The document discusses Moldova's ongoing negotiations with the EU for a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). It provides context on the EU's Eastern Partnership initiative and explains that a DCFTA goes beyond simply reducing tariffs to integrate countries across all trade-related areas like services, intellectual property, and regulations. For Moldova, the key benefits of a DCFTA would be increased foreign investment, technological upgrading, and more competitive exports internationally. The document notes that Moldova has made significant progress in its reforms and appears to be moving faster than Ukraine in DCFTA negotiations.
Institutional prospect of IDIS "Viitorul"IDIS Viitorul
The Institute for Development and Social Initiatives "Viitorul" is a Moldovan research, education, and outreach organization focused on economic analysis, governance, law, and political science. It brings together young intellectuals concerned with Moldova's transition to a free market and open society. The Institute aims to contribute to independent thinking, societal competitiveness, and good governance. It conducts research and policy analysis on modernizing public sector, strengthening the market economy, and supporting an competitive society. Current projects cover areas such as energy efficiency, economic development, and European integration.
Referendum in Moldova: is it a failure and which are the implications?IDIS Viitorul
The referendum in Moldova on changing the constitution to allow for direct election of the president failed to pass due to low voter turnout of 29.05%, below the required 33.33%. While not a total failure, implications include political parties redrawing plans and the possibility of repeated early elections if the issue of presidential elections is not resolved. Key factors in the low turnout included a boycott by the opposition Communist party, poor campaigning by pro-reform parties, and polarization following April protests.
THE UK AND SLOVAKIA WILL SUPPORT MOLDOVA IN ACHIEVING ITS EU ASPIRATIONIDIS Viitorul
The UK and Slovakia have expressed support to help Moldova achieve its goals of European integration. The UK will provide expertise in areas like finance and security to help with EU accession. Slovakia aims to increase civil society capacity and share its reform experiences. Both countries will offer diplomatic backing. However, Moldova must undertake domestic reforms and resolve its Transnistria conflict to accelerate integration. Increased civil society monitoring and confidence building in Transnistria could help address these challenges.
ARE THE MOLDOVANS WHO HOLD ROMANIAN PASSPORTS A DEVASTATING THREAT FOR EU?IDIS Viitorul
The document discusses media reports that claim Romania is pushing Moldovans into the EU through citizenship laws, which could be a threat. It argues:
1) Romania's citizenship laws are similar to laws in Germany and 9 other EU states, and citizenship numbers in Romania are much lower than top EU countries.
2) The reports use similar language and attack Romania in the same way, suggesting a coordinated campaign to slow Moldova-EU integration.
3) Moldovan officials believe those seeking to maintain conflict between Moldova and Romania are behind this media wave.
Moldova is working to implement reforms related to document security, border control, and anti-corruption efforts in order to qualify for visa-free travel to the European Union. The document discusses Moldova's strategy of proactively implementing reforms based on the experiences of Balkan countries that have undergone a similar process. While Moldova has made progress by introducing biometric passports and border management systems, some issues around document security, border checks, and corruption remain. The key priority is for the EU to provide Moldova with a visa liberalization roadmap that clearly outlines the criteria and benchmarks needed to assess Moldova's progress towards visa-free status.
The document discusses Moldova's ongoing negotiations with the EU for a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). It provides context on the EU's Eastern Partnership initiative and explains that a DCFTA goes beyond simply reducing tariffs to integrate countries across all trade-related areas like services, intellectual property, and regulations. For Moldova, the key benefits of a DCFTA would be increased foreign investment, technological upgrading, and more competitive exports internationally. The document notes that Moldova has made significant progress in its reforms and appears to be moving faster than Ukraine in DCFTA negotiations.
Institutional prospect of IDIS "Viitorul"IDIS Viitorul
The Institute for Development and Social Initiatives "Viitorul" is a Moldovan research, education, and outreach organization focused on economic analysis, governance, law, and political science. It brings together young intellectuals concerned with Moldova's transition to a free market and open society. The Institute aims to contribute to independent thinking, societal competitiveness, and good governance. It conducts research and policy analysis on modernizing public sector, strengthening the market economy, and supporting an competitive society. Current projects cover areas such as energy efficiency, economic development, and European integration.
