Perceptions of small scale gold miners

PERCEPTIONS OF SMALL-SCALE GOLD MINERS ON
SELF-ORGANIZATION AND FORMALIZATION
in Suriname, South America
A project commissioned by the Geology and
Mining Department (GMD) of Suriname
(project # 3.1.A.) and funded by the World
Wildlife Fund program on gold mining
pollution abatement (agreement # FG-60).
G.M.D.
Marieke Heemskerk
Marilyn Olivieira
Paramaribo, June 31, 2004

GMD project # 3.1.A/ WWF project # FG-60 Heemskerk & Olivieira
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PG
TABLE OF CONTENTS 1
SUMMARY 2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 4
I INTRODUCTION 5
II BACKGROUND
1. The Suriname small-scale gold mining industry
2. Mining laws
6
6
7
III METHODS 8
IV SELF ORGANIZATION
1. Existing organizations and membership
2. Expectations
3. Barriers and disincentives to organization
9
9
10
12
V LEGALIZATION & REGISTRATION
1. Legal and undocumented miners
2. Concession rights and obligations
3. Return services
15
16
17
19
VI GMD AND OTHER GOVERNMENT 20
VII SYNTHESIS 21
VIII RECOMMENDATIONS
1. Organization of small-scale gold miners
2. Awareness and information
3. Activities for GMD
23
23
24
24
REFERENCES 26
APPENDIX A FOCUS GROUP QUESTIONS AND DISCUSSION
GUIDE
27
APPENDIX B SOURCES OF FUNDING FOR A SMALL-SCALE
GOLD MINERS’ ASSOCIATION
30

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SUMMARY
This report presents the perceptions of small-scale gold miners about self-organization
and formalization of the small-scale gold mining sector in Suriname, South America. It
starts from the premise that small-scale mining can be a viable and sustainable livelihood
activity that helps alleviate poverty in rural areas with scarce employment options. This is
not likely the case, however, under the conditions that exist in Suriname. In this country,
most small-scale gold miners are not registered, do not pay taxes, violate national mining
and labor laws, do not comply with health and safety regulations, and pollute forest and
fresh-water resources.
Formalization of the small-scale gold mining industry will help mitigate many of the
listed problems. It would allow policy makers to provide more adequate information and
services, to better target policies and programs, and to enforce compliance with national
labor and environmental laws. Experiences from abroad suggest that restructuring of the
small-scale mining sector is more likely to succeed if the miners themselves are
organized. For a government it is easier to talk with the representatives of a group than
with dispersed individuals. Meanwhile miners have more negotiation power of they speak
with one voice. Collectives also can help their members with credit arrangements, settle
disputes, and provide information. The Geology and Mining Department of Suriname
commissioned the present study to assess the knowledge and opinions of native gold
miners about these issues. The perceptions of these miners were collected through focus
groups and qualitative interviews in five locations in the interior of Suriname.
The results suggest that local miners generally view formalization positively; they
expressed willingness to register, to carry a miners’ ID card, to undergo field inspections,
and to pay taxes. In exchange for their cooperation, however, they expected
governmental support for: (a) community development, (b) infrastructure in small-scale
mining areas, (c) fighting crime, (d) access to credit, (e) training in cleaner and safer
mining methods, (f) training in organizational management, and (g) access to a working
area for small-scale gold miners. Mining rights are of primary concern among small-scale
miners who recently were forcefully removed from their working areas to make place for
large-scale mining companies.
After the researchers presented examples from abroad, Suriname gold miners said they
also would like to join a miners’ organization. Its main tasks should be to lobby for
public support of the sector and to represent miners in disputes with the government and
large-scale mining companies. The organization also should help create safer and better
working conditions, including access to social security. Other services that miners desired
from a miners’ association were similar to those requested from the government.
Based on the interviews and examples from Guyana and the French Department of La
Guyane, the researchers recommend the organization of miners on two different levels.
At the national level, mine operations should register with an umbrella organization with
a salaried board and staff members. This national organization could provide ID-cards to
its members and their employees, and lobby for access to public and private services such

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as public health care. In addition, all people working in the small-scale gold mining
sector, from pit laborers to foremen and cooks, should have the option to join a workers’
union. Among others, this union should strive for compliance with the health and safety
standards of the International Labour Organization. In addition to these national groups, it
is important that miners from different regions form smaller groups that meet the specific
regional needs of their members.
Creating the suggested organizations is not an easy task. Even though Suriname miners
acknowledged that they needed to bundle in order to make progress, few miners had
given self-organization much prior thought or tried to establish a group. Indeed, miners
generally were poorly aware of what a miners’ collective could mean for its members.
The few miners’ organizations that have existed usually have fallen apart within a few
years. They disintegrated because of internal conflicts about time and money
investments, or because the threat that initially motivated bundling had ceased. Other
barriers to organization include: limited skills in organizational management; a lack of
trust among miners; dispersion and mobility; and the absence of government incentives.
In addition, some miners were concerned that visibility as members of an organization
would increase the chances that they were removed from profitable mining areas.
The results indicate a need for a nation-wide awareness campaign for gold miners in
support of the creation of a miners’ organizations. The recommended radio programs and
trainings also should address other areas where miners lack relevant information, namely:
GMD and its work, the benefits of legalization, the mining law, the concession
application procedure, and cleaner and safer mining techniques. The GMD is advised to
hire an expert consultant team to develop, carry out, and evaluate such a program.
Together with the Ministry of Natural Resources, the team should research what
incentives can be offered to registered miners, and how the proposed new mining law can
guarantee that a share of mining revenues flows back to affected communities.
The success of the recommended programs depends upon communication between the
GMD and small-scale gold miners. In this context it is critical that GMD becomes better
known. Its inspectors should regularly visit the mines and occupy permanent field posts
in all main mining areas. Local Maroons should be trained to work at each of these posts.
The GMD also must take on the responsibility to help solve disputes between small-scale
gold miners and large-scale mining companies. A thorough ‘clean-up’ of the current
concession register may reduce current tensions by freeing up space for small-scale
miners. This action also could enhance the credibility of the GMD and the laws it
promotes. It is preferable that dialogue starts before disputes arise. Consultation with
miners and village authorities prior to implementing mining policies, for example, will
reduce the chances of conflict. Both the GMD and miners’ organization should apply for
financial assistance from multilateral funding agencies to support the listed efforts.
The researchers express the hope that the recommendations will open the road for the
organization of small-scale gold miners and the formalization of their work. Such a
transformation of the mining sector will enhance the contribution of small-scale gold
mining to sustainable livelihoods in the interior of Suriname.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors would like to express their gratitude toward all people and institutions that
have participated in the formation of this report. A special word of thanks goes out to all
the Maroon gold miners who shared valuable information, to the mine owners who
facilitated us in their mining camps, and to the villagers of Mooitaki, Nason, and Nieuw
Koffiekamp who received and accommodated us hospitably. We also thank the personnel
of the Geology and Mining Department (GMD) of Suriname for providing transportation,
guidance and information. Mr. H.R. Pollack provided insightful comments on an earlier
draft of this report. This research project was commissioned by the GMD (project 3.1.A)
and financed through a World Wildlife Fund-Guianas grant under the program on Gold
Mining Pollution Abatement (grant# FG-60). Opinions expressed in this report are those
of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of WWF-Guianas, GMD, or other
institutions the authors are affiliated with. The authors also are responsible for all errors
in translation and interpretation.
Marieke Heemskerk & Marilyn Olivieira
Paramaribo, June 31, 2004

