papadopoulos K. (2008), The Abu Ghraib torture photographs. News frames, visual culture, and the power of images, “Journalism”, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 3–30. Barthes R. (1981), Camera Lucida, Hill and Wang, New York. Brennen B. (2010), Photojournalism: historical dimensions to contemporary de- bates, in: The Routledge Companion to News and Journalism, ed. S. Allan, Routledge, Abingdon, pp. 71–82. Cartier-Bresson H. (1952), The Decisive Moment, Simon and Schuster, France.
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