Referendum in Moldova: is it a failure and which are the implications?IDIS Viitorul
The referendum in Moldova on changing the constitution to allow for direct election of the president failed to pass due to low voter turnout of 29.05%, below the required 33.33%. While not a total failure, implications include political parties redrawing plans and the possibility of repeated early elections if the issue of presidential elections is not resolved. Key factors in the low turnout included a boycott by the opposition Communist party, poor campaigning by pro-reform parties, and polarization following April protests.
THE UK AND SLOVAKIA WILL SUPPORT MOLDOVA IN ACHIEVING ITS EU ASPIRATIONIDIS Viitorul
The UK and Slovakia have expressed support to help Moldova achieve its goals of European integration. The UK will provide expertise in areas like finance and security to help with EU accession. Slovakia aims to increase civil society capacity and share its reform experiences. Both countries will offer diplomatic backing. However, Moldova must undertake domestic reforms and resolve its Transnistria conflict to accelerate integration. Increased civil society monitoring and confidence building in Transnistria could help address these challenges.
ARE THE MOLDOVANS WHO HOLD ROMANIAN PASSPORTS A DEVASTATING THREAT FOR EU?IDIS Viitorul
The document discusses media reports that claim Romania is pushing Moldovans into the EU through citizenship laws, which could be a threat. It argues:
1) Romania's citizenship laws are similar to laws in Germany and 9 other EU states, and citizenship numbers in Romania are much lower than top EU countries.
2) The reports use similar language and attack Romania in the same way, suggesting a coordinated campaign to slow Moldova-EU integration.
3) Moldovan officials believe those seeking to maintain conflict between Moldova and Romania are behind this media wave.
Moldova is working to implement reforms related to document security, border control, and anti-corruption efforts in order to qualify for visa-free travel to the European Union. The document discusses Moldova's strategy of proactively implementing reforms based on the experiences of Balkan countries that have undergone a similar process. While Moldova has made progress by introducing biometric passports and border management systems, some issues around document security, border checks, and corruption remain. The key priority is for the EU to provide Moldova with a visa liberalization roadmap that clearly outlines the criteria and benchmarks needed to assess Moldova's progress towards visa-free status.
Opportunities in Moldovan-German relationsIDIS Viitorul
Germany has proposed a solution to the Transnistrian conflict in Moldova where Russia would withdraw its weapons from Transnistria in exchange for Germany's support of a new treaty on European security. However, there are doubts about this proposal's chances of success. There is a lack of proportional reciprocity, as it would be difficult for Russia to solve the Transnistrian conflict just in exchange for promises of future discussions on security. Additionally, the long-term views of the EU and Russia on issues like Russian troop withdrawal and the format of negotiations differ significantly. While tactical cooperation is increasing, fundamental strategic differences remain an obstacle to resolving the Transnistrian conflict through this proposed German-Russian approach.
From a basic treaty to a treaty regarding the border's regimeIDIS Viitorul
The document summarizes the history of negotiations between Moldova and Romania regarding signing a basic political treaty and border agreement. It discusses how the negotiations have been complicated by linguistic and historical differences between the countries. While Moldova wanted a standard international treaty, Romania proposed terms like "fraternity and integration" that Moldova felt undermined its independence. After many years of discussions, a treaty was initially signed in 2000 but not ratified. Border negotiations continued but were often linked to other issues. The normalization of relations in 2009 led to the signing of a border agreement in 2010 within the context of Romania's efforts to join the Schengen zone.
The misleading eastern alternative: Republic of Moldova and The Russia – Kaza...IDIS Viitorul
The document discusses Moldova's consideration of joining the Russia-Kazakhstan-Belarus Customs Union as an alternative to European integration. Key points:
1) Institutionally, joining the Customs Union would be difficult for Moldova as the members have differing statuses in the World Trade Organization and legal frameworks are uncertain.
2) Economically, the Customs Union market is much smaller than the EU's and relies heavily on oil and gas exports rather than technology and investment, providing limited benefits to Moldova.
