Liam Irving - Sample Writing

Page I
A Case Study: Investigating the Gap Between the Theory and Practice of Corporate Social Responsibility
by
Liam Glenn Irving -198910021297
A thesis
submitted to
Malmö Högskola
in partial satisfaction of the requirements
for the degree of
Peace and Conflicts Studies
Supervised by
Stephen Marr
December 1, 2014
Word Count: 14,772

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A Case Study: Investigating the Gap Between the Theory and Practice of Corporate Social
Responsibility
Abstract
Humanities dependency upon natural resources refuses to let up, worsened by the fact that the global
population continues to sore. In search for a solution, people and theorists alike, are now beginning to
review the very fundamentals in how business is conducted. One solution that has gain support in
recent decades, is the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility. Yet, the past two decades has proven
that implementing aspects of Corporate Social Responsibility to be more difficult that first thought, of
which is especially in the natural resource extraction industries. This study investigates into the
difficulties in implementing Corporate Social Responsibility, by studying the perception that corporate
professionals have upon local stakeholders. The findings of this study indicate that expatriate
professionals operating in the field, construct the Enemy image that constitutes of their local
stakeholders. The study concludes with the recommendation that there exist the need for informal local
stakeholder engagement, in order to enable the re-humanization of the Enemy image.
‘Work is tiring, but most of all frustrating... not because of the humidity or being away from home, but
because of the people, the ‘locals’, the Tanzanians. You can not trust them, even if you think that they are
your friend.’
(Celine, D)

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Acknowledgments
I’d like to extend my special thanks to all of the individuals whom participated within this study and to
the extraction transnational corporation that permitted my personal access to the field and thus
enabling this study to happen.
Key Words: Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), Extraction Transnational Corporation (ETNC),
Community Relations (CR), Tipple Bottom Line (TBL), Stakeholder Engagement, More
Economically Developed Countries (MEDC). Less Economically Developed Countries (LEDC),
Non Governmental Organization (NGO)

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Contents
1.0 GENERAL INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................ 3
1.1 Research problem and Aim..................................................................................................................5
1.2 Research Questions..............................................................................................................................5
1.3 Why Study Resource Extraction Transnational Corporations and not Tech Corporations such as
Google Inc..................................................................................................................................................6
1.4 Relevance to Peace and Conflict Studies............................................................................................ 7
1.5 Delimitations........................................................................................................................................8
1.6 A Brief Synopsis.................................................................................................................................. 9
2.0 REVIEW OF EXISTING KNOWLEDGE................................................................................................... 10
2 .1 The Grass Roots of Corporate Social Responsibility....................................................................... 10
2.2 CSR Today......................................................................................................................................... 12
2.3 Stakeholder Engagement................................................................................................................... 16
2.4 Enemy Images and Identity Formation............................................................................................. 19
3.0 METHOD.........................................................................................................................................................23
3.1 Qualitative Telephone Interviews...................................................................................................... 24
3.2 The Weaknesses of Qualitative Telephone Interviews...................................................................... 25
3.3 E-mail Surveys...................................................................................................................................26
3.4 Ethical approach.................................................................................................................................27
3.5 Reliability and Validity...................................................................................................................... 28
3.6 The Mine sites and the Local Communities...................................................................................... 29
4.0 EMPIRICAL RESEARCH.............................................................................................................................31
4.1 The Local Stakeholders as the Neutral Other....................................................................................32
4.2 The Local Stakeholder as The Enemy Image.................................................................................... 35
5.0 ANALYSIS - SO WHAT DOES THIS ALL MEAN?.................................................................................. 39
6.0 CONCLUSION................................................................................................................................................42
7.0 REFERENCES................................................................................................................................................ 44

A Case Study: Investigating the Gap Between the Theory and Practice of Corporate Social
Responsibility
1.0 General Introduction.
Like many, I have come across the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) before, and like
many, I too have never really grasped what it actually means and how businesses actually go about it.
Well, in an attempt to gain a better understanding of the concept, I voluntarily embarked upon a
short-term internship at a world leading Extraction Transnational Corporation (ETNC). The ETNC
posted me at one of its African operations, specifically Tanzania. Where at the time of the internship it
was operating a total four closed and open pit mine sites, all of which where at various stages in there
life cycles. During my time at the ETNC, I worked within one of the Community Relation (CR)
departments that directly implemented, and managed some of the more philanthropic social
responsibilities of CSR on a day to day basis. What this essentially means, is that I was given the
opportunity to not only meet and participate in in-house management training, but also to personally
participate in local stakeholder engagements and community development projects, within what I soon
came to discover as some of the most hostile environments in sub-saharan Africa.
The concept of Corporate Social Responsibility was definitely not a new concept to this specific gold
mining transnational corporation, as illustrated by its 10 million dollar a year slush fund for the sole
purpose of CSR projects. Yet, despite this fact and the financial resources that supporting it, the gold
mining ETNC continues to struggle with maintaining local stakeholder satisfaction, criminality,
internal corruption and instances of direct physical violence in and around its mining operations.
Simply, its CSR programme is very hit and miss, with the predominant of community development
projects turning out to be white elephants; essentially unwanted by local stakeholders and financially
burdensome.
Throughout my short-term internship, I desperately searched for a solution to why the corporation
struggled so much with getting local stakeholder satisfaction, and thus CSR right. I looked at all the

usual aspects such as; transparency, what types of projects where implemented (construction of
water-bore holes, medical equipment donations, ect...), and how and when the corporation engaged
with local stakeholders, but still nothing appeared to be immediately wrong.
It was only upon my return to my home country, when I realized the true impact this experience has
had upon myself, specifically my perception upon local stakeholders (Tanzanian people). Prior to the
short-term internship, I recall having the perspective that I, a superior white man, was traveling the
globe to help the people in need, those whom I could make a difference to. Whereas today, post
internship my perception of local stakeholders (Tanzanian people) has change dramatically; local
Stakeholders are now the epitome of laziness, the needy, the opportunistic, the deceitful and the
untrustworthy. I ask myself how did this happen, how did I become to demonize local stakeholders,
especially in just three months? Yet more importantly, do other ETNC professionals also view local
stakeholders in a similar manner and if so, how could this effect their professional performance when
implementing corporate social responsibilities? Was this the cause of white elephant CSR projects?
(An example of a white elephant CSR project: A $100,000
medical clinic funded by the CSR department of the gold
mining ETNC, several years later it remains unused by the
community today)

1.1 Research problem and Aim.
In recent years the way in which the West conducts business has increasingly come under scrutiny, as a
result one of the ways in which capitalism is foreseen to become more equitable, is with the adoption
of Corporate Social Responsibility (miningwatch.ca). Yet, not only has achieving a consensus on what
constitutes as the social responsibilities of the corporation proven to be difficult, but so too has the
actual implementation of Corporate Social Responsibilities on the ground. By investigating whether
expatriate ETNC professionals perceive Local stakeholders in a demonized and dehumanized manner
within Tanzania, this study addresses the research problem that their is a great need for empirical
research upon Corporate Social Responsibility, so that its practice may be reconciled with theory (A.
Carroll. 1999. p25),
In order to clarify, the aim of this study is to determine whether expatriate ETNC professionals
construct the Enemy image, that in turn constitutes of Local stakeholders within Tanzania.
1.2 Research Questions
In order to fully address the aim of this study, three smaller more manageable questions are posed, in
an attempt to aid organize and structure the body of this study. The questions are as follows:
1. What is Corporate Social Responsibility and how should it be implemented?
2. How and why do we construct the Enemy image?
3. How do expatriate ETNC professionals perceive local stakeholders?

1.3 Why Study Resource Extraction Transnational Corporations and not Tech Corporations
such as Google Inc.
Transnational Corporations (TNC’s) are large, powerful and have an abundance of financial resources.
Yet in recent decades, TNC’s and have increasingly found themselves having to abide to obligations
once the sole responsibility of sovereign states (Reficco and Márquez, 2012). This is especially
apparent when talking about Transnational Corporations operating within the resource extraction
sectors such as minerals, oil and precious metals. What I mean here is that ‘while certain fundamentals
of CSR remain the same no matter the industry or its geographical position, other CSR issues vary in
nature and importance from industry to industry and from location to location, and different emphases
are made in different parts of the
world’ (Atuguba and
“Community relations is going through that now, because
Dowuona-Hammond, 2006). Thus, in
of the nature of operations, we are working in more and
the case of most Extraction
more remote areas, social media, with the whole other types
Transnational Corporations (ETNC’s),
of advances, look at (mine site) and the rest of the world
the philanthropic aspects of corporate
wont know. You can not just keep it quite anymore, it goes
social responsibilities are more often
viral quickly”
than not more salient than in any other
Steve. M
industry. This is because in general
mining operations have shifted geographically, from MEDC nations like the United Kingdom, to
LEDC nations such as those found in Sub-Saharan Africa, where local stakeholders are perceived to be
in significantly greater need of the basic human necessities such as food, shelter, water and clothing.
Furthermore, unlike tech corporations like Google Inc, the resource extraction industry suffers from an
abysmal hangover of exploitation, corruption and environmental degradation like no other. Tales of
Sierra Leon’s blood diamonds, the Niger Delta oil fields and Coltan wars within the Democratic
Republic of Congo are commonly known, well publicized and even Hollywoodized. But in recent
years the industry has witnessed dramatic changes, with great amounts of attention now being place