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I. INTRODUCTION
This report presents the perceptions and opinions of small-scale gold miners about self-
organization, registration, and legalization. Interviews took place in the interior of
Suriname, South America. Throughout the history of this small country, small-scale gold
miners have operated on the sidelines of its formal economy. Their activities only became
a problem in the 1980s, when the sector boomed beyond the control of national and local
authorities. Today, most small-scale gold miners work informally and often illegally.
Their operations typically do not meet national health and safety standards. Clandestine
miners, drugs, weapons, and crime prevail in the absence of national law enforcement. In
this regulatory vacuum, people working and living in and around the mines suffer from
social disintegration, environmental pollution, and threats to their health, Meanwhile the
country foregoes revenues from the extraction and sale of minerals.
The Geological Mining Department (GMD) of the Ministry of Natural Resources of
Suriname, the public office responsible for regulation and control of mining, seeks to
restructure the small-scale gold mining sector. The goal is that all mine operators work
legally; that they register, comply with concession laws, record their investment and
production, create safe and healthy working conditions, minimize environmental damage,
and pay taxes. GMD commissioned the present study to learn what miners themselves
think about work within the legal framework.
Restructuring the small-scale gold mining sector requires that miners communicate and
collaborate with GMD. The organization of small-scale miners in cooperatives or
associations is crucial to this process. For the government it is easier to address a
collective than dispersed individual miners. The miners, in turn, will have more
negotiation power as a group. Moreover, miners’ associations can help their members in
many other ways, by sharing information, by facilitating access to credit and land, and by
solving disputes among miners. The second objective of this study is to investigate local
perceptions about self-organization as a first step towards formalization of the sector.
This report proceeds as follows. We first provide a brief sketch of the current status of
small-scale gold mining laws and practices in Suriname. Next we describe the methods,
including the study sites and the data collection strategy. The results are presented in
three sections that focus on miners’ perceptions of self-organization, the opinions of
miners of legalization and registration, and miners’ views on the GMD. The
recommendations that were drawn from these results are meant to guide the GMD’s
efforts towards regulation of the small-scale gold mining industry.
Examples from other countries show that even though the process will be long and
sometimes frustrating, organization and formalization are necessary to transforming
small-scale gold mining into a legitimate, sustainable, and economically viable livelihood
activity. This transformation will benefit not only the government and gold miners, but
also the natural environment, miners’ families, and other members of communities
surrounding the mines.

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II. BACKGROUND
II.1 The Suriname small-scale gold mining industry
Suriname is situated north of Brazil, between Guyana and French Guiana. Its 441,356
people1
live almost entirely in and near the capital city of Paramaribo. The rainforest,
which covers 80 percent of the country, houses and provides sustenance to Amerindians
and Maroons – tribal people of African descent.
Figure 1. Small-scale gold mining
regions in Suriname and study sites2
Suriname is economically poor. The official
per capita Gross Domestic Product of
US$ 1,9403
is underestimated as it excludes
unrecorded incomes from remittances,
informal jobs, drugs trade, and small-scale
gold mining. Recent decades show a trend of
increased income inequality and a growing
number of poor people4
. A disproportional
number of Maroons belong to this group.
Abject poverty, combined with worsening
educational and employment opportunities in
the rural regions are among the main reasons
that many Maroon men have become gold
miners.
On the other hand, Suriname is rich in
natural resources. Gold mining has
historically been part of the Suriname
economy, but today’s number of people
involved, the amount of gold extracted, and
its social and ecological impacts are
unprecedented. Figure 1. shows the main
small-scale gold mining areas in Suriname.
Because most small operations hide or distort their production figures, no-one knows
how many people are mining or how much they find. There may be about 12-15 thousand
small-scale miners who mostly use hydraulic power, backhoe excavators, and other
mechanized equipment (Photo 1 & 5)5
. In 2003 the Central Bank of Suriname estimated
that the 11.5 tonnes of gold that were legally exported that year represented between 20
and 30 percent of produced gold. This figure suggests a total annual production of 46
tonnes of gold. Informal observations further suggest that at least three quarters of small-
scale miners either are or employ undocumented labourers from Brazil. In this report we
are primarily concerned with Maroon miners, who dominate the local mining population.
1
Algemeen Bureau voor de Statistiek (2002): 1
2
Image by M. Heemskerk, adapted from Heemskerk and Van der Kooye 2003
3
World Development Indicators database, April 2004
4
Algemeen Bureau voor de Statistiek (2001)
5
Heemskerk and Van der Kooye 2003

7
II.2. Mining law
The current Suriname mining law, which stems from 1986, defines small-scale gold
mining as:
The reconnaissance, exploration and exploitation of a mineral deposit
whose nature, mode of occurrence and quantity make it economically
feasible to use rudimentary mining methods and techniques. (Article 1.l,
Decree E-58, May 8, 1986)
This definition does not apply to the mining of gold only, but gold is the most sought
after and lucrative mineral mined by small-scale miners.
By law, small-scale gold mining can only take place in specifically destined areas. This
law, however, has never been acted upon. The outbreak of an armed conflict between the
contemporary military government and Maroon insurgents in 1986 made supervision of
small-scale gold mining activities impossible. After the war ended in 1992, the GMD
adopted a laissez-faire policy towards small-scale gold mining in order to allow for
economic activity in the impoverished interior. Supervision and mine inspection also had
become difficult as field post had been destroyed and equipment either broken or stolen.
To be considered legal, a mine operator
has to be working on a concession that
was granted by the GMD. One can work
on the concession of another person only
with his or her permission. Such an
agreement usually means that the mine
operator pays the title holder a fee of 5-
10% of gold production. Small-scale
mining rights are granted for areas no
larger than 200 ha., for a maximum period
of two years. The title-holder can renew
these rights for two-year periods at a time.
Photo 1: Hydraulic mining
Concession holders are obliged to pay: royalties at the sum of 1 % of the market value of
the extracted mineral and property taxes at the sum of Sfl 100 (~ 0.04 US$) per ha per
year (Mining law, Artikel 65.1 and Artikel 63.2)6
. Each half year a report has to be
submitted to the GMD with information about investment, production expenses, the labor
force, and the amount of soil processed, among other things. In addition, all mining
operations must obey national regulations about the protection of public health, public
safety, the natural environment, and the interests of third parties (Mining law, Article
45h). People who mine without a permit; hinder inspections; intentionally provide false
information; and hide written or oral records that are requested by a mining official, can
be sentenced to prison for a maximum of two years and/or receive a fine of maximally Sfl
100,000 (~37 US$). The mining law also states that the equipment and other goods that
are used for illegal mining operations will be seized when encountered by inspectors.
6
This is low as compared to Guyana, where miners pay 5% in royalties and 2% in taxes.