3) Aligning with the Customs Union could undermine Moldova's existing free trade agreements with European countries and negotiations for a trade agreement with the EU.
Foreign assistance and Moldova’s economic development IDIS Viitorul
The document discusses Moldova's economic development and foreign assistance. It notes that while Moldova has received official development assistance (ODA) for 16-17 years, the impact on economic development is unclear as Moldova went from the highest per capita income in the Soviet Union to one of the poorest countries in Europe. It finds that ODA focuses more on social sectors and governance rather than the real economic sectors, questioning the utility of ODA for economic development. A reorientation towards addressing specific economic problems and constraints could help spur productive activities and ultimately improve social conditions.
The document discusses the potential for Moldova and Ukraine to join the European Union either together as part of a "package approach" or separately on their own individual merits. It notes that both countries have expressed a desire to join the EU but have had ambiguous efforts in implementing necessary reforms. A package approach could encourage competition between the countries to reform but also ties their chances of joining to each other's performance. Currently Moldova and Ukraine are at similar stages in relations with the EU but differ in some respects. There are arguments for considering their cases separately rather than as a package.
The document discusses Russia's recent ban on imports of Moldovan wine, claiming harmful substances were found. It notes that Russia has used similar bans before as a political tactic to influence Moldova. Experts see no evidence of contaminants and believe this is another provocative move by Russia, as the wine industry is important to Moldova's economy and many producers are Russian-owned. The ban risks anti-Russian sentiment and damage to Russian economic and political influence in Moldova and other former Soviet states.
The document discusses geopolitical changes in the Black Sea region and their implications for Moldova's foreign policy. It makes the following key points:
1) The Black Sea region is experiencing a resurgence of geopolitical rivalries as Russia pushes back against Western expansion. This has undermined earlier optimism about democratization and integration with the EU and NATO.
2) Countries around the Black Sea are adopting shifting alignments in response, balancing between power blocs. Moldova in particular pursues a multivector foreign policy as it is sandwiched between competing interests.
3) Moldova's positioning is determined by its need to survive as a state, but it must also consider pressures from
The document discusses ownership relations between Moldova and Ukraine regarding properties in each country that were previously owned by the former Soviet Union. It notes that settling these relations has been a difficult and prolonged process, with many properties damaged or privatized during delays in agreements. An initial 1994 agreement was finally ratified by Ukraine in 2001. This recognized Moldovan ownership of 47 out of 113 claimed properties in Ukraine. However, key issues around the Dniester dam remained unresolved. Trade union properties, comprising over 28% of assets in Ukraine, have seen an even more problematic process, with many properties sold or administered by Ukrainian authorities. Overall the document outlines the challenging history of resolving these post-Soviet ownership disputes between the two countries.
This document is the introduction to "The Black Book of Moldovan Mass-Media". It discusses the deterioration of independent and high-quality media in Moldova from 2001-2010 when the Communist Party came to power. It led to political actors interfering with media and citizens being deprived of sufficient information. The Black Book aims to identify cases that limit media freedom and integrity, such as censorship, assaults on journalists, and lawsuits against media. It uses laws and codes from Moldova as sources to investigate these issues from 2001-2010.
The document provides an overview of Moldova's relations with the EU and its progress towards visa liberalization. It discusses Moldova's participation in programs like the Eastern Partnership and its negotiations of agreements like the Association Agreement. It also examines Moldova's implementation of reforms in priority areas for visa liberalization like border management, security, and documents. Support for EU integration among Moldovans is high, though Russia is still seen as a key strategic partner due to historical and ethnic ties. Overall progress has been made but inconsistencies remain in some reform areas.
The political nation in Moldova is generally inclusive with regard to citizenship. When Moldova gained independence, citizenship was automatically granted to all residents. Moldova later amended its laws to allow dual or multiple citizenship. While identity and private life rights are protected by law and treaties, some violations have occurred regarding entries in civil documents, the census, and applying for public positions. Controversies remain regarding Russian citizenship granted to ethnic populations in neighboring areas and regaining Romanian citizenship. Borders with Romania and Ukraine also remain partially undemarcated.