upon the significance of local stakeholder satisfaction, counteracting criminality and operationalizing
international guidelines such as voluntary human rights, essentially making ETNC pioneers in the
development of the philanthropic aspects of CSR (Wood, D. 1991. p695).
Lastly, the significance of natural resources is as salient today as it has ever been before, with precious
metals such as coltan and gold, most definitely inside the laptop or Iphone from which you read this
study. In short, humanity has developed an undeniable dependency upon resource extraction industries,
and thus it is our social responsibility to ensure the way in which we extract such natural resources has
as little negative impact upon the local communities from that they derive.
In sum, the reason why this study focuses upon ETNC’s and not tech corporations such as Google Inc,
is simply because tech corporations are commonly found to operate within the more economically
developed countries such as the USA, whereas the operations of ETNC’s such as the gold mining
corporation this study focuses upon, increasingly take place within those less economically developed
corners of the globe. Ironically, as a result some of the worlds poorest people rub shoulders with some
of the worlds top 1 percentile earners, and thus maybe not unsurprisingly, ETNC’s often encounter
high levels of community unrest, hatred, violence and property theft, that is simply not experienced in
other industries and by the likes of Google Inc.
1.4 Relevance to Peace and Conflict Studies
Globalization has not only paved the way for humanities attempt towards ‘oneness’ (the idea of unity
within diversity), but it has also had a significant effect upon the very nature of the international arena
(Cyril l. Obi. 1999). Today, the international arena consists not only of the 190 plus sovereign states,
but also of an equal amount of independent actors such as extraction transnational corporations and
NGO’s. Such non-state actors are said to be stepping up to take on some of the responsibilities that
originally rested solely upon the shoulders of the sovereign state (Cyril l. Obi. 1999; Ohmae, K. 1995).
And ‘With the worlds population breaching the seven billion threshold, coupled with our ever growing
appetite for natural resources, there exists a large potential for future conflicts over natural resources’

(PBSO. 2008. p1).
Looking back over the past century, conflicts are said to have been both legitimized and caused by the
construction of the Enemy image (Psychologists for Social Responsibility, 2002. p52). This notion builds
upon the simple fact that war, conflict and even mere personal strifes, are near impossible without the
existence of the Enemy or an adversary (Eckhardt, W 1991. P.87). One of the biggest problems that we
encounter as individuals, is that we construct the Enemy based upon ethnical, racial and even religious
facets, that in turn act as a gateway to the overgeneralization and thus the misinterpretation of the
Other (Broadbent, 1958; Galtung, J, 1990 p. 291). Even today, the Enemy image is still prominent as
seen with the Niger delta oil fields, where the white man (represented by western ETNC’s like Shell)
is perceived by the local stakeholders (the Ogoni people) to be stealing the riches the belongs to them
(Oil).
Usually, when investigating war and conflict proponents of Peace and Conflict studies adopt a
perspective similar to Kaldor. M (2003), perceiving that war and conflict has not only to do with
political and economic centers, but also with uncivil civil society. And thus in order to resolve
conflicts, even those over natural resources, one must focus upon civil society actors since they are
demographic whom hold the key to finding the ‘medium through which social contracts or bargains
between the individual and the centers of political and economic power are negotiated, discussed and
mediated’. This study acknowledges and agrees with this normative perspective of PACS, but it takes
a different approach in an attempt to add another dimension to the field, by highlighting the salience of
those actors whom are employed to personally engage with civil society, and the impacts that they
have on potential conflicts over natural resources.
1.5 Delimitations
This study sets out to determine whether expatriate ETNC professionals construct the Enemy image,
that in turn constitutes of Local stakeholders within Tanzania. Thus, the ‘Case’ of the study is
geographically bound to the specific resource extraction sites (mine sites) that this sole ETNC operates
throughout Tanzania, and focuses upon the perceptions of expatriate ETNC professionals have upon

local stakeholders (Creswell, J. 2007. P 93). The ‘case’ boundaries of the study came about as a result
of the authors short-term internship at this one specific ETNC operating in Tanzania, and the reason
why this study does not investigate how local stakeholders perceive expatriate ETNC professionals
was because the author does not speak Swahili or Sukuma, and thus would not have been able to
communicate.
On the Other hand, the expatriate ETNC professionals of which this research does study, hold a wide
range of professional positions from CR officers to corporate managers, all of which currently working
or have previously worked for the same one Extraction Transnational Corporation operating within the
geographical boundaries of this study's ‘Case’ Tanzania.
Lastly, this study does not delve deeply, if at all into theories such as Globalization, ‘resource curse’ or
‘dutch disease’, even if these are prominent topics when it comes to conflict over natural resources.
This is partially due to the relatively small scale of the study, and the wish to include theories more
directly related to the field of CSR and the Enemy image.
1.6 A Brief Synopsis
The following sections of the study will proceed as follows; firstly, I will attempt to address the first
research question of the study by reviewing and discussing the pre-existing knowledge upon the
concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and its implementation. Then, this will be closely
followed by a review of how and why the Enemy image is constructed in order to give the reader the
basic foundations of how we, as individual go about perceiving the social world whilst simultaneously
answering the second research question. Once all this is done, the study will then move onto
presenting the methodological aspects of the study, closely followed the empirical presentation and the
finally an analysis of the findings that will address the third and final research question.

“OH definitely. If you got to head offices, they use that CSR
word allot, and you know, its all about glossy magazines, how
much has been spent on communities. And then the real
community relations that is actually useful on the ground,
which is listening, understanding, addressing stakeholder
concerns, you know making projects that are sustainable and
not just white elephant projects”
Steve M
2.0 Review of Existing Knowledge
The term Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is very widely debated, unclear and an often
misunderstood concept. My experience working at the gold mining ETNC especially highlighted this
fact, with ‘CSR’ as it was referred too within the world of white collar abbreviations, being a buzz
word, repeatedly used, but very rarely defined or even discussed. Despite this study utilizing the
abbreviation of ‘CSR’ prior to this point, it is very important to clarify that in actual fact this very
abbreviation (CSR) refers to one
specific concept that addresses the
social responsibilities of corporations
coined by A. Carroll (1991), and is
not the single overriding theory.
This section of the study will directly
address both the first and second
research questions presented earlier. It
will do so by aiming to concisely summarize the pre-existing knowledge surrounding the concept of
corporate social responsibility, and attempt to link it to the study of Peace and conflicts. I will attempt
to present this information by firstly introducing some of the circumstances that ushered in the notion
of Corporate Social Responsibility. Secondly, I will then outline the three major schools of thought
that address the social responsibilities of the corporation; Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR)
advocated by A. Carroll (1991), The Triple Bottom Line (TBL) and finally Stakeholder theory. Closely
followed by, a brief outline of the key principles to Stakeholder engagement and its relevance to
implementing the more philanthropic Corporate Social Responsibilities. Finally, I will then move onto
discussing how Identity and thus the Enemy image is constructed.
2 .1 The Grass Roots of Corporate Social Responsibility

In order to be able to fully understand what Corporate Social Responsibility is, one firstly needs to
know some of the circumstances in how it came to being. In the following section, I will briefly
highlight how development aid in conjunction with neoliberal reforms brought about the notion of
corporations/business having social responsibilities, by enabling TNC’s to expand globally to the
detriment of those states and societies that eventually harbored them (local stakeholders).
Development Aid has its roots firmly intertwined within the post second world war Marshal Plan;
essentially, an economic tool implemented to deter the expansion of communism into post second
world war Europe (Fuhrer, H. 1994. p4), which for the first time in history instead of destroying our
enemy, we set up conditions to rebuild them. Over the past half a century, the concept of development
aid has evolved into something that was, and still is, intrinsically connected with the dissemination of
democracy and market liberalization (Georgeou, N 2012. p36).
Democracy and market liberalization became provisos for the potential recipients of development aid,
and as a consequence those developing states rich in natural resources became at the mercy of large
TNC’s looking to expand into new regions (Georgeou, N 2012. p39). Some TNC’s identified the
opportunity to expand into new markets cheaply, by playing poor, resource rich developing states
desperate for FDI against one another. What resulted was the ‘regulatory arbitrage’ between
developing nations, that in turn enabled TNC’s to obtain favorable tax and regulatory reliefs that
permitted the ‘legal’ exportation of financial profits (Dicken, P. 2004. p.277, Fleischer, V. 2010).
Tanzania is one such example of a resource rich developing state that was, and still remains a recipient
of the neoliberal development aid peddled by international financial institutions such as the IMF and
the World Bank in the late 20th century. Today, their are over fifty Extraction Transnational
Corporations currently operating within Tanzania, generating a total of 2.8% of the countries GDP
(tcme.or.tz). Despite a recent strong economic growth over the past decade, it appears that the
countries income inequality continues to rise; with 98% of Tanzanian households spending less than
58,000 Tsh (£21) per month-per adult (Research and Analysis Working Group, 2009. p22; Georgeou,
N 2012, p40).