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Reality in the mining fields differs substantially from what the law prescribes. Limited by
scarce human and financial resources, the GMD hardly supervises mining activities.
There are few permanent posts in the interior. Field visits are rare and, when they do take
place, tend to remain close to the capital city. In the absence of inspections and punitive
measures, most mining operations openly violate national laws. This situation has many
negative consequences for mine workers, the members of communities surrounding
mines, and the natural environment. Funding from the European Union and royalties
from large-scale mining have been allocated to help the GMD to re-establish its presence
in the interior. In addition, the agency received a 201,150.00 US$ grant from the World
Wildlife Fund to mitigate negative mining effects through organization and regulation of
the sector.
III. METHODS
We evaluated the perceptions of small-scale gold miners in five different locations in the
Suriname interior: two mining camps along the Saramacca River, the village of Mooitaki
at the Tapanahoni River, the village of Nieuw Koffiekamp in the district of Brokopondo,
and the village of Nason across from the Nassau Mountains (Table III.1). Data were
collected through focus groups. Focus groups are facilitated meetings of people who are
asked to discuss about a certain topic. One of the researchers was the facilitator. She first
explained the broader research context and aims of the discussion. It was her task to pose
questions and probe for answers. The co-researcher took notes and joined the discussion
when appropriate. Each group counted between two and six participants, and lasted 40
minutes on average. The discussions were tape recorded and transcribed for analysis. The
focus group guide is attached as Appendix A.
Table III.1. Information about focus group participants, location, and duration
Nr. on
map
Code Location Nr. of
Miners
Ages, Mean
(range)
Duration
in minutes
1 US1 Upper Saramacca (California) 6 28 (22-37) 45
2 US2 Upper Saramacca
(Tjoen concession)
4 24 (22-26) 40
3 MO Mooitaki (Tapanahoni) 4 n.a. 30
4 KK Koffiekamp (Brokopondo) 6 n.a. 45
5 NA Nason (Marowijne) 2 41 (38-44) 35
We had planned to conduct focus groups with mine operators because they determine
labor conditions, mining methods, and other aspects of mine management. Hence it is
most important for the government to reach these operators and also the operators
themselves may reap the greatest benefits from organization. Unfortunately it was not
possible to hold focus groups with mine operators only because they were too dispersed
and not simultaneously available. Instead the focus groups assembled miners of various
professions including operators. In addition, we interviewed three operators that had not
been part of these group discussions separately.

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RESULTS
IV. SELF ORGANIZATION
Organized in diverse ways in many countries, collectives of small-scale and artisanal
miners look after the interests of their members in the mining fields and in society as a
whole. Miners’ associations negotiate with governments on miners’ behalf, solve
conflicts between miners, interfere when miners collided with the law, and help out with
credit arrangements.
Photo 2. Communal gold processing plant,
Santa Filomena, Peru
In addition, cooperatives in various
countries manage mining concessions. The
members share knowledge, resources, and
risks – and consequently higher profits.
Some of these groups have successfully
applied for assistance from multilateral
funding agencies. Miners from the small
Peruvian mountain community of Santa
Filomena, for example, obtained financial
aid from the World Bank to build a small-
scale gold processing plant (Photo 2). In
Suriname, by contrast, few miners had
formed formal groups at the time of the
study. We wanted to know why.
IV.1. Existing organizations and membership
Few small-scale gold miners were or had ever been a member of an organization, for
miners. As a rule, every machine owner is working for him- or herself:
Maroons, when they have their things they do not call upon others. It is
them for themselves. They do not bundle in groups like the Brazilians.
Brazilians, when they want to do something they form an organization to
do the work. But Maroons are not like that. (NA)
Everyone is independent. You work for three months and collect your
payments; you do not have the time to do something like that. (US2)
Maroon miners who do organize, do so in response to a specific incidence or threat. In
the early and mid 1990s, gold diggers from the villages of Brownsweg and Nieuw
Koffiekamp organized –separately- in response to the arrival of Golden Star Resources, a
large-scale exploration company. Fearing income loss and forced relocation, the Nieuw
Koffiekamp collective negotiated with the government about the conditions under which
large-scale industrial activities were to take place. Local miners explained:

10
They were fighting for a working place for us. [The authorities] were of
the opinion that the concession was Cambior’s concession. Then the men
created an organization to find a place to work. (KK)
The group leaders also organized protest actions such as road blocks. When –partly due
to low gold prices- Golden Star retreated from the area, the Nieuw Koffiekamp Collective
fell apart. Just now a new organization has been created to fight for the small-scale gold
miners’ rights vis-à-vis the large-scale company Cambior.
The aims of Gowtuman NV in Brownsweg were to increase small-scale mining profits
through collaboration, and to stimulate alternative economic activities near the village,
such as a timber plant. This group disintegrated before it had a chance to perform.
Several other organizations of small-scale miners have existed but all have fallen apart
within two or three years, usually due to disputes about money and time investment.
In some cases, organizations of miners have lasted longer. In September of 1992, gold
miners from the village of Balengsula created a foundation to manage a concession.
Machine operators working on the land paid 10% of their earnings to the foundation. The
This organization used the money to sponsor community development projects including
food packages for needy families, books for the local school, and the construction of a
local clinic. This case, unfortunately, is an exception.
We can conclude that the large majority of miners is not organized in any form, nor has
given self-organization much thought. When the idea is posed, miners react positively.
There is a will to organize, but there are few clear ideas about who or how.
IV.2. Expectations
We asked miners what they wanted from a small-scale gold miners’ organization if they
were to become members. Their answers demonstrated that few miners understood what
an organization might do for them. After we gave examples of the work of small-scale
miners’ collectives elsewhere, local miners listed what they desired from an organization.
These services included: (a) training in cleaner and safer mining methods, (b) access to
credit/ help with the acquisition of material, (c) support for safer and better working
conditions - including social security, (d) negotiation with the government and other
stakeholders, (e) assistance in obtaining a concession, and (f) support for community
development projects (Photo 1).
Requests for training in cleaner and safer mining techniques were likely influenced by
the discussion of World Wildlife Fund pamphlets about such mining methods by the
researchers. Nevertheless, also during earlier visits we noticed a local demand for
information about both mining effects -such as mercury pollution- and alternative mining
methods (Photo 6). A mine operator from the Brokopondo area specified:
[We would like] trainings on how to deal with the environment, with
mercury and for example what to do with the pit once one is done with it.
…. The main advantage [of organization] for the miners is that the costs

11
to resolve these problems are minimized because [the problems] are
addressed collectively (Mine operator).
After we had talked about mercury contamination, a local miner suggested that a
collective might buy retorts for some of its members so that they can show how this
device works (Photo 3). He called for technical assistance as he explained his situation:
How we just talked about the machine [retort, ed.] to work ... without
mercury, if you could get that than you could set an example for the
others. …[Then] everyone will see that the problems with mercury are
reducing. At the moment there is no way to work in another way because
you have to live as well. (MO)
Photo 3: Burning the mercury–gold amalgam without a retort
Mine operators have a hard time obtaining credit for the acquisition of materials and
mine construction. One operator from the Upper Saramacca region complained:
No single bank is willing to finance us; they do not finance the gold sector.
You can dig for one entire year and not produce any gold. I have dug …
nine months to prospect, and only now we are beginning to extract gold
from the earth. (Mine operator)
Several other miners proposed credit arrangements in which a loan to buy machines
could be paid back with the revenues:
Well, the support that I would like… say you have a [mining] machine but
it is small. Then you could get [a loan to buy] a larger machine; as you
work you would pay off your debt. (MO)
Prior to giving out loans, however, banks want to see a calculation of gold
reserves, a financial management plan, and a business prospectus. The typical
small-scale gold miner is not able to submit any of these documents. The new
draft mining law could help improve the creditworthiness of small-scale miners
by proposing that the GMD prospects the areas destined for small-scale gold
mining. This new law also proposes that small-scale mining rights become
marketable, so that they might serve as collateral for a loan.