1. The document discusses Moldova's efforts to liberalize its aviation market and join the European Common Aviation Area (ECAA) in order to lower airfare costs for citizens.
2. While several governments have declared a goal of liberalization, protectionist interests have delayed reforms. The current government says integration is a priority but it remains to be seen if they can successfully liberalize the market.
3. Airfare prices from Moldova's capital to other European cities are much higher than from cities in countries that have liberalized markets due to the lack of competition from low-cost carriers. Joining ECAA could help lower prices significantly.
The document discusses geopolitical visits to Moldova following parliamentary elections in November 2010. It summarizes that Russia and Western countries attempted to influence the formation of Moldova's new government according to their geopolitical interests. Russia preferred a coalition including pro-Russian parties, visiting Moldova and meeting with the Communist and Democratic parties. In response, European foreign ministers visited in support of Moldova's pro-Western direction and met longer with parties favoring EU integration. The document argues these visits showed the ongoing geopolitical competition for influence in Moldova between Russia and the West.
Moldova risks experiencing "EU fatigue" if it fails to deliver concrete reforms to meet EU expectations. While Moldova has achieved successes in foreign policy, reforms internally have only begun and not been consolidated. Ukraine provides a cautionary tale, as initial success gave way to disappointment over political chaos and lack of reforms. Moldova must avoid this by boosting reforms, especially in justice and law enforcement, to maintain its image as a success story and EU trust within the Eastern Partnership. Frequent elections could hamper this if not accompanied by tangible changes for citizens.
China becomes a new player on Moldovan stageIDIS Viitorul
China is becoming a new player in Moldova through potential financial assistance. It has offered Moldova a $1 billion loan for infrastructure projects at a low 3% interest rate over 15 years. This would significantly increase Moldova's debt burden. There are also political risks if presidential elections are not held. It is recommended to phase disbursements over many years for better debt sustainability and flexibility. The interest rate also needs careful negotiation to not overburden debt repayment. Moldova should also request China diversify its non-repayable aid across different sectors.
1) Joe Biden's visit to Moldova came after stops in Helsinki and Moscow and was part of efforts to "reload" U.S.-Russian relations and evaluate the progress of resetting ties between the two countries.
2) In Moscow, Biden emphasized issues of democracy and human rights, which some saw as a strategic challenge to Russia, while the formal priorities of the visit were bilateral security cooperation and commercial relations.
3) In Chisinau, Biden recognized Moldova's democratic progress and said the U.S. supports Moldova's European orientation, ongoing economic reforms, and a resolution to the Transnistrian conflict that preserves Moldova's sovereignty. The speech also sent a message to Russia by highlighting
The document discusses the implications of the new START III treaty between Russia and the US on nuclear arms reduction and the changing military-strategic balance in Europe. It notes that START III, along with discussions around a joint European missile shield, have revived negotiations on reducing tactical nuclear weapons and regulating conventional arms. Specifically for Moldova, this means the viability of the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) treaty, which could help demilitarize Transnistria if Russia withdraws troops and ammunition as promised. However, Russia's moratorium on the CFE in 2007 reduced prospects for resolving the Transnistrian conflict as it removed pressure on Russia to remove forces from Moldova.
The document discusses Moldova's membership in international organizations and the fees associated with that membership. It notes that while Moldova has joined over 60 international bodies, the enthusiasm for joining has not always considered the costs and benefits to Moldova. Membership fees to these organizations total around 50 million lei annually. The document evaluates Moldova's participation in terms of efficiency, highlighting organizations like the UN, Council of Europe, WTO, and OSCE as providing clear benefits that outweigh their membership costs, such as advancing human rights, resolving trade disputes, and supporting development. However, it also notes there are some memberships where the usefulness is less clear when considering Moldova's limited resources.
Poland's upcoming presidency of the European Union Council from July 2011 provides an opportunity for Moldova to gain recognition of its European prospects. Poland has a strong interest in further integrating Eastern European countries like Moldova into the EU. As Council president, Poland will be able to promote and back ambitious projects. Moldova has made progress in its reforms and relations with the EU, positioning itself as a potential success story in the region. Poland may support acknowledging Moldova's EU membership prospects during its presidency term.