Advancements in communication technology such as Twenty-four hour global news, mobile
telecommunications, and the word wide web changed the business environment forever. Consumers
suddenly became better informed about the not so desirable side of corporate operations, such as the
juxtaposition between the uber-wealthly and the extremely poor found at many mine sites around the
world. Yet, despite the heightened consumer awareness, it was not until the creation of the United
Nation Global Impact framework, when businesses such as The Body Shop and Ben and Jerry’s began
to truly pioneer the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (Katsoulakos, P. Et al, 2004, p16).
2.2 CSR Today
The traditional perspective of business is that its sole purpose and aim is to simply generate a financial
profit, has long been disregarded, or has it? Today, business and thus ETNC’s are perceived to play a
much larger role within society then traditionally first thought, now having to uphold their end of a
mutually beneficial relationship between them and society (Wood, D, 1991. p695). Yet, in the past two
decades, upholding this relationship has proven to be very difficult for many ETNC’s around the world,
badly managed CSR programme’s often result in violent conflicts such as those in the Niger oil fields
(Shell corporation), and can even escalated into civil war such as Bougainville copper fields in Papua
New Guinea, that resulted in 15,000 people dead (United Nations Interagency Framework Team for
Preventive Action. 2012. P13). In short, the consequences of getting CSR wrong are can be great.
Despite this fact, determining what exactly constitutes this ‘mutually beneficial relationship’ between
society and business is still a widely debated topic; does it go as far as to deem that corporations
should sacrifice their own financial profits in order to combat local youth high unemployment by
employing more local stakeholders than it actually is required? Or on the other hand, does it deem that
society should permit the ongoing of corporate operations at the expense of permanent local
environmental degradation? In most instances, many of us would probably agree that corporations
should simply employ as many locals as possible, and society should not simply passively standby as
corporate operations permanently damage the local environment. But, the theoretical debate that

surrounds CSR is much more complex than the two simple dilemmas presented, and in the following
paragraphs will attempt to present the three main schools of thought upon the role that corporations
currently play, or argued should play within society.
Firstly, and probably the most well known, and widely acknowledged concept is A. Carrolls (1991)
concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). For Carroll, the role of the corporation within
society is best understood in a hierarchical sense, with the corporation perceived to heading the top of
the pyramid, acting as the leader within society, or as a superior pioneering societal progress. Thus, the
corporation is trusted by society to lead by example, by not merely conforming to the letter of the law,
but to also voluntarily abide to the spirit of the law. A prime example of a corporation disregarding this
trust was Google Inc in 2011, when it was uncovered that it was capitalizing on ‘legal’ loopholes in
order to avoid paying millions of pounds in corporation tax (telegraph.co.uk). For A. Carroll (2011),
her concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) outlines four specific areas in which all
corporations hold specific social responsibilities; Economic, Legal, Ethical and Philanthropic (A.
Carroll. 2011. p 286). Most importantly here, is the fact that Carroll does not perceive all four of these
social responsibilities as equally important to one another, instead she argues that a corporations
economic responsibility is the first and foremost important social responsibility, and as such
corporations are not only entitled, but encouraged too prioritize financial profits within the legal
boundaries set by society.
In sum, CSR advocated by A. Carroll (2011) lionizes the economic success of the corporation, a
perspective adhered to by many who utter the proverb ‘business is business’. But the problem here,
and even something that A. Carroll admits herself, is the fact that history shows that the remaining
social responsibilities of the corporation, specifically those ethical and philanthropic responsibilities
are usually left lingering and forgotten on the sidelines. A. Carroll argues that the reason why
corporations appear unwilling to attend to both their ethical and philanthropic responsibilities, is not
because of the ruthless capitalistic focus upon furthering financial profits, but instead because most
corporations soon discover that these ethical and philanthropic responsibilities are in fact the most
difficult social responsibilities to implement (A. Carroll. 2011. p 286).

On the other hand Stakeholder theory address some of the pitfalls of A. Carrolls (2011) CSR, by firstly
perceiving the role of the corporation with in society not as a pioneer, but rather as another individual,
a fellow citizen that upholds one side of a mutually dependent relationship. As such, the corporation is
expected to find a way to function alongside society rather than lead it, in a way that is beneficial to
both parties involved, and simply not just operating for the sole purpose of its own financial profits
(Freeman, R. E. 1984. p 42). Thus, Stakeholder theory perceives that the profitability of a corporation
should be determined not from the analysis of its annual or quarterly financial balance sheets, but
instead from the welfare level of its local stakeholders (flatworldknowledge.com). By no stretch of the
imagination does this mean that corporations can not, and should not generate a financial profit, but
they should do so whilst simultaneously advancing the interests of its stakeholders in a proportionate
manner (Freeman, R. E. 1984. p48). Despite a clear acknowledgment of stakeholders interests, one of
the major pitfalls of Stakeholder theory is its failure to specifically acknowledge and outline any
environmental responsibilities that corporations have towards society. As such, one of the main
problems with Stakeholder theory is that it regards any direct negative environmental impacts
(pollution or mass deforestation) of corporate operations as negotiable, as long as both the corporation
and its stakeholders are mutually benefiting.
The third and final concept that addresses the social responsibilities of the corporations is the Tripple
Bottom Line. The concept of the Tripple bottom line is arguably the most encompassing of all the four
social responsibilities previously outlined by A.Carroll (2011); Economic, Legal, Ethical and
Philanthropic (A. Carroll. 2011. p 286). For the Tripple Bottom Line, the corporation is perceived
neither as a leader as does CSR, nor as an equal as with Stakeholder theory. But as a medium, a tool
that should be utilized by mankind in order to acquire its needs, requirements and desires. Unlike
A.Carrolls (2011) concept of CSR and Stakeholder theory, the Tripple Bottom Line perceives
corporations to have essentially no social responsibilities, simply because corporations are expected to
utilized the power of business to solve social and environmental problems. In other words,
corporations should be ‘socially sustainable whilst operating within our ecological constraints’(Henrik
Robèrt, K 2011). The Tripple Bottom Line approach could be perceived as almost a half way point

between CSR (A.Carrolls 1991) and Stakeholder theory, as it acknowledges the fact that corporations
are encourage by economic markets to make a financial profit in order to survive, yet they should only
do so in a way that promotes the longevity and sustainability of the corporation (D’Amato, A. et. al.
2009. p2).
One well known example of the TBL approach is the Fair Trade movement, it allows corporations to
continue to make a financial profit in a way that still respects suppliers through reasonable pay and
good working conditions whilst taking into consideration environmental issues, despite the higher cost
incurred by both the consumer and the corporation. In sum, the concept of the Tripple bottom Line
simultaneously acknowledges capitalist ideal's whilst attempting to map the course of financial profit
through environmental and humanitarian pitfalls. Yet, the concept of the Tripple Bottom Line is not
faultless, the danger still exists that financial market can force corporations to ignore their ethical and
philanthropical social responsibilities, in order for a corporations to survive in a ruthless capitalist
business environment.
If one thing is clear, it is that intellectuals continue to struggle to discover a medium in which
corporations can simultaneously be both profitable and socially responsible. Yet, Drucker. P (1984)
highlights one seemingly obvious solution that appears to have been overlooked by all the three
approaches presented here. Instead of perceiving financial profits and social responsibilities as two
opposing poles, Drucker advocates that corporations should instead perceive the very problems that
adopting and attending to corporate social responsibilities present, as an economic opportunity. Thus
generating a financial profit from previously perceived burdens, therefor simultaneously achieving all
four social responsibilities; economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic (A. Carroll. 2011. p 286). In
short, Drucker (1984) advocates that a truly socially responsible corporation, ‘is one that tames the
dragon, by turning a social problem into economic opportunity, and an economic benefit into
productive capacity, into human competence, into well paid jobs and into wealth’ (A. Carroll. 2011. p
286).
To summarize, it is clearly apparent that both ‘taming the dragon’ and attending to the more

philanthropic responsibilities of CSR is easily said than done, and in 2008 Bill Gates (founder of the
Microsoft corporation) highlighted this fact by calling for what he termed as ‘Creative capitalism’; the
idea that governments, NGO’s and businesses should work together to stretch market forces so more
people can make a profit, and thus begin to ease the world’s inequalities (McElhaney, K 2009, p30). But
for now, this study focuses upon the problems professionals face when implementing CSR, by
analyzing the perceptions that expatriate ETNC professionals have upon local stakeholders.
2.3 Stakeholder Engagement
No matter the perspective a corporation adopts, whether CSR, the TBL or Stakeholder theory, in the
end it is hard to define the social responsibilities of the corporation without thinking about actual local
stakeholders and how to approach them. As A. Carroll (2011) highlights, it is not the financial or legal
obligations that corporations struggle with, but rather those ethical and philanthropic ones that no
matter which way it is put, engagement with the local stakeholders has to occur at some point or
another (p.286). Thus, local stakeholder engagement has everything to do with attending to social
responsibilities of a corporation, and getting this wrong essentially determines the fate of a corporate
social responsibility programme.
Like CSR, their exists many handbooks, guidebooks and step-by-step guides that boast a bullet-proof
method towards successful local stakeholder engagement. That quite ironically, for some reason
simultaneously acknowledge the fact that local stakeholder engagement is a very fluid, individualistic
and unique process that needs to be tailor made for each environment and engagement. From my own
experience, ETNC professionals are too easily caught up with discovering and the full-proof approach
advocated within literature, in order to take note of the most vital aspect when engaging with local
stakeholders, and that is to remember that there are no proven universal approach, and thus as strange
as it might sound, sometimes one justs has to ‘wing it’ (International Finance Corporation, 2007 .p7).
This section of the study will not re-create or reiterate a ‘How to’ guide of local stakeholder
engagement, however it will aim to firstly highlight the developments that have occurred within
stakeholder engagement and the significance of ‘bridging’ relationships. Then, I will discuss the three