12
Better and safer working conditions, including social security, are of key importance
to small-scale gold miners and their families. Miners hoped that an organization could
strive for better salaries, adequate safety measures, health insurance, and other social
benefits such as old-age pensions:
[How we work now] you have no insurance, you do not have an old age
pension. … If you get injured now, you will have to pay [the doctor] out of
your pocket. …A cooperative could enroll its members in a health
insurance plan [Ziekenfonds]. (US1)
As medium- and large-scale mining companies are increasingly competing with small-
scale gold miners for resources, it is important that small-scale miners form a unity. As a
group with one voice, small-scale miners will have more power in negotiations with the
government and other stakeholders than speaking on their own account.
Miners from the villages of Nieuw Koffiekamp and Nason were most interested in the
help an organization could offer in finding a working area for small scale miners near
their communities. Small-scale gold miners from these and surrounding villages have
been expelled from the concession areas of Cambior and Suralco, respectively, and are
consequently left without a place to work. Miners from Nieuw Koffiekamp referred to the
example of Guyana, where a miners’ association obtained an area for small-scale miners:
The problem from Guyana was even worse than that of 106 [=Nieuw
Koffiekamp] here. The thing had gone very bad. Then they went to the
government, and put the government under pressure to give the
porknockers of Guyana a terrain. Miss, if you see the place they have
given the porknockers; it is from here until [pointing at a point far away].
If you knew the area here, it would be until 111 [5 km further]. (KK)
Another miner noted:
If there would be an organization that could [help us] obtain titles, I
would like to make papers [to work legally] because I know where there
are good places to make money in the forest. (NA)
Last, miners would like an organization to support community development. It should
address problems caused by mining, such as polluted drinking water and help in other
ways, for example by sponsoring education and ceremonial events.
IV.3. Barriers and disincentives to organization
What keeps people from establishing cooperatives or associations that could meet the
mentioned needs? Even though there is a theoretical will to organize, several barriers
stand in the way to reach this objective. We list these barriers below.
(a) Passive attitude
We observed a passive attitude towards organization among Maroon gold miners. Many
wanted to become members, but were waiting for some-one else – the government,

13
foreign organizations, or a local leader- to make the first move. Comments from the
different study regions illustrate this sentiment:
We want to [organize] but there is no leader (US1)
A leader has to stand up, then we can see [what we can do] (US2).
We want to begin but the right person we have not yet found … , a suitable
person who will knock on the door and tell us to start. (MO)
When we asked miners why they did not organize like the Brazilians, some responded
that Brazilians have to stick together because they have come as foreigners in a strange
country. Without a specific threat to their livelihoods, few Maroon miners are motivated
enough to form a group:
Quite a while ago we were talking about something in the forest, where we
would give a contribution…. If every month [each team] would donate 50
gram, with four working places, then today the [total amount saved]
would be a lot. So that is what we talked about when we met. However, at
the moment a man sees things are going well with him, he forgets what we
have been talking about. When things are not going well, then you sit and
think, yes, I want to do that. There is no other way [to get ahead]. (US1)
The limited awareness of what a miners’ collective could do for its members makes that
few attempts go beyond talking.
(b) Lack of know-how.
One mine operator pointed at a need for training in organizational management:
People should be trained to master the skills of organization; how should
they run an organization, keep an administration, and perform their tasks
in a sustainable way. (Mine Operator)
Poor book keeping had troubled the work of the organization this man headed. Miners
also have had problems selecting the most suitable organizational structure. For example,
one group of miners had created a foundation (Stichting) with the purpose of jointly
obtaining a concession. Next they discovered that this type of organization cannot apply
for a concession. They would have been better served by a Public Limited Company
(Naamloos Vennootschap) or another type of organization that can earn a profit.
(c) Lack of unity and trust.
Small-scale gold miners themselves acknowledged that there is little unity and trust
among them. One of the mine operators lamented:
There is so much secrecy in the gold business. At a given moment [when
you organize] you have to sit around the table with one another and talk
about the work… and I am afraid that miners do not like to show others
what they are doing and how far they have come. (Mine operator)
Some miners were afraid that an organization would just collect money without the
members having a say in its allocation. Others were concerned that the steering
committee might establish bylaws that one disagrees with, or change the bylaws without
prior consultation with the members. Cultural and language differences reinforce feelings

14
of distrust. Dispersion (see d) also plays a role: it is difficult to establish good
relationships with someone who you never see.
(d) Miners are geographically dispersed and mobile.
Mining teams work and live in camps that are spread out over a large area. Travel
between different mining regions may take several days and is expensive. The fact that
small-scale gold miners move around makes it even harder to come together and discuss
things. The latter may be less of a problem in the case of mine operators because the
movement of mining machines to another area is cumbersome and expensive.
(f) Time and money investment.
Few operators can afford to free up time to meet, let alone to run an organization.
Moreover, someone will need to cover administrative and other managerial expenses.
Gold miners acknowledged that there should be a membership fee, either a fixed fee or a
percentage of the revenues:
“You have to pay a fee, then you can demand, then you can look for
things. Because when you do not pay a fee the cooperative cannot reach
into its pockets to give you. (BS1)
At the same time, miners in various groups mentioned that it is difficult to collect a
regular contribution among miners because, they said, most people are only thinking
about their own pocket:
[Maroons] are greedy. One want to do something else, another one does
not have money to pay, another one does not want to pay. Then you see
that rapidly everything falls apart. (NA)
Indeed, several existing organizations disintegrated because some members found that
others were profiting from their time or money investment without paying their dues.
(g) Perceived risk of visibility.
Some miners were worried that the government would expel them from their work places
once they knew their location. Organization brings visibility, and thereby certain risks:
We are working somewhere but we do not tell the government. We hide
and work silently until the work is done. … No, the government will expel
us [if they would know]. (NA)
Even with legal papers they believed that: “…as long as there is a lot of money in a
place, the government will pull you from it.” (NA)
(h) Absence of governmental incentives
In several countries with a sizable small-scale mining population, the governments
promote organization by offering incentives. In Guyana, for example, members of the
Miners’ Association can buy equipment free of import taxes upon demonstration of their
membership card. The Guyana government also provides organized miners with
geological and technical assistance. Suriname Miners felt that whether or not they were
organized did not make any difference in terms of financial or other assistance they might
get from the government.