Igor Munteanu, Executive Director, IDIS "Viitorul": Regulation of political p...IDIS Viitorul
The document discusses regulations governing political parties in Moldova, including constitutional provisions, the 2007 Law on Political Parties, and criticisms of the legislation. It analyzes advantages like public funding rules but also disadvantages such as restrictive territorial representation requirements and penalties for parties that do not meet electoral thresholds. The document argues some provisions conflict with European human rights standards regarding freedom of association.
Opportunities in Moldovan-German relationsIDIS Viitorul
Germany has proposed a solution to the Transnistrian conflict in Moldova where Russia would withdraw its weapons from Transnistria in exchange for Germany's support of a new treaty on European security. However, there are doubts about this proposal's chances of success. There is a lack of proportional reciprocity, as it would be difficult for Russia to solve the Transnistrian conflict just in exchange for promises of future discussions on security. Additionally, the long-term views of the EU and Russia on issues like Russian troop withdrawal and the format of negotiations differ significantly. While tactical cooperation is increasing, fundamental strategic differences remain an obstacle to resolving the Transnistrian conflict through this proposed German-Russian approach.
From a basic treaty to a treaty regarding the border's regimeIDIS Viitorul
The document summarizes the history of negotiations between Moldova and Romania regarding signing a basic political treaty and border agreement. It discusses how the negotiations have been complicated by linguistic and historical differences between the countries. While Moldova wanted a standard international treaty, Romania proposed terms like "fraternity and integration" that Moldova felt undermined its independence. After many years of discussions, a treaty was initially signed in 2000 but not ratified. Border negotiations continued but were often linked to other issues. The normalization of relations in 2009 led to the signing of a border agreement in 2010 within the context of Romania's efforts to join the Schengen zone.
The misleading eastern alternative: Republic of Moldova and The Russia – Kaza...IDIS Viitorul
The document discusses Moldova's consideration of joining the Russia-Kazakhstan-Belarus Customs Union as an alternative to European integration. Key points:
1) Institutionally, joining the Customs Union would be difficult for Moldova as the members have differing statuses in the World Trade Organization and legal frameworks are uncertain.
2) Economically, the Customs Union market is much smaller than the EU's and relies heavily on oil and gas exports rather than technology and investment, providing limited benefits to Moldova.
3) Aligning with the Customs Union could undermine Moldova's existing free trade agreements with European countries and negotiations for a trade agreement with the EU.
Foreign assistance and Moldova’s economic development IDIS Viitorul
The document discusses Moldova's economic development and foreign assistance. It notes that while Moldova has received official development assistance (ODA) for 16-17 years, the impact on economic development is unclear as Moldova went from the highest per capita income in the Soviet Union to one of the poorest countries in Europe. It finds that ODA focuses more on social sectors and governance rather than the real economic sectors, questioning the utility of ODA for economic development. A reorientation towards addressing specific economic problems and constraints could help spur productive activities and ultimately improve social conditions.
The document discusses the potential for Moldova and Ukraine to join the European Union either together as part of a "package approach" or separately on their own individual merits. It notes that both countries have expressed a desire to join the EU but have had ambiguous efforts in implementing necessary reforms. A package approach could encourage competition between the countries to reform but also ties their chances of joining to each other's performance. Currently Moldova and Ukraine are at similar stages in relations with the EU but differ in some respects. There are arguments for considering their cases separately rather than as a package.
The document discusses Russia's recent ban on imports of Moldovan wine, claiming harmful substances were found. It notes that Russia has used similar bans before as a political tactic to influence Moldova. Experts see no evidence of contaminants and believe this is another provocative move by Russia, as the wine industry is important to Moldova's economy and many producers are Russian-owned. The ban risks anti-Russian sentiment and damage to Russian economic and political influence in Moldova and other former Soviet states.
The document discusses geopolitical changes in the Black Sea region and their implications for Moldova's foreign policy. It makes the following key points:
1) The Black Sea region is experiencing a resurgence of geopolitical rivalries as Russia pushes back against Western expansion. This has undermined earlier optimism about democratization and integration with the EU and NATO.