interconnected key principles to local stakeholder engagement; Transparency, the importance of a
Systematic approach and above all Respect for local stakeholder.
‘Perspectives upon local stakeholder engagement have slowly developed from what was once an
entirely a corporate-centric focus, in which stakeholders where viewed as subjects to be managed,
towards a more of a networked based, relational and process orientated view of engagement, where
there is the consideration of a mutual relationship and interdependency’ (Andriof, J. ET. Al, 2002,
p19).
This early ‘management’ style of local stakeholder engagement, usually meant that engagement
consisted of simply facilitating, attending to the satisfaction of local stakeholders. Yet, the problem
layed in how did such managers know what local stakeholders wanted, needed or desired? Especially
in the instance when managers where expatriate employees with different cultures and traditions. The
straight answer is, they simply could not. As Ernesto Sirrolli states, ‘we western people have only two
ways in which we deal with people, we either patronize them, or we are paternalistic towards them’
(Ernesto Sirolli, 2012, 4m:20sec).
Through a series of trial and errors, local stakeholder engagement has evolved from an almost
neocolonial/imperialistic relationship where local stakeholders where perceived as something to be
managed that essentially acted as a buffer between local stakeholders and the corporation, into what is
see today; a trust-based collaboration that bridges the gap between those individuals and institutions
with different objectives, that can only be achieved through collaboration (Andriof, J. ET. Al, 2002.
p41). Bridging relationships between local stakeholders and professionals, is perceived to create a
space for solutions that are systematic, innovative and sustainable for both the local stakeholders and
the corporation (Andriof, J. ET. Al, 2002. p41). Yet, how does one bridge relationships, especially on
that crosses racial cultural and linguistic obstacles? Below I will present and discuss the key principles
required by most, if not in all engagement should processes.
Firstly, and yet probably the most over used term within the broad literature of the social responsibility

of corporations and Stakeholder Engagement, that is of transparency (Zandvliet, L. Anderson, B. 2009.
P19). Yet, how does one be or become truly transparent? The traditional idea of transparency is that a
corporation should be open and honest in all of its actions, transactions and interests with the
community or society in which it operates, traditionally thinking this was by posting this information
on public notification boards. But in actual fact, the term transparent whilst engaging with local
stakeholder refers not to revealing the specific details of operations, such as payments and dates, but to
the actual process in which the corporation approaches a situation (Zandvliet, L. Anderson, B. 2009.
p20). Simply, in order to be transparent one must be systematic in their approach.
Yet, one of the major barriers to being transparent whilst engaging local stakeholders, and one that is
especially relevant within the recourse extraction industry, is the idea that if a corporation can be too
open with information. For an ETNC, being too transparent can unnecessarily reveal sensitive
information that can raise local stakeholder expectations, attract unwanted speculators, and or even
undermine their comparative advantage over rival businesses. But, if a corporation wants to build
sustainable, mutually beneficial relationships and achieve their social responsibilities, it must start to
think in terms of the bigger picture; not allowing the short term interests and financial gains (such as
petty compensation rates or plans of expansion) to jeopardize the broader, longterm perspective of a
fifty year long operation by risking loosing their social license to operate in the area altogether
(Essence, p7.)
In order to be transparent, managers firstly have to rise above and acknowledge the fact that in most
instances stakeholder expectations have already been raised, compensation rates inflated and theft is
ripe (Essence, p4). Secondly, it is not as much about the content as it is about the systematic approach
towards local stakeholder engagements that sets the tone for a transparent relationship. It is argued that
those ‘corporations that adopt a greater systematic, achieve a better return for resources they invest’
(Essence, p8). Again, local stakeholders are not really interested in the small print of every contract
signed, but if a corporation is transparent in the approach to situations, the corporation is then
perceived by local stakeholders as predictable, reliable and transparent. In sum a systematic approach
has two key benefits, it not only counteracts rumors and speculations but it also exuberates respect.

Respect is arguably the most important aspect of local stakeholder engagement. Without respect, one
demonizes the Other, and no matter how systematic the approach and transparent the corporation is
during local stakeholder engagements, the demonization of the Other will undermine all
communication and relationships. Respect is the acknowledgment of the Other as a fellow human
being, an equal, and the acknowledgment of the existence of common ground, its simply just a matter
of discovering it. Within local stakeholder engagement and thus within the philanthropic aspect of a
corporations social responsibility, respect in the highest sense of the word, is the acknowledgment and
acceptance of the fact that ‘if people do not wished to be helped, then leave them alone’ (Ernesto
Sirolli, 2012, 4m:51sec).
2.4 Enemy Images and Identity Formation
It is suggested that the implicit assumptions of actors, can and do play a role in the policies, behavior
and eventually the results of all CSR programme’s, regardless of the fact that those professionals
whom are personally responsible for implementing CSR projects are supposedly unable to avoid this
responsibility through the reference to rules, policies and procedures’(Wood, D. 1991. p709; Zandvliet,
L. Anderson, B. 2009 p58). Thus, no matter the amount of corporate procedures place upon ETNC
professionals, their own personal perceptions upon local stakeholders undoubtedly have some
influence upon the outcome of local stakeholder engagements, and thus the philanthropic social
responsibilities of the corporation. In simple terms, if one perceives all local stakeholders to be
criminals, you will treat them like they are criminals, either subconsciously or consciously. In order to
be able to identify what are the implicit assumptions of ETNC professionals that participate in this
study, we firstly need to understand how one constructs these implicit assumptions by looking at how
how Identity and the Enemy image is constructed.
Identifying our own unique identity is less about defining of who we are, but more about defining
whom we are not (Vilho, H. 2000. p15). What is said to happen is we firstly identify those whom we
are not, based upon the notion that ‘one can not comprehend what large means, if we don’t have a
sense of what constitutes small’ (Vilho, H. 2000. p15). One can really come to grasp this notion when

one travels, meets new people, or even engages with local stakeholders whilst implementing the
philanthropic responsibilities of an ETNC. As social beings, we are constantly interacting, assessing
and categorizing not only our environment, but our social surroundings, and thus when working
abroad, or even traveling, especially in a continent where one does not racially ‘fit in’, one quickly
arrives to the conclusion that one are not White, Black, Asian or African.
In our attempt to understand the world, and thus our position in it, we cognitively construct two large
categories consisting of the neutral Other, and the Self (Vilho, H. 2000.p 15). Vilho (2000) argues that
foundations of these two social categories are typically based upon the notions of the ‘good ‘and the
‘bad’, or the ‘positive’ and the ‘negative’. With the the Self usually being ascribed to most things
positive, and the Other being those whom are responsible for all the bad things in life (Zur, 1991, p345;
Vilho, H. 2000.p12).
An interesting aspect of this cognitive categorization is that initially the neutral Other appears to be
something innocent, simplistic and non derogatory, even harmless. Even within todays globalized
world we still form identity according primarily to national, ethnic and socio-economic distinctions,
simply because of a lack of other clear references. (Post, J 1999. p340; Psychologists for Social
Responsibility, 2002. P15). Rutstein, N. (1999) argues that the only way to overcome associating the
Other with national, ethnic and socio-economic distinctions is via education, understanding that we as
individuals, no matter our racial differences belong or are equal members of humanity as a whole.
Rutstein terms this reference as the sense of ‘Oneness’, an aspect that is an undeniable truth to all
mankind, yet the difficulty lays with becoming “unified in diversity” (Rutstein, N. 1999; Psychologists
for Social Responsibility, 2002. P 15)
There is nothing wrong with cognitively categorizing our social world, it is simply a natural cognitive
process that every human being does, but the problem arrises when we begin to demonize and
perceive ‘‘neutral Other’ in a way that is animalistic and alien, and then haphazardly ascribing these
characteristics to ethnicity, religion or even gender (Melinda Jones, 2002. p 31; Vilho, H. 2000. p10).
This dehumanization of the Other, transforms those initially perceived as the ‘foreigner’ or alien, into

the a new categorization termed the ‘Enemy’. It is important to note here, that the Enemy can and is
regarded as belonging to the Other, but not all Others are regarded as the Enemy.
Usually, the Enemy image is a type of ‘prejudice based upon faulty and inflexible generalizations’
(Allenport, G 1979/1954. p 9). For example, the characteristics usually ascribed to the Enemy are that
of robustness, strength and perseverance that are the result of there inferior genes and values that are
incorrigible, kind of like how pedigree dogs are perceived to be more desirable, due to their ‘purer’
gene pools despite the associated health problems, compared to mixed breed dogs that usually live
longer, have better health, despite their perceived ‘inferior’ gene pool (Ahnaf, M. 2006, p16). But
instead, ‘We/ the Self’ are the pure, weaker and inferior breed, whereas the Enemy is the mixed,
stronger and thus superior breed. It is not ‘the image, per se, that evokes hate, but rather, the
anticipated events (fear) that will follow from that story’, evoking fear that the superior bread will
overrun ‘Us’; the weaker and inferior yet morally superior being (Sternberg, R & Sternberg, K, 2008.
p98).
The interesting aspect about the way in which we construct Identity, is the simple fact that every
individual does it, thus fear of the Enemy is never solely a one sided story. The problem is that fear
leads people to predict confrontation, and thus in an attempt to mitigate this danger, both sides act in
an equally excessive hostile manner towards on another (Psychologists for Social Responsibility, 2002.
P 23). Therefore, in our attempts to uncover our own Identity, fear uncontrollably propels us to
misinterpret the Other and construct the subcategory consisting of the Enemy image. That in turn sets
in motion a cascade of preemptive acts of violence against the Enemy, eventually leading both sides
into direct physical violence that are legitimized by the perception that these acts of aggression are in
actual fact acts of ‘self-defence’(Psychologists for Social Responsibility, 2002. P 24).
Yet, it is not only acts of direct physical violence that is at concern here, but more importantly a more
coercive type of violence such as that of ‘Cultural violence’. Johan Gatlung (1990) argues that the
types of overgeneralization that are based upon ethnicity, religion or even gender (Enemy image) are
the beginnings of a form of ‘Cultural violence’ (Galtung, J, 1990 p. 291). Cultural violence is a type of