15
V. LEGALIZATION & REGISTRATION
There are many reasons why governments want to legalize and document their small-
scale gold mining populations. In the first place there are economic arguments. At
present, the Suriname government forfeits income from royalties and taxes. Assuming a
production of 46 tonnes of gold (see §II.1) and a gold price of 10 US$/gram, the Ministry
of Natural Resources could earn 4.6 million US dollars in royalties each year if all small-
scale gold miners paid 1% of their earnings, as proposed in the draft for a new mining
law. Tax payments (proposed at 0.50 US$/ha) could add an additional 0.5 – 1 million US
dollars7
annually. This money could be used by the Geology and Mining Department to
staff posts in the interior, buy equipment for field inspectors, and develop infrastructure.
A regulated small-scale mining population also is better for business. An uncontrolled
population of miners will deter potential large-scale investors. From a political stand, an
undocumented small-scale mining population is difficult to govern because policy makers
do not know how many people are mining, who they are, what they earn, and where and
how they work. Registration also may reduce crime by facilitating policing of the mining
areas. Gold miners in Brazil and Guyana, for example, carry miners’ ID cards. Anyone in
the mining area who does not possess an I.D. may be deported. This regulation makes it
more difficult for criminals to hang out in the area.
Research elsewhere in South America shows that also small-scale miners themselves
prefer to work formally8
. The national governments of these countries make it attractive
by offering a variety of services to legal miners. The government of Guyana, for
example, provides registered mine operators with geological reports and maps. It also
offers technical assistance with the aim of reducing negative mining effects and the most
deplorable labor conditions. Registration will, ultimately, generate a data base that makes
it possible to plan such public activities.
If re-invested in the interior, royalty and tax payments could improve the living
conditions of small-scale gold miners, their families, and other members of communities
surrounding the mines. In the Philippines, for example, a share of the government’s
mining revenues flows back into a People's Small-scale Mining Protection Fund for the
benefit of small-scale miners. This and other examples suggest that both the government
and local miners will benefit from a better regulated, legal, small scale gold mining
industry. We will now evaluate the responses of Maroon gold miners to these examples.
7
In 1997 it was estimated that small-scale gold miners were dispersed over 20,000 km2
(Veiga 1997). In
the mean time miners have occupied new areas but also abandoned others so that the total area worked by
small-scale gold miners may not have changed much. In the present calculation we assume that miners
would obtain formal titles to at least 50% of this area.
8
MMSD South America work team. 2004.

16
V.1. Legal and undocumented miners
Some of the interviewees were working on legal concessions and paid the title holder
10% of their revenues in fees. Most miners, however, did not work on a concession that
had been recognized by the government or else did so without the permission of the title
holder. The latter occurs frequently when a concession holder from the city does not have
the means to police the area and collect his or her fees.
Photo 5: Small-scale mining using a backhoe excavator (Sella Creek)
Miners who do not work on a recognized concession often still pay concession fees.
Sometimes these fees are paid to the ethnic group or clan that claims the territory on the
basis of tribal custom (e.g. Sella Creek). In other cases fees are paid to the captain of a
nearby village or to the person who first discovered the creek. Some miners paid no
concession fees at all. They said they were “children of the land”, that is, members of the
ethic group that claims ancestral rights to the area. Some miners were of the opinion that
it is better to work legally because authorities or other title holders cannot come and
chase you away. Others found that it made little difference whether or not they were
working legally; they had to pay a fee to someone anyway, and legality did not seem to
offer any benefits.
The idea of introducing ID cards was positively received:
It will be a good system. It allows one to execute control. It also protects
the miners themselves, miners will be positive towards registration once
they see what they will get in return. (Mine operator)
“Such a [ID] card we see as a good way to fight criminality. People who
do not have the pass are illegal, and we have no use for them in the
forest.” (US1)

17
[This system] is good because there must be safety. … When someone
comes, you are 100% certain that this person comes to dig gold. But now
there are so many people who come do other things.” (MO)
A few miners feared that registration and increased visibility would give the government
a tool to take over the most profitable areas from small-scale miners:
I would like to do it [make an ID card] but we are afraid it will become
just like they are bothering the men working at Mount Meriang9
. … If you
discover a place there [in the forest] you are afraid to tell the government,
because they will come chase you away. They will come with their guns,
you will have to run. (NA)
Such concerns could be taken away by offering some form of mining rights to registered
small-scale gold miners. Without secure titles, the chances that miners would make
themselves known to the government are slim.
Registration through ID cards not only would provide a means to control the mining area.
It also would generate a database with information about the ages, nationality, equipment
used, socioeconomic status, and other characteristics of small-scale gold miners. These
data are critical to the design and implementation of mining policies, including (training)
programs on gold mining pollution abatement.
V.2. Concession rights and obligations
Some miners lauded the assistance they had received at GMD when searching for a
concession. Others expressed discontent with the concession application procedure. The
main reason for frustration is that virtually all areas of interest have been allocated.
Complaints were loudest in the sites where large-scale mining companies are competing
with small-scale miners for resources; at Gross Rosebell (Brokopondo) and the Nassau
Mountains. Comments from local miners illustrate their concerns:
I have already been to the GMD office but they did not want to give me a
[concession title] document. The government has taken all. (NA)
Many times we have gone to ask for [a concession], but we have not been
able to get one. … You cannot even obtain 100 meters of the forest.
[Cambior] keeps the place under strict control. I myself, two times they
have been shooting at me. In Koffiekamp here, I can tell you with
certainty, they will never have an [concession] area for us. (KK)
Large scale mining companies could reduce discontent by securing a part of their
concession for small-scale miners. Miners might quit working illegally on these
concessions if an alternative were offered:
Look how they have an area at the other side, it is only mud, you know.
Cambior does not work such places; they only work in the hills. … So
9
Meriam or Meriang Mountain is a hill in the Nassau Mountains where small-scale gold miners were
finding a lot of gold. Suralco forcefully removed all small-scale miners from this area at the onset of
exploration activities on this and surrounding mountains, which fall within the company’s concession area.

18
these areas where you know they are not working, even if you ask them,
they tell you No. But those are the areas that they could give us to work,
isn’t it? (KK)
For those who succeeded in obtaining a concession, the road has been long and
cumbersome. One small-scale miner waited half a year before he was notified. During
this time he had posted daily in front of the GMD office in town, sponsored by fellow
miners, to draw attention to his case. Miners with less perseverance or support have been
waiting for years, to hear later that some-one else obtained title to the requested plot.
Others simply cannot afford “to go to the city, to go and search for a concession because
you have to work.” (MO) Maroon miners also noted that the licenses of many urban title
holders who have never paid their dues are not revoked:
When you go to the GMD office they show you that someone has this area,
but it has been many years that the man has paid. The document no longer
is valid. Despite this, the [concession holder] may still be of the opinion
that he has [title to] the place. You cannot work there anymore. That is a
big problem. (NA)
GMD officials acknowledged the problem of expired concession titles.
Concession holders, mine operators, and laborers are, like all people working in
Suriname, obliged to pay taxes. Few of the miners we talked to had ever paid taxes and
even fewer had done so voluntarily. Most miners expressed willingness to pay taxes and
undergo control by GMD inspectors, but they expected something in return:
If the government does something for me, if we find money [financial
support] to work better, then we could pay taxes. If the government would
prospect and show you where the gold is, of course you have to pay taxes.
But if the government does not do anything and still they hit you with the
tax returns; that is not nice. (US1)
Previous tax collection campaigns in the interior have seemed rather arbitrarily. By
decreasing the incentive to register, these actions have worked counter productively:
If you register, then these men [from the Tax office] have all your papers.
Next thing, they will hit you with taxes; 5 million, 20 million. A couple of
years ago the tax service came to collect among us; 20 million, 25 million.
Because when you register, you give your name, address, and such (MO).
Miners acknowledged it would be difficult to develop a system of tax collection that
would be fair, fraud-proof, and manageable given the available human and financial
resources.
Finally, we found that licensed small-scale gold miners were poorly informed about their
duties. It is GMD’s responsibility to ensure that concession holders know these duties,
perform them, and undergo sanctions if they fail to do so. In practice, concession holders
are virtually free to manage their concessions as they wish.