2) Countries around the Black Sea are adopting shifting alignments in response, balancing between power blocs. Moldova in particular pursues a multivector foreign policy as it is sandwiched between competing interests.
3) Moldova's positioning is determined by its need to survive as a state, but it must also consider pressures from
The document discusses ownership relations between Moldova and Ukraine regarding properties in each country that were previously owned by the former Soviet Union. It notes that settling these relations has been a difficult and prolonged process, with many properties damaged or privatized during delays in agreements. An initial 1994 agreement was finally ratified by Ukraine in 2001. This recognized Moldovan ownership of 47 out of 113 claimed properties in Ukraine. However, key issues around the Dniester dam remained unresolved. Trade union properties, comprising over 28% of assets in Ukraine, have seen an even more problematic process, with many properties sold or administered by Ukrainian authorities. Overall the document outlines the challenging history of resolving these post-Soviet ownership disputes between the two countries.
This document is the introduction to "The Black Book of Moldovan Mass-Media". It discusses the deterioration of independent and high-quality media in Moldova from 2001-2010 when the Communist Party came to power. It led to political actors interfering with media and citizens being deprived of sufficient information. The Black Book aims to identify cases that limit media freedom and integrity, such as censorship, assaults on journalists, and lawsuits against media. It uses laws and codes from Moldova as sources to investigate these issues from 2001-2010.
The document provides an overview of Moldova's relations with the EU and its progress towards visa liberalization. It discusses Moldova's participation in programs like the Eastern Partnership and its negotiations of agreements like the Association Agreement. It also examines Moldova's implementation of reforms in priority areas for visa liberalization like border management, security, and documents. Support for EU integration among Moldovans is high, though Russia is still seen as a key strategic partner due to historical and ethnic ties. Overall progress has been made but inconsistencies remain in some reform areas.
The political nation in Moldova is generally inclusive with regard to citizenship. When Moldova gained independence, citizenship was automatically granted to all residents. Moldova later amended its laws to allow dual or multiple citizenship. While identity and private life rights are protected by law and treaties, some violations have occurred regarding entries in civil documents, the census, and applying for public positions. Controversies remain regarding Russian citizenship granted to ethnic populations in neighboring areas and regaining Romanian citizenship. Borders with Romania and Ukraine also remain partially undemarcated.
1. The document discusses Moldova's efforts to liberalize its aviation market and join the European Common Aviation Area (ECAA) in order to lower airfare costs for citizens.
2. While several governments have declared a goal of liberalization, protectionist interests have delayed reforms. The current government says integration is a priority but it remains to be seen if they can successfully liberalize the market.
3. Airfare prices from Moldova's capital to other European cities are much higher than from cities in countries that have liberalized markets due to the lack of competition from low-cost carriers. Joining ECAA could help lower prices significantly.
The document discusses geopolitical visits to Moldova following parliamentary elections in November 2010. It summarizes that Russia and Western countries attempted to influence the formation of Moldova's new government according to their geopolitical interests. Russia preferred a coalition including pro-Russian parties, visiting Moldova and meeting with the Communist and Democratic parties. In response, European foreign ministers visited in support of Moldova's pro-Western direction and met longer with parties favoring EU integration. The document argues these visits showed the ongoing geopolitical competition for influence in Moldova between Russia and the West.
Moldova risks experiencing "EU fatigue" if it fails to deliver concrete reforms to meet EU expectations. While Moldova has achieved successes in foreign policy, reforms internally have only begun and not been consolidated. Ukraine provides a cautionary tale, as initial success gave way to disappointment over political chaos and lack of reforms. Moldova must avoid this by boosting reforms, especially in justice and law enforcement, to maintain its image as a success story and EU trust within the Eastern Partnership. Frequent elections could hamper this if not accompanied by tangible changes for citizens.
China becomes a new player on Moldovan stageIDIS Viitorul
China is becoming a new player in Moldova through potential financial assistance. It has offered Moldova a $1 billion loan for infrastructure projects at a low 3% interest rate over 15 years. This would significantly increase Moldova's debt burden. There are also political risks if presidential elections are not held. It is recommended to phase disbursements over many years for better debt sustainability and flexibility. The interest rate also needs careful negotiation to not overburden debt repayment. Moldova should also request China diversify its non-repayable aid across different sectors.