indirect violence, what in this instance could be deem the misunderstanding of local stakeholder needs
or the implementation of CSR projets that do not respect the aspirations and cultures of indigenous
people (United Nations Interagency Framework Team for Preventive Action. 2012. P31). But the
problem with cultural violence it is just one small step away from the legitimization of structural
violence, that inturn tumbles into direct physical violence as forementioned in the Bougainville copper
fields in Papua New Guinea, that resulted in 15,000 people dead (Galtung, J, 1990, p 295).
In sum, ETNC’s around the world continue to struggle with implementing CSR, especially those more
philanthropic responsibilities of the corporate like development projects and managing local
stakeholder expectations. But in order to successfully implement CSR, expatriate ETNC professionals
are required to build mutual relationships with local stakeholders, that not only transcend cultural and
racial divides but often economic disparities. What this leads to, is a great likelihood that ETNC
professionals begin construct an Enemy image that constitutes of local stakeholders. As such the
construction of the Enemy image undermines any mutual relationships formed between local
stakeholders and expatriate ETNC employees resulting in cultural violence legitimizing the use of
structural violence imposed by expatriate ETNC professionals, in the form of the mismanagement of
CSR projects and the impairment of fundamental human needs (Galtung, J, 1990, p 291).

3.0 Method
In order to determine whether expatriate ETNC professionals construct the Enemy image constituting
of local stakeholders in Tanzania, it is necessary to place those professionals whom construct this
image at the center of this study. Thus, In light of the researchers own personal experience working
within this specific field, this study focuses upon professionals whom have and are currently working
for one specific Resource Extraction Transnational Corporation (ETNC) within Tanzania.
As such, it was deemed acceptable to utilize a qualitative case study framework for the following
reasons: Firstly, because this study essentially asks ‘what do people think, how they act, and why, in a
social setting’. Secondly, because of the ‘socially orientated’ nature of this study. Thirdly, because this
study’s focus upon ‘human subjectivity’(Chambliss, D. 2009. P.222). Thus, the ‘Case’ of the study is
resource extraction sites (mine sites) within Tanzania, focusing upon how Identity is constructed by
by ETNC professionals, and in turn how this hinders corporation social responsibilities (Creswell, J.
2007. P 93).
The primary method of data collection that this case study implements is that of semi-structured
qualitative interviews. Out of a total of eight qualitative interviews undertaken, five where qualitative
telephone interviews, and three where qualitative emails surveys. All qualitative telephone interviews
were purposefully restricted to approximately 30 minutes, and were simultaneously recorded on three
independence electronic devices in order to mitigate any possible technical failures. English was the
language that all interviews where conducted , simply because in most instances this is the researchers
native, and if not professional language. The structure of the interview questions where
semi-structured in an attempt to encourage the progression of responses whilst simultaneously
permitting the divergence by respondents to topics of interest (Irvine, A et al. 2012. p89). In an attempt
to fully understand the meanings and implicit suggestions within the interviews, all interview

recordings where listened to a minimum of three times prior to transcription. Overall, the data
produced by such methods and design was detailed, enlightening and diverse.
In order to operationalize determining whether expatriate ETNC professionals construct the Enemy
image, that in turn constitutes of local stakeholders within Tanzania. This study will analyze all
qualitative interviews by utilizing Vilho. H (2000) theory on how Identity and the Enemy image is
constructed.
Thus, the empirical section of this study will present the perspective that the expatriate ETNC
professions have upon local stakeholders in a way that directly emulates how Vilho. H (2000) suggests
the the Enemy image is constructed. Thus, the perception upon local stakeholders will be divided
and presented into two major categories; the neutral Other and the Enemy image.
Therefore, emulating Vilho. H (2000) theory, I will illustrate how expatriate ETNC professionals
initially perceive how all local stakeholders as the neutral Other; as something innocent, simplistic and
non derogatory, even harmless. Then, the I will illustrate how the expatriate ETNC professionals
perceive the neutral Other, over time and external influences transform into the Enemy image. Of
which is characterized as being; animalistic, inferior and amoral beings.(Allenport, G 1979/1954. p 9;
Ahnaf, M. 2006, p16)
3.1 Qualitative Telephone Interviews
As a direct result of the niche target group that this study chooses to focus upon, the method of
availability sampling had to be adopted. This was simply because the target research group lead very
busy professional lives, in which they not only travel frequently, but work 6 week rotational shifts.
Thus, once a research participant had been identified, they where then contacted via e-mail providing
the necessary basic information about the study, whilst formally inviting their participation in the
study (Chambliss, D. 2009. P.224). Subsequent e-mails organized the finer details such as the specific
times and dates that qualitative telephone interviews would take place.

As consequence of the geographical location of this studies ‘Case’ (Tanzania), personally convening
from Sweden for the sole purpose of conducting personal interviews would have been too financially
burdening for a bachelor thesis. Thus, qualitative telephone interviews enabled this study to access a
niche group of professionals to their convenience. This aspect of qualitative telephone interviews
proved invaluable, as in the end the qualitative telephone interviews conducted connected participants
from over four different continents; North America, Europe, South Asia and Africa. Thus, slashing
travel time, financial costs whilst enabling a quicker turn over of participants and a larger a sample
size (Trier-Bieniek, A. 2012. P.630).
In the end, all qualitative telephone interviews where conducted via the internet telephone service
Skype, in order to reduce the financial burden to a minimal. Despite conducting the telephone
interviews from the internet telephone service Skype, all participants where directly contacted via their
personal mobile telephones in order for interviews to be conducted at the participants convenience.
This study feels like it utilized to full advantage the two major strengths that qualitative telephone
interviews offer. firstly, that they ‘provide the best source of information when the researcher does not
have direct access to individuals’, and Secondly even the idea that qualitative telephone interviews
respondents can feel empowered by non-personal communication, encouraging them to express
responses without consequence (Irvine, A et al. 2012. P89; Creswell, J. 2007. P 133).
3.2 The Weaknesses of Qualitative Telephone Interviews
On the other hand qualitative telephone interviews have many major weaknesses. Firstly, “the
researcher cannot physically see and thus interpret the informal visual communication” expressed by
the participant, leading to the high possibility that the interviewer will be unable to build a rapport
with the participant, due to the loss off the natural conversation that face-to-face interviews boast
(Irvine, A et al. 2012. P.89; Creswell, J. 2007. P.133). Furthermore, it is quired that when utilizing
telephone interviews it is easier to make misinterpretations due to the fact that the interviewer relies
solely upon verbal communication, and thus after a period of time (30 minutes) participants are prone

loose attention and become bored (Irvine, A et al. 2012. P.92).
In an attempt to combat the stated weaknesses of telephone interviews, this study firstly and
intentionally limits all telephone interviews to approximately 30 minutes in length. This is intended to
retain participant attention in what longer telephone interviews (60 minutes plus) can become boring
and monotonous due to the lack other sensory stimulation (Irvine, A et al. 2012. P.92). Secondly, the
matter that the researcher is unable to build a rapport with the participant, is remedied by the fact that
all but two of the research participants are known personally and professionally by the author. Thus,
such a researcher-recipient rapport that personal face-to-face interviews boast has already been built
prior to conducting the qualitative telephone interviews. This prior established researcher-recipient
rapport enabled the researcher to connect swiftly with participants and probe into issues which may
otherwise might have been obscured by utilizing qualitative telephone interviews. Thirdly, in order to
avoid any misinterpretations of data, participants where formally asked (post-interview) if it was
acceptable if the researcher had any further questions or queries in reference to the research conducted
to re-contact. Of which no participants voiced any objection.
3.3 E-mail Surveys
Qualitative E-mail surveys where utilized as a consequence to unforeseeable circumstances such as
very week or zero mobile telephone coverage. Similar to qualitative telephone interviews, E-mail
surveys do not come without it’s criticisms. Yet, uniquely Chambliss, D. and Schutt, R. (2009) states
that unlike other research methods, the disadvantages and advantages of electronic surveys all depends
upon the population that is to be surveyed (p. 182). Simply, the more involved and IT proficient the
participant, the better quality of data collected via the E-mail survey.
Email surveys are regarded to be at the lower end of the spectrum when it comes to the quality of data
attained. Similar to the weaknesses of qualitative telephone interviews, researchers are also unable to
analyze the informal visual communication of the research participant. Yet, unlike Qualitative
telephone interviews, the nature of e-mail surveys sacrifices any type of researcher-participant rapport,
due to the loss off both visual and verbal communication that all other methods boast. In Sum, the risk