19
V.3. Return services
As stated above, miners are willing to follow the letter of the mining law, but expect
government support in return. In the first place they want their tax payments to benefit
development of the interior, in the forms of community development projects and
support for small-scale mining operations.
We do not have electric light, we do not have a generator … there is no
communication network. For example, there is no telephone to make
contact. So we are isolated here at the river. If you have to call the city
[from the mining area] you pay many decigram; you pay two deci [~2
US$] to call one minute. That is six thousand Sfl a minute!” (US1)
There should be a medical post here so that things become easier for us.
You do not have to pay so much money [to visit a doctor]. And there must
be police in the forest to control…. Because those are the main [problems]
we have in the forest: illness and criminality. (US2)
The need for Police protection was mentioned frequently. Gold miners are not opposed
to police and military in the forest but, they emphasized, these forces also should follow
the letter of the law. At present, some concession holders pay military personnel a fee to
chase small-scale miners from ‘their’ territory. It is the government’s responsibility to
make sure that the armed forces do not misuse their authority.
Picture 6. Sleeping shelter in a mining camp
Also high on the list of needs is health care in the form of more, closer, and better
supplied clinics. Primary Health Care Suriname (Medizebs), the institution providing
health care in the interior of Suriname, treats locals at their regional clinic at no cost.
Those working outside their home region are helped for free after a radio-check with their
own clinic. Urban residents pay for medical assistance, but the treatment of malaria and
help in the case of accidents are always free. The main problem for miners is that clinics
can be several hours to a day’s travel removed from the mines. Besides the travel
expenses, a delay in obtaining medical assistance can be fatal in the case of serious
injuries or illnesses.

20
Miners also repeated the need for credit arrangements. Some miners suggested that they
should be able to use the concession as collateral for a loan:
When you have a concession, the government does not allow [the bank] to
give you a loan [using the concession as collateral]. For example, if your
machine has a problem, you want a loan to buy the things [to repair it]. …
Now you can get a loan to continue the work, but if you do not find the
money … than [the lenders] will take all your furniture. (US1)
Again we heard requests for training about cleaner and safer mining methods, which
we discussed in section IV. In addition, miners identified a need for training in
organizational management, including training about the creation and management of
an administration. As said, miners from Nieuw Koffiekamp and Nason were most
concerned with a working area. If they are to pay taxes, access to land is a priority:
If they would find a place to work than it would be no problem for the
[gold miners] to pay taxes. …But now all the boys are [unemployed] in
the village. (KK)
Well, if they would give us [concession] papers then we can pay
taxes; if we find a place to work. (NA)
VI. GMD AND OTHER GOVERNMENT
Interviews suggest that small-scale gold miners are insufficiently familiar with the GMD
and its mission. In one group, miners asked the research team: “So, what actually is
GMD?” Everyone has heard about it, but few people could tell us what this office really
does and how it can help them. More informed miners knew that the GMD prospects and
makes maps.
That the GMD is little known is largely due to its limited visibility in the mining fields.
Virtually no-one had seen, let alone talked to, a GMD official in the interior over the past
fifteen years. The last time miners from the Nassau Mountains had seen a GMD
representative in the field was before the armed conflict (1986-1992), when GMD
occupied a field post in the area. Furthermore, few focus group participants had visited
the office of GMD in the city. This situation is problematic because gold miners who
have never spoken with a GMD official may not confide in the sensitivity of GMD to
their problems. They also are unlikely to comply with the rules of this agency or
approach it for assistance. On the positive side, GMD has a good reputation among small-
scale gold miners who have interacted with its personnel. Also most miners said they
would cooperate with GMD inspections of their mining camps.
It is important that GMD, as a representative of the government, enters a dialogue with
small-scale gold miners. At the moment many miners perceive that the government is
deaf to their problems and concerns:
… We are hearing nothing from [president] Venetiaan. It isn’t today that
we are pressing the government; they do not take care of us. They promise

21
but nothing happens. Everything [we propose to them] goes into the
garbage can. We have rights; we are all the same human beings. (KK)
Recently a delegation of miners went to talk with government officials. The miners tell
embittered that the minister and his associates: “…left, leaving [the delegation] behind.
They do not want to hear anything from us here.” (KK) Without public efforts to enter
communication with miners, the Koffiekamp and similar situations are likely to escalate.
Miners not only want to interact with the government when there are problems, they also
want to be more involved in the policy making process. Consult with small-scale gold
miners prior to the implementation of laws that are targeting this occupational group
increases the chances that new laws are applicable, relevant, and complied with. To enter
this dialogue, miners need to be better informed about mining laws and policies -- in
Suriname and in other countries.
VII. SYNTHESIS
There are many arguments for formalization of the small-scale gold mining sector. We
mentioned income for the government, a more stable investment climate, and an
enhanced ability to control crime and improve health and safety in and around small-
scale mines. Maroon miners generally view legalization as a positive change. Every
person we spoke to believed that the introduction of miners’ ID cards would be a good
idea. Maroon miners also expressed willingness to undergo field inspections and pay
taxes. In return for their collaboration, however, they expected governmental support in
various areas, including:
- Community development projects, including better health care facilities
- Support for small-scale mining operations and infrastructure
- Police protection
- Access to credit
- Training in cleaner and safer mining methods
- Training in organizational management
- Access to a working area for small-scale gold miners
The latter issue, mining rights for small-scale miners, was the primary concern among
miners from the villages of Nieuw Koffiekamp and Nason who had been removed from
their working areas by large-scale mining companies.
Legalization and supervision of the small-scale gold mining sector will benefit from the
organization of small-scale miners. Small-scale miners throughout the world have formed
groups that provide a variety of services and represent miners’ interests in contacts with
the government, large-scale mining companies, and other stakeholders. Maroon miners
said they would like to be members of such a miners’ organization. However, few had
given self-organization much prior thought, and even fewer had ever tried to form a
group. Instead, everyone is waiting for someone else to take the first step. We explained
this passive attitude partly by the observed lack of understanding of what a miners’
organization could do for its members. The few miners’ collectives that have existed

22
usually have fallen apart within a few years due to internal conflicts or because the threat
that initially motivated bundling had ceased.
After the researchers provided examples of the work of miners’ cooperatives and
associations in other countries, Maroon gold miners came up with several tasks they
would want their organization to perform. Among its main tasks would be to lobby for
public support for the small-scale mining sector and represent miners in negotiations with
the government, the large-scale mining industry, and other stakeholders. Miners also
wanted a potential miners’ organization to promote safer and better working conditions,
including access to social security for miners. Other things miners desired from a
collective were similar to the services asked from the government, which we listed above.
Several conditions block the creation of functional and lasting organizations among
small-scale gold miners. In addition to the mentioned passive attitude, Maroons miners
are hindered by a lack of training in organizational management and administration.
Furthermore, in part due to historic socio-cultural relations, there is little trust among
miners. Their dispersion and mobility also makes it difficult to come together and
establish trusting relationships (4th
). Fifth, conflicts about members’ time and money
contributions have caused the disintegration of several previously existing organizations.
Some miners also were concerned that increased visibility as members of an organization
would increase the chances that they are removed from profitable mining areas (6th
). And,
finally, the government offers few incentives to miners that do group. The researchers
conclude this report with recommendations to overcome these barriers and stimulate the
organization and formalization of Suriname’s small-scale gold mining sector (§ VIII).
International examples suggest that legalization is a necessary –though not sufficient-
step towards the abatement of social, health, and environmental problems that plague the
Suriname small-scale gold mining industry. The organization of small-scale gold miners
is critical to the success of such restructuring efforts. It remains a challenge to GMD to
develop and implement the recommended initiatives and programs with the available
human and financial resources.
Photo 6: Abandoned mine pit (Sella Creek area)