1) Joe Biden's visit to Moldova came after stops in Helsinki and Moscow and was part of efforts to "reload" U.S.-Russian relations and evaluate the progress of resetting ties between the two countries.
2) In Moscow, Biden emphasized issues of democracy and human rights, which some saw as a strategic challenge to Russia, while the formal priorities of the visit were bilateral security cooperation and commercial relations.
3) In Chisinau, Biden recognized Moldova's democratic progress and said the U.S. supports Moldova's European orientation, ongoing economic reforms, and a resolution to the Transnistrian conflict that preserves Moldova's sovereignty. The speech also sent a message to Russia by highlighting
The document discusses the implications of the new START III treaty between Russia and the US on nuclear arms reduction and the changing military-strategic balance in Europe. It notes that START III, along with discussions around a joint European missile shield, have revived negotiations on reducing tactical nuclear weapons and regulating conventional arms. Specifically for Moldova, this means the viability of the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) treaty, which could help demilitarize Transnistria if Russia withdraws troops and ammunition as promised. However, Russia's moratorium on the CFE in 2007 reduced prospects for resolving the Transnistrian conflict as it removed pressure on Russia to remove forces from Moldova.
The document discusses Moldova's membership in international organizations and the fees associated with that membership. It notes that while Moldova has joined over 60 international bodies, the enthusiasm for joining has not always considered the costs and benefits to Moldova. Membership fees to these organizations total around 50 million lei annually. The document evaluates Moldova's participation in terms of efficiency, highlighting organizations like the UN, Council of Europe, WTO, and OSCE as providing clear benefits that outweigh their membership costs, such as advancing human rights, resolving trade disputes, and supporting development. However, it also notes there are some memberships where the usefulness is less clear when considering Moldova's limited resources.
Poland's upcoming presidency of the European Union Council from July 2011 provides an opportunity for Moldova to gain recognition of its European prospects. Poland has a strong interest in further integrating Eastern European countries like Moldova into the EU. As Council president, Poland will be able to promote and back ambitious projects. Moldova has made progress in its reforms and relations with the EU, positioning itself as a potential success story in the region. Poland may support acknowledging Moldova's EU membership prospects during its presidency term.
Igor Munteanu, Executive Director, IDIS "Viitorul": Regulation of political p...IDIS Viitorul
The document discusses regulations governing political parties in Moldova, including constitutional provisions, the 2007 Law on Political Parties, and criticisms of the legislation. It analyzes advantages like public funding rules but also disadvantages such as restrictive territorial representation requirements and penalties for parties that do not meet electoral thresholds. The document argues some provisions conflict with European human rights standards regarding freedom of association.
Igor Munteanu, Executive Director, IDIS "Viitorul": Regulation of political p...
Moldova rătăcită în labirintul încurcat al conflictului transnistrean
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2. Moldova r ătăcită în labirintul încurcat al conflictului transnistrean Dumitru Mînzărari Cercetător pe probleme de politică externă şi de securitate, IDIS “Viitorul” Doctorand în stiinţe politice, Universitatea Michigan (Ann Arbor), SUA Seri e de dezbateri publice naţionale Discussion Papers Nr. 6 , ianuarie 20 10
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5. DP#6: Moldova rătăcită în labirintul încurcat al conflictului transnistrean EU (RU|MD cedează) = p*(U RU (1)-k) + (1-p)*(U RU (0)-k), iar U RU (X)=X; EU (RU|MD cedează) = p*(1-k) + (1-p)*(0-k) = p – pk – k + pk = p – k. EU (MD|RU cedează) = p*(U MD (1)-k) + (1-p)*(U MD (0)-k), iar U MD (X)=1-X; EU (MD|RU cedează) = p*(0-k) + (1-p)*(1-k) = 0 – pk + 1– k – p + pk = 1 – p – k. Analiza interacţiunii Moldova-Rusia (model spaţial unidimensional)