associated in misinterpreting the data attained by e-mail surveys is extremely high. This fact is
acknowledge and minimized.
Despite the concerns associated with e-mail surveys, it was deemed the next most suitable method to
attain data that otherwise would have been lost. In sum, a total of three qualitative E-mail surveys
where completed fully and returned.
3.4 Ethical approach
There are three major ethical concerns within this study, and they revolve around the notion of
anonymity (Creswell, J. 2007. P.44). Firstly, in order to uphold the anonymity of participants, alias
names have been allocated to all participants with the key kept secret to all but the researcher.
Secondly, due to the sensitive nature of analyzing the implicit assumptions of ETNC professionals and
reflecting on how the conclusions of this study could potentially discredit research participants, all
participants where formally given the opportunity to decline being interviewed after being fully
informed and comprehended what they have been told about the topic of the study. Thirdly, the
awareness of the researchers own bias comes as a major concern (Chambliss, D. 2009. P.165). The
researchers background as a white European whom has previously worked in studies specific
environment (ETNC’s in Tanzania), can act both as an attribute and also a major ethical concern to
this study.
As the researcher has experience working abroad, within the same industry, for the same corporation
and alongside the very professionals whom participate in this study, it is perceived that the author has
the ability to adequately understand and interpret participant responses. Yet, it is important to pin point
my position as the researcher, especially since the inspiration for this study derived from the authors
own experience, experiencing a significant change in his own attitude towards community members
from the start of the internship working at an ETNC in Tanzania in comparison to the end. Prior to this
study, the authors personal perspective is that the perceptions of expatriate ETNC professionals upon
local stakeholders, is in fact negatively impeding the implementation of Corporate Social
Responsibility with Tanzania. This is for one reason alone, because he as a white Western British

citizen, felt like his own negative perception of local stakeholders impeded his own CSR project whilst
working in Tanzania. Thus, it is important to acknowledge this fact in an attempt to differentiate
participant and researcher perspectives. One of the major areas that this bias could be foreseen to
surface, is within the diction of telephone and E-mail interviews. Thus the diction of the telephone and
E-mail interviews required special attention as not to encourage participants to adopt a similar
perspective to that of the researcher (Chambliss, D. 2009. P.165).
3.5 Reliability and Validity
The methods implemented in this study, bring with it quires about its validity and reliability. As
previously highlighted, the quality of data that telephone interviews and qualitative email surveys
produce is widely debated, of which this study cannot deny. Thus, this study acknowledges the fact
that by using such ‘weaker’ methods, the reliability of this study is tarnished slightly.
Even though by utilizing such ‘weaker’ methods tarnishes the reliability of this study, the validity of
this study is considered to be very high. The utilization of primary sources, coupled with a clear
outline of the ‘Case’ eliminates the possibility of any possible overgeneralizations. Furthermore, By
choosing to study a range of relevant professionals and not simply managers operating throughout
Tanzania, eliminates the possibility of selective observation (Chambliss, D. 2009. P.4).
Despite this study initially aiming to collect data solely via qualitative telephone interviews, three
E-mail surveys where eventually conducted. Whilst conducting these e-mail surveys the researcher
was formally asked by corporate managers if they could be ‘Carbon Copied’ (CC) onto all E-mail
exchanges with two specific research participants. The reason presented was:
“I think it won’t be a great idea to have a tele interview due to quality of tele service and language.
I would advise you to send set of questions to Benny and Björn and they. can answer in their time and
revert back to you.
Please keep me in cc so that I can facilitate and follow it up for you”

(Email extract: Freddy. M)
Despite the good natured attitude of the ‘Freddy. M’, this study has to be aware of the validity of these
two responses, since pressure and the screening of answers may have occurred prior to return. In order
to eliminate the possibility of tarnishing the reliability of this study, and to eliminate any potential of
these findings bearing significantly on the findings, the author has made the executive decision to
disregard these two responses, since they do not present any contrasting perceptions upon local
stakeholders..
3.6 The Mine sites and the Local Communities
The resource extraction transnational corporation (ETNC) that this study focuses upon, is regarded as
a world leader in its sector (Gold). At the time of writing the ETNC had several operational mine sites
in production throughout Tanzania and several more identified exploration camps in the pipeline. In a
modest sense, the productions sites where typically located ‘off the beaten track’, as such the original
communities that existed at the time of opening have since significantly swelled as a result of the
arrival of economic migrants. The corporation operates a mixture of closed and open pit production
sites, with varying degrees of physical security. All sites that I personally visited where enclosed, and
with tight security enforced 24 hours a day. Security ranged from three meter high walls to the more
modest barbed wire fences, with strict curfews imposed that limited movement in, and out of the mine
site after 1800 hours. Probably similar to any other ETNC in the world, this specific corporation was
not shying away from any of its social responsibilities with a great corporate emphasis upon attending
to it social responsibilities towards its stakeholders, backed by a corporate slush fund of approximately
ten million dollars per year.
On site facilities catered fully for all residents ranging washing, house-cleaning, catering, bars, fitness
facilities, schooling, healthcare and even leisure facilities, giving little, if any reason for members of
staff not working within Community Relations or Security departments to venture off-site and into the
local communities themselves. Despite a push for localization in recent years, most members of senior

management consisted of expatriate employees. Meaning that there existed a of hierarchy of
employees; at the top the Senior management expatriate staff, then senior and mid level management
employees that are either of an East African origin or locally employed Tanzanians deriving from Dar
es Salaam or other major cities. Followed by the general mine employees that are usually local
employed staff. Then finally, there was the menial labor positions such as the gardening that where
usually unskilled, ill-educated local stakeholders. As a way in mitigating the stresses of working in
such geographical isolation entails, the majority of workers whom where not locally employed from
the immediate communities worked six week rotational shifts, and all those whom where either
expatriate employees or nationals residing in Dar es Salaam where provided transportation via the
corporate jet.
Apart from the physical boundaries of the mine site, the ETNC employees also differ dramatically
from their local stakeholders in their attire, the way they reside and in the vehicles they drove.
Employees could usually be identified by their company uniforms, high visibility jackets and their
large brightly marked white Toyota Land Cruisers. Despite these visible distinctions physically
separating company employees from local stakeholder (usually for safety reasons), they also
simultaneously psychologically divided ‘Us’ from ‘Them’.

4.0 Empirical research
Throughout most, if not all the interviews conducted by this study, the perceptions that ETNC
professionals have upon local stakeholders where remarkably not to dissimilar. It was very clear that
ETNC professionals where constructing Identity by determining primarily whom they where not, and
that was certainly not something similar to local stakeholders (Vilho, H. 2000).
The clear divide that separates the Self; the ETNC professionals from the Other; the local stakeholder,
is best illustrated by Steve. M, whom identifies
local stakeholders as those whom essentially
reside on the other side of the mine fence.
“The community is often looked upon, as the
people on the outside, the people we sit down and
look at, whilst we drink our gin and tonics. And
their living in their mud huts”
Apart from this physical boundary that literally
Steve, M
divides the local stakeholders from the expatriate
ETNC professionals in reality, Steve. M depicts local stakeholders not as fellow human beings that one
would naturally willingly interact with, but instead something that is observable, interesting to look at
and watch. This description suggest that ETNC professionals perceive local stakeholders as something
that is something strangely entertaining and foreign, similar to when one visits the Zoo in order to
observe animals through cages for entertainment purposes. Apart from this apparent dehumanized and
animalistic depiction of local stakeholders, Steve. M simultaneously depicts the image of the Self; as
someone that oses superiority, high society and power, as they drink their ‘gin and tonics’. The bigger
picture here, is undeniable similar to an era of colonialism, where the white colonials ruled over the
indigenous communities, whilst savagely stripping the land bare of its natural resources. Whereas in
this instance, it is white expatriate ETNC professionals whom hold the economical superiority over the
indigenous communities whilst still savagely stripping the land bare of all its natural resources.
Yet, despite this initial and crude depiction of how ETNC professional perceive local stakeholders, as

broadly those whom reside on the other-side of the fence, in reality their perception of local
stakeholders in a much more complex. Celine. D illustrates this complexity by acknowledging the fact
that local stakeholders are not simply one homogeneous group of Africans/Tanzanians; hungry, ill
educated or even HIV infected (as many those Oxfam and Red Cross advertisements would like the
public to perceive), but instead a myriad set actors,
“One thing that i would say for all of them is a
consisting of such as local villagers, local
dynamic, a dynamic picture, in terms of what
shopkeepers, local suppliers, artisanal miners,
the communities look like”.
children, local educational and medical facilities and
Celine. D
district authorities just to name a few.
This short introduction is intended to illustrate the basics contours of how expatriate ETNC
professionals perceive local stakeholders, of which in essence consists of Us; the superior international
expatriate mining professional, and the Other; the poor local stakeholders that reside on the other side
of the mine fence.Yet in order to fulfill the aim of this study; to determine whether expatriate ETNC
professionals construct the Enemy image that consists of their local stakeholders within Tanzania,
there must be a clear identification of the local stakeholder as the neutral Other, the Enemy image and
the positive self. Thus From this point forward, this study will attempt to illustrate that the perception
of expatriate ETNC professionals upon local stakeholders is much more complex, and that the
construct of the Other (local stakeholders) is further subcategorize, into the neutral Other, the Enemy
and the positive self (Vilho, H. 2000).
4.1 The Local Stakeholders as the Neutral Other
Firstly, it must be stated that in general, expatriate ETNC professionals perceive local stakeholders
primarily in a very negative light. Yet, there still remains a small group of local stakeholders whom
are perceived to possess characteristics that expatriate ETNC professionals categorize as the neutral
Other (Vilho, H. 2000 p11). Therefore, In this section I will attempt to illustrate notion, by depicting
how ETNC professionals construct the neutral Other as those local stakeholders with two basic traits;
firstly having limited access to the basic human necessities, and secondly having perceivably