23
VIII. RECOMMENDATIONS
Suriname does not need to reinvent the wheel. Many other nations have, with varying
degrees of success, formalized their small-scale mining sector. Similarly, small-scale
miners throughout the world have organized in various forms. We do not need to go far
to find examples; the Federation des Operateurs Mineurs de Guyane (FEDOME) and the
Guyana Gold and Diamond Miners Association provide models that, with some
adjustments, are suitable for Suriname. Below we present more specific
recommendations in three areas: (1) the creation of small-scale gold miners’
organizations; (2) awareness and information, and (3) GMD activities in support of
formalization of the Suriname small-scale gold mining sector.
VIII. 1. Organization of small-scale gold miners
We recommend support for the creation of organizations of small-scale gold miners on
the national and regional levels. Three types of organization, each with their specific
objectives, could work in parallel and support each others activities. Each of these groups
could apply for financial support from multilateral funding agencies (Appendix B)
(a) A Chamber of Mining
At the national level, a politically independent Chamber of Mining should register mine
operators. This Chamber could represent small-scale gold miners in disputes with other
stakeholders, solve conflicts between members, provide training and information, and
strive for better working conditions. While the details must be worked out by the miners,
we also suggest:
- A rotating, democratically-elected board with a salaried director
- Salaried professional administrative staff
- Members would receive ID cards for themselves and their workers.
(b) Unionization
It is important that mine workers can join a union. A union could strive for better and
safer working conditions, including access to public health care. It also would give
laborers a place to go if they feel they are treated unjustly.
(c) Smaller regional groups
Smaller groups of mine operators should organize on a regional basis, similar to the
Syndicates in the French Department of La Guyane. The formation of regional
organization may be stimulated through the dissemination of public information about the
benefits of organization (VII.1).

24
VIII.2. Awareness and information
The results demonstrate a need for increased awareness of the benefits of organization.
Few miners have a clear idea of what a miners’ association can do for them and why it is
worth their time and money investment. We recommend a combination of trainings and
radio programs to promote the formation of miners’ groups and disseminate other
relevant information.
(a) Participatory Training and Meetings
A 3-day Workshop on organization for Maroon mine operators would have the objective
to launch a national gold miners Chamber or association. The 15-20 participants should
have shown prior interest in the organization of Suriname miners. The workshop would
be prepared and facilitated by consultants who work closely with GMD officials, the
participants, and members from the Federation des Operateurs Mineurs de Guyane
(FEDOME) and the Guyana Gold and Diamond Miners Association.
GMD should work with consultants familiar with participatory training to organize one-
day or half-day training-sessions on (I) Safer, healthier, and cleaner mining techniques
and (II) Old and new mining laws and regulations. Different modules of I could be:
mercury-free mining methods, the use of retorts, why and how to fill old pits, and work
safety (e.g. helmets, protective glasses). With sufficient interest the training could travel
to the various mining areas.
(b) Radio programs
Radio is one of the best vehicles to bring information to the isolated interior. Radio Pakati
is the only medium that reaches virtually all villages and mining camps along the
Tapanahoni, Lawa, and Marowijne (until Langetabbetje) Rivers. Places closer to town
can be reached by some of the national radio stations. We recommend that the GMD
commissions the production of a series of 20-minute informative radio programs. These
programs would be played biweekly and repeated several times over the course of a year.
Episodes could feature both reporting by the program maker as well as interviews with
members of the miners’ organizations in neighboring countries, GMD officials, and
mining engineers.
VIII.3. Activities for GMD
The above processes ask for a commitment of GMD. This office can support the
organization and legalization of small-scale gold miners in many ways.
(a) GMD must be more visible and approachable. More frequent field visits and the
(re)establishment of permanent GMD posts in all main mining areas would enhance
miners’ familiarity with GMD. It would allow GMD to generate better records and
distribute information, while miners would have an opportunity to ask about mining
laws and techniques. Adequate recruiting and training and bonus payments should
make the position of field officer an interesting job rather than a punishment.

25
(b) Local Maroons should be trained to be GMD field officers and their assistants. This
will create employment and increase the local familiarity with the office.
(c) The GMD should hold public meetings in the interior prior to the implementation of
new mining regulations to inform and obtain feedback from miners and villagers.
This is important because village chiefs occasionally give out informal concessions to
miners and get paid by them. This could interfere with GMD regulations.
(d) The GMD should work out the logistics of providing local miners with ID cards. If a
national Chamber or Association of Miners is created, the ID card could fall under
their auspices.
(e) The GMD should work with the Suriname government to create a system of benefits
to miners that are registered or belong to a registered miners’ association. Examples
of services are tax breaks and discounts on machinery.
(f) Maroon miners will be more likely to pay taxes and royalties if they know the money
will benefit their families and home communities. It is recommended that the newly
proposed mining law includes a clause about public spending of mining revenues on
community development projects, such as health care facilities, physical
infrastructure, and the telecommunication network.
(g) The GMD must actively assist the government and the large-scale mining industry in
finding a satisfactory solution for the forced displacement of small-scale miners at
Nassau and Nieuw Koffiekamp. Local gold miners should be offered an acceptable
alternative working area - on or off the company’s concession. Local miners who feel
that they are treated unfairly and ignored are likely to disobey the law and obstruct
the work of the large-scale mining companies. This is already happening andcan
escalate to much greater proportions.
(h) Miners will not seek to work on legal concessions if they feel that the concession
application process favors political allies, that all land is already allocated, and that
current concessionaries are not following the law either. Revoking concession titles
from people who do not comply with the Mining law would free up areas for landless
miners and enhance the credibility of GMD. It would be useful to make titles
available for smaller areas (25 ha) that are easier to manage for an individual.
Note: Many of the recommendations have been proposed before by different individuals
and institutions. In fact, several recommendations are identical to those in a report written
by a Mr. Polak one century ago10
. It also is worth mentioning that the GMD is already
working on several of the listed initiatives. To date, however, few of these efforts have
crystallized into concrete results. The government, small-scale gold miners, and large-
scale mining companies must join forces to transform small-scale gold mining into a
formal and viable economic activity that contributes to sustainable livelihoods in rural
Suriname.
10
Polak 1908