“Its a mobile group, that is quite diverse. I have
sat out at a mine site and spoken to groups of fifty
illegal miners, who ranged from one of the most
articulate thirteen year olds I have come across,
right up to people in to the mid fifties, late forties”
Celine. D
“No access to clean drinking
Water/poor Hygiene & sanitation
facilities/Poor health care/Poor
Education facilities”
Freddy. M
reasonable and manageable local stakeholder expectations upon the corporation.
The neutral Other is perceived to consist of those local
stakeholders whom vaguely fulfill the typical stereotype
that we Westerners perceive as ‘African’; poor,
ill-educated and in desperate need of basic human
necessities like clean water. In this instance these
individuals are not perceived as lesser human beings as
Vilho, H. (2000) would like to suggest, but instead as individuals that pose little or no direct physical
threat to the corporation of the professionals themselves, and thus are deemed as innocent individuals
deserving of help.
The interesting aspect about the neutral Other, is that children are the only demographic perceived to
qualify. Whether this is because of their supposed innocence and non threatening position within
society it is not immediately clear.
Yet, one prime example of this fact was when
Celine. D discusses the matter of artisanal
mining communities that appear around mine
sites, a specific set of local stakeholders that are
traditionally perceived as the Enemy, due to
there lawlessness, high expectations and criminal activities (trespassing). Yet here, Celine. D
illustrates a clear distinction between the child, and artisanal miner community, by specifically
ascribing human characteristics such as knowledge and intellectual capacity to the child artisanal
miner that she encounters, whilst failing to leave any remark about older artisanal miners apart from
“people into the mid fifties, late forties”.
This clear distinction suggest that children, despite their supposed profession, are always perceived by

expatriate ETNC professionals in a positive light. Steve. M is a good example of the notion that
children are the only local stakeholders perceived to
qualify as the neutral Other, by stating that children
are the ones that are most vulnerable, deserving of
help and of the resources available, not only because
of the fact that they are children, but als a result of the
characteristics ascribed to the adult local stakeholders.
Steve. M, illustrates that adult local stakeholders are
perceived in such an inhuman manor, that ETNC
professionals feel like it is their obligation to ‘rescue’
these vulnerable and innocence children from their
irresponsible, selfish and illogical parents.
“integrate with them, bring them along, show them,
show them, that their is somebody that cares,
somebody that will support them, somebody to
show them, somebody to give them aspirations,
which is very import with youngsters. That works.
the problem is when you spend time with the
children, the adults get jealous, jealous because
they want to have the resources spent on them, they
don’t care that its their children, they don’t give a
toss that its their children, they think that it should
be on them.”
Steve, M
All local stakeholders are expected by expatriate
ETNC professionals to bare the expectation that their life will be improved by the corporation, yet it is
apparent that in reality very few, if any local stakeholders(other than children) are actually perceived
to have what ETNC professionals consider to be ‘moderate’ and ‘achievable’ expectations.
Callum illustrates the notion that ETNC
professionals have a clear understanding
of the fact that local stakeholders have
the expectation that their life will be
improved in some way or another by the
arrival of corporate operations, but he
also suggests that in many instances these
“What you tend to find with the arrival of western
extractives company, what there is, is an expectation that
there will be work provided , there is an expectation that
the infrastructure shall be improved, and that generally
happens.”
Callum
expectations are actually fulfilled. But the problem perceived by ETNC professionals is that local
stakeholder expectations are very easily exaggerated, acting as the gateway from which the neutral
Other transforms into the Enemy. Thus, this maybe another reason why children are the only
demographic identified as the neutral Other, because simply their expectations have not been

exaggerated yet.
In sum, the expatriate ETNC professionals perceive local stakeholders as a myriad set of actors, of
which just a small amount of local stakeholders, specifically young children, are categorized as the
neutral Other; a group of individuals that are to have limited access to the basic human necessities and
hold reasonable (or no) expectations upon the corporation.
4.2 The Local Stakeholder as The Enemy Image
Yet, as previously mentioned, expatriate ETNC professionals appear to have a very negative
perception upon local stakeholders, and in this section I will attempt clearly illustrate how the
simplistic construction of the neutral Other is quickly transformed into the the Enemy image via the
influence of external actors causing unrealistic local stakeholder expectations.
Firstly, despite the positive connotations ascribed to a a group of dynamic local stakeholders, this
image is soon tarnished when ETNC professionals simultaneously perceive local Stakeholders as an
infinite number of individuals. In this instance, the sense of the infinite Other suggest that ETNC
professionals are fearful, overwhelmed and to some
“one common thing in relation to all of the
extent feel besieged by the magnitude of local
sites, is that the communities are growing,
stakeholders that confront them, especially when
there is a significant increase in migration,
taking into account their geographical working
erm... the communities, the villages, or the
environment (an enclosed mine site, with a finite
towns the where originally close to where a
amount of expatriate employees). What I suggest
project was being developed, are now
here, is that local stakeholders are perceived as a
substantially larger and look very different
dynamic group, yet in a way that is actually not
from when those operations where started”.
complementary, signifying the initial stages of
Celine. D
construction of the physiological trenches dividing
Us; the expatriate employees from the Enemy; the local stakeholders.

In addition to the sense of fear the local stakeholders present, Celine. D utilizes animal terminology in
order to describe the literal influx of local stakeholders that mine sites experience, depicting that local
stakeholders ‘migrate’ or ‘flock’ in order to find better pastures (the mine site). Furthermore, not only
does Celine. D portray the sense of an ever increasing and uncontrollable amount of migrants, but
simultaneously suggests that the mine site is perceived as a positive aspect, a reason for local
stakeholders to migrate.
“Does an extractive or any form of business have an
obligation to improve civil society, I would probably
say it does, but what you look at doing is then imposing
western values in a hierarchical and a tribal
environment, and its difficult to do”
“What we are trying to do, what you look at doing is
imposing western values into a hierarchical and tribal
environment. And its difficult to do”
Callum
Both the physical (mine walls, uniforms, ect..)
and psychological divisions that define local
stakeholders from expatriate ETNC
professionals, signify the point in which the
Global West meets the Global South; the uber
rich rub shoulders with the dirt poor, and
where the mine-site faces off with local stakeholders.
Callum
Expatriate ETNC professionals perceive that there exists a stark contrast between the two worlds, so
much so that it is too much for local stakeholders to handle responsibly, almost like a child in a candy
shop, when possible they over indulge, and when not they become angry and resentful. Instead, local
stakeholders are perceived to be unable to cope with the stark transition in life, from subsistence
farming, to suddenly being surrounded by vast amounts of cash, consumer products, western culture
and values that all have derived as a direct consequence of the arrival of the mine site. Some expatriate
ETNC professionals whom participated in this study go as far as to suggest that one of the worst
aspects about ETNC’s establishing operations within such underdeveloped areas, is not the
environmental impacts, or the fact that most financial profits never touch that hands of the society
from which it derives, but instead the imposition of western values upon ‘tribalistic’ communities.

The degradation of these tribal and
hierarchical societies, in coincidence
with the adoption of western values and
consumerism is perceived as one major
aspect that further exaggerates local
stakeholders expectations. In short,
Callum suggest that with the arrival of
“What you are dealing with, is people, who live on two
dollars a day and all of a sudden there is riches around
them. Like i say, what i found is that the African mentality
is live for today and don't think about tomorrow, live for
today.
Callum
mining operations, local stakeholders whiteness first hand the wealth that is possible to accumulate
with the arrival of the mine site, and thus expect to go from living a two dollar a day subsistence
lifestyle, to a western consumerist lifestyle, simply overnight. Yet, as time progresses a sense of
frustration and disappointment dawns as local stakeholder expectations repeatedly fail to materialize.
As a consequence local stakeholders begin to resent the corporation and its operations as these
expectations are left lingering in their imaginations.
Furthermore, there is another reason why local
“Project carried out under political pressure will
stakeholders are perceived to have exaggerated
fail. The community members do not have brains
expectations and that is because they are
to understand who works for their favor. They get
perceived to be stupid, have zero common sense
carried away by politicians and sit with a failed
and are simply unable to think independently.
project.. they need to wake up..”
Freddy. M further dehumanizes local
Freddy. M
stakeholders by stating that they are missing
any intellectual thought, and suggests they should come out of their coma. Stating that as a direct
result of their lack of intellectual capacity, local stakeholders are susceptible to external influences.
Furthermore, Freddy M depicts perceives local stakeholders are not only influenced by local leaders
and Government employees, but
simultaneously misguided by corporate
employees and practices. ‘Freddy. M’
highlights this specific issue by suggesting
“the mine on the other hand faces lots of challenges
due to high expectations, high corruption in CR teams,
inconsistent approach, lack of transparency etc”
Freddy. M