26
REFERENCES
Algemeen Bureau voor de Statistiek
2002 Statistical Yearbook 2001 of the Republic of Suriname. Paramaribo,
Suriname.
2001 Poverty lines and Poverty in Suriname. Suriname in Cijfers no 191-2001/02.
Government, of Suriname
1986 Mining Decree E-58 of May 8, 1986, Containing General Rules for
Exploration and Exploitation of Minerals. Paramaribo, Suriname: Republic of
Suriname.
Heemskerk, M. and R. van der Kooye
2002 Social, economic, and political dimensions of small-scale gold mining in
Suriname. Chapter 32. In: Gavin M. Hilson (ed.) The Socio-economic Impact
of Small-Scale Mining in Developing Countries: An Update. Lisse,
Netherlands: A.A.Balkema Publishers
MMSD South America work team.
2004 Mining, Minerals, and Sustainable Development in South America.
Montevideo, Uruguay: The International Development Research Centre & the
Mining Policy Research Initiative.
Polak, J.A.
1908 Historisch Overzicht van de Goudindustrie van Suriname. ’s GravenHage:
Martinus Nijhof.
Veiga, M.M.
1997 Artisanal Gold Mining Activities in Suriname. Vancouver, Canada: UNIDO
(United Nations Industrial Development Organization).
World Bank
2004 World Development Indicators database 2004.
URL: http://www.worldbank.org/data/dataquery.html

27
APPENDIX A.
FOCUS GROUP QUESTIONS AND DISCUSSION GUIDE
INTRODUCTION (5 min)
1. Introduce ourselves, explain the project, and explain informed consent procedure
(Appendix A).
2. Round of introductions; ask people to say their name, age, occupation, and mining
history (i.e. how long has the person been working in mining, doing what tasks?)
SECTION 1: SELF ORGANIZATION
1. Who in this group has ever belonged, or is still belonging, to a social organization?
We think of formal organizations such as a union or a ‘stichting’, but also of informal
groups, such the committees that are organized to organize funerals. Has any of these
groups focused on small-scale gold miners?
2. To those who are not members of any organization, we can ask: What kinds of social
organizations exist in your home village? Why are you not a member of these
organizations?
3. To those who belong to an organization we can ask: What kind of organization is
this? How does it work in terms of management? Why have you organized in this
form? What are the advantages and disadvantages of membership of this type of
organization?
4. Brazilians miners are organized in the Cooperativo de Garimpeiros. This
organization helps Brazilian miners find a place to work and live, establish
relationships with fellow miners, and solve problems with the national authorities. In
addition, miners can sell gold and communicate with the interior by radio at the
Cooperativo.
Do you know of Maroon small-scale gold miners in Suriname that are organized in a
similar way? What kind of organization do they have? What are the advantages and
disadvantages of membership of this type of organization? Why have you not formed
something similar?
5. If someone would come to you and suggest that you join his organization for small-
scale gold miners, would you sign up? What would this person need to offer for you
to become a member?
6. If there would be an organization for small-scale gold miners, run and supported by
miners themselves, what kind of services do you believe such an organization should
render. What would this organization need to offer for you to become a member?

28
7. What do you think could be the benefits for miners of being organized? In what ways
may it help you perform your profession?
8. What do you think could be the disadvantages of being organized?
9. If there were indeed an organization that provided the services you listed above, how
much would you be willing to pay in membership fees?
10. What factors are keeping people from organizing? What are barriers to the
organization of small-scale gold miners?
11. How could we motivate miners to organize? What could the government and miners
themselves do to remove the barriers listed above?
SECTION II. REGISTRATION AND LEGALIZATION
1. Do you have formal concession rights in the area you are working in or are you
working on someone’s concession?
a. If yes: How did you gain these rights and what was your motivation?
b. If no: Why not? Was it a conscious choice? Have you ever tried and why did it not
work out? Do you know how to get a formal concession?
2. Many miners who are not working on legal concessions fear that they will be
removed if the government knows about their activities. Do you feel that being
registered by a governmental institution will have negative consequences for you, for
example because then it is easier for the government to come after you?
Consequences could be: having to pay tax, obligations to insure your employees or to
follow strict work & safety regulations.
3. Do you think that being registered by a governmental institution can be beneficial for
you? How? What services would you expect from the government/GMD in return?
4. In Guyana miners have to carry a miners’ I.D. with them. Anyone in the mining area
who done not possess such an I.D. may be deported. This is done to improve safety in
these areas. If the Suriname government would apply the same methods, would you
buy such an I.D? How much would you be willing to pay for it?
5. Are you willing to carry the consequences/responsibilities that registration will bring
about? Which of these consequences do you fear most, or do you not want ?
6. In Guyana, miners have to pay 5% royalties and 2% taxes. Have you ever paid taxes
over your mining revenues?
Are you willing to pay mining taxes?
a. If yes: How much do you think is fair to pay?
b. If no: Why not?

29
7. Who do you think should pay taxes? Machine owners, all gold miners, or concession
holders?
8. Where do you think the tax money should flow to; to local or national authorities?
What should the money be used for?
9. Would you attend technical work and safety trainings held provided by the
government if they were voluntary or mandatory?
a. If no : Why not?
SECTION III. MINERS, GMD, AND OTHER GOVERNMENT
1. In previous interviews elsewhere we discovered that many miners and villagers asked
for more government presence in the interior. They particularly requested military
and/ or police posts. Do you agree with this? In what other ways would you like to
see government involvement in the mining area – if at all?
2. Do you know what is the role or function of GMD in relation to the small-scale gold
mining sector in Suriname?
3. In Guyana, government inspectors pay field visits to all mining camps to check how
much they produce, if they follow environmental laws, if appropriate health measures
have been taken, and if the miner has a legal license to mine. Have you ever been
visited or inspected by GMD officials? If GMD were to establish posts in the interior,
how would you feel about inspectors coming to your site regularly? Would you be
willing to share information about your operation such as investment costs and
earnings?
4. Have you ever spoken with people from GMD or visited the GMD office in
Paramaribo? How was that experience. What is your opinion of this agency? Is it a
place where you would go to seek assistance?
TO CONCLUDE…
1. Is there anything more you would like to say about this topic? Do you have any
concerns or questions about this project?
Thank you very much for your participation in this focus group. It is important to us
to hear your voices and opinions. We hope that what we learn from you will help the
GMD to work more constructively with small-scale gold miners like yourselves.

30
APPENDIX B.
SOURCES OF FUNDING FOR A SMALL-SCALE GOLD MINERS’
ASSOCIATION
1. CASM (Communities and Small-Scale Mining). CASM is a multi-donor
networking and coordination facility working under the auspices of the World
Bank. Its mission is to reduce poverty by supporting integrated sustainable
development of communities, affected by or involved in artisanal and small-scale
mining in developing countries. URL: www.casmnet.org
2. IDRC (International Development research Center) Mining Policy Research
Initiative (MPRI). The mining program of this Canadian development
organization has as its goals to: (a) facilitate communication between the diverse
stakeholders involved in mining, (b) improve access to information and capacity
building of the more vulnerable stakeholders, and (c) contribute to applied
research in the mining sector. URL: www.idrc.ca
3. UNDP (United Nations Development Program) small grants program. This
organization engages in global and regional advocacy and analysis to increase
knowledge, share best practices, build partnerships, mobilize resources, and
promote enabling frameworks including international targets for reducing
poverty. URL: http://intra.sdnp.undp.org/~undptt/sursite.html
4. WWF (World Wildlife Fund) program on gold mining pollution abatement. The
WWF-Guianas is providing financial & technical assistance for the monitoring of
gold mining activities in the region and promoting regional cooperation for
harmonized policy and guidelines in small-scale goldmining. Training is needed
to teach the mostly poor and unskilled goldminers mercury free methods of
extraction as well as provide incentives to restore areas damaged by mining.
URL: http://www.wwfguianas.org/goldmining.htm
5. Large-scale mining companies including Cambior, Suralco, and State Oil
6. Private donors

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