that high local stakeholder expectations could actually be avoided, if and only when corporations
become more transparent, systematic and stamp out internal corruption.
On the other hand, Callum utilizes an example about one of the closed pit mines sites that employs
tens, if not hundreds of locally sourced labor to attend to the corporate grounds. Callum begins to
question the ethical and financial sustainability of such CSR practices, by posing the moral question
“why equip them with scissors, if all it takes is one guy with a hedge trimmer?”. Callum states that
despite such employment strategies, the high
“people will try and take illegal advantage of the mine,
expectations of local stakeholder continue to
i.e they will be aware that they can steal fuel, they can
persist. Concluding, that no matter how hard
steal anything. Even if they don't support them in an
a mine site attempts to fulfill stakeholder
economic sense, i.e work or infrastructure, there is
expectations, some stakeholders will never
always the possibilities that these individuals can steal
be satisfied and thus it is inevitable that
eventually they will turn to alternative roots
in order to individually benefit from the
presence of the mine.
Criminality is a underlying common perspective that all expatriate ETNC professional ascribe to
locals stakeholders. This is because of two reasons; firstly because of the unfulfilled expectations that
local stakeholders have, and secondly
because of their greedy, selfish and
amoral characteristics limiting their
ability to foresee into the future. One
interesting solution advocated by two
participants in particular, is the
necessity for the corporation to
become more transparent, systematic,
respectful. Yet in order to do so the
corporation is perceived to have to
“There two way you can do this, theres two ways. You engage
with the community, you support them, you have an honest
and open situation. Ok. With the expectations that there is a
provision a labor, and you will support local businesses by
ordering locally. Or, you go in and say we’re the big beast
here, we’ll give you jobs, you be fucking straight, you be
straight and we’ll do our best for you. If you don't do that,
you can FUCK OFF”
Callum
from the mine”
Callum

become more more authoritarian in an attempt to curve the hike in local stakeholder expectations
currently experienced. ‘Callum’ best articulates this suggestions in the following abstract, albeit
crudely.
In sum, it is clear that ETNC professionals perceive locals stakeholders to be an infinite group of
animalistic, criminalistic, selfish individuals whom lack the basic human capacity to think for
themselves and for their future. Yet, how could this negative perception upon local stakeholders hinder
the philanthropic responsibilities of the corporation?
“by having the mine there, we are creating a new generation of criminals, and a
generation of criminals who in turn will have children as criminals”
John
“once it starts, there is a never ending path of benefits
they can get, and it will continue regardless of
profitability or commodity prices or anything from the
private sector”
Steve, M
5.0 Analysis - So What Does this all Mean?
In an attempt to answer the third and last research question that this study originally presented, I now
answer how expatriate ETNC professionals perceive local stakeholders.
From the empirical evidence presented here, it is clear that expatriate ETNC professionals perceive
local stakeholders in a very negative manner. So much so, that it appears that they make
overgeneralized presumptions that all local stakeholders (apart from children) are animalistic,
criminalistic, selfish individuals, lacking the basic human capacity to think for themselves and for their
future. Yet, this image is not just a simple stereotype, or a static overgeneralization. This image is
dynamic, relentless and ever changing with time. Local stakeholders are perceived to be a group of
individuals whom are easily influenced by
external actors and thus are ever evolving with
time and events. It is this very aspect that
represents a dynamic story in which expatriate
ETNC professionals feel constantly threatened,

intimidated and overwhelmed by (Sternberg, R & Sternberg, K 2008. P96). Simply, the perception that
expatriate ETNC professionals have upon local stakeholders is one that is the embodiment of the
animalistic, inferior and amoral being (Allenport, G 1979/1954. p 9; Ahnaf, M. 2006, p16). Thus, it
can be deemed that expatriate ETNC professionals do in fact construct the Enemy image constituting
of local stakeholders within Tanzania. But what does this mean?
Well, the potential implications of expatriate ETNC professionals constructing the Enemy image
constituting of local stakeholders within Tanzania are great. As previously outlined, local Stakeholder
engagement is an unavoidable aspect of any CSR programme, especially when attending to those more
philanthropic social responsibilities. One of the key pillars to successful local Stakeholder engagement
is the construction of a mutual relationship between the local stakeholder and the expatriate ETNC
professional, based upon the identification and acknowledgment of common ground on which an
interdependent relationship can be bridged (Andriof, J. ET. Al, 2002, p19). Yet, in order to be able to
construct this mutually interdependent relationship, expatriate ETNC professionals and local
stakeholders need to have a transparent relationship built upon a systematic approach that is
simultaneously respectful towards one another. Yet, how does one build such a relationship when one
demonizes the other? Simply, one can not.
Despite this study analyzing only one specific actor within CSR, its is said that ‘typically the
construction of the Enemy image is held by all parties involved, ‘a mirror-image’ (Bronfenbrenner,
1961). Suggesting that not only do ETNC professionals dehumanize local stakeholders, but local
stakeholders simultaneously dehumanize ETNC professionals in a very similar and mistrusting manner.
What this means for CSR, is that the problem of mistrust, disrespect, and enmity lay not with one
specific actor (ETNC professionals), but with all actors involved.
The preservation of the Enemy image by all parties involved, is aided by the misinterpretation of
actions, as a result of selective attention and memory. The construction of the Enemy image acts like a
smoke screen, impeding ones perception of the Other so much so that only a silhouette is
distinguishable. Meaning that if local stakeholders demonstrate attributes that invalidate and discredit

the Enemy image, expatriate ETNC professionals would not acknowledge this act since their
perception obscured by the Enemy image thus hindering a critical perception of the local stakeholders.
Thus in the event of such an action, expatriate ETNC professionals would either disregard the
phenomenon as an anomaly, not disregarding it but illogically reasoning by say attributing the action
to something that only that specific local stakeholder is capable of doing because he is ‘special’. Or on
the other hand by ignoring it all together, and remembering primarily the negative information that
re-affirms their previous conclusions of the Enemy image (Broadbent,1958).
With the mutual misinterpretation one another, every action or more importantly lack of action is said
to become an additional source of hostility, ratcheting tensions up between the mine sites and local
stakeholders. Thus this relationship that is characterized by mistrust, disrespect and secrecy leads both
actors to predict hostile behavior from the enemy, and therefore fear of confrontation legitimizes either
direct violence such as criminality by local stakeholders in order to immediately gain form the
mine-site or structural violence implemented by expatriate ETNC professionals. In this instance it
could either be mismanage funds and CSR projects or the retention of all CSR activities, only further
exasperating local stakeholders.
In this instance, what is required in order to achieve good local stakeholder-expatriate ETNC
professional relationships, local stakeholder engagements and thus successful CSR, is the
re-humanization of the Enemy image. ETNC professionals need to empathize with local stakeholders,
transcending the phycological and physical divides that essentially re-humanizes the demonized. What
empathy does, is figuratively de-smoke the perceptions that ETNC professionals have upon local
stakeholders, enabling them to view and understand the contexts in which the Enemy (local
stakeholders) act. By understanding, or for the better of the word, acknowledging the context in which
the local stakeholders act for example; a life characterize of extreme poverty, not knowing where the
next meal is coming from, being unable to provide for you family nevermind for yourself whilst the
rich ‘white’ men steal the riches that belong to me and my people. One begins to dismantle the Enemy
image and commences to truly ‘understand what is in the minds of others’ (White 1998).

6.0 Conclusion
Constructing the Enemy image is an essential part of defining whom we are as individuals (Vilho, H.
2000 . p15). Yet, unfortunately, over the past century this very same image has proven not only to have
led us into war with the Enemy (War on Terror), but also to have legitimized the use of structural
violence against them (Galtung, J, 1990, p 295). Instead of investigating how the Enemy image has led
us to war, this study adds another dimension to the study of Peace and Conflicts, by illustrating that
expatriate ETNC professionals do in fact construct the Enemy image that constitutes of local
stakeholders within Tanzania.
The implications of expatriate ETNC professionals constructing the Enemy image constituting of local
stakeholders are great, especially when talking about the implementation of Corporate Social
Responsibility. It is not simply a matter of eliminating white elephant CSR projects, such as the
$100.000 dollar medical center presented in the introduction of this study, but instead creating and
maintaining a respectful, systematic and transparent local stakeholder relationships, so that potential
conflicts over natural resources, such as the Bougainville copper fields in Papua New Guinea can be
prevented and resolved (United Nations Interagency Framework Team for Preventive Action. 2012.
P13).
In order for expatriate ETNC professionals to begin to break down the construction of the Enemy
image, this study recommends that expatriate ETNC professionals need to begin empathizing with
local stakeholders, which will enable them to transcend the phycological and physical divides that
separates them, essentially re-humanizing the demonized. One of the first ways to do this is to start to
break down the physical barriers the are currently dividing expatriate ETNC professional from local
stakeholders in the field. What I mean here is that instead of only convening with local stakeholders
for the sole purposes of business, start convening on a more personal basis, like at a bar or other social
events, enabling the ‘bridging’ of relationships (Andriof, J. ET. Al, 2002. p41).

The term Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) remains a very widely debated, unclear and
misunderstood concept. Yet, this study highlights the need for a change in the way we conduct
business today. Let this study be an example of the unforeseen problems that TNC’s around the globe
encounter when they attempt to adopt CSR initiatives, Instead of adopting CSR initiatives, we need to
eliminate the need of CSR altogether, by turning our social problems such as inequality and
unemployment into economic opportunities, and the these economic benefits into productive capacity,
into human competence, into well paid jobs and into wealth’ (A. Carroll. 2011. p 286).
Yet for now, further empirical research needs to be undertaken upon how TNC’s currently implement
CSR. One area of particular interest is the impact that localization policies have upon CSR. During my
time working at the ETNC the localization of job positions was well and truly underway, as a result the
number of expatriate professionals noticeably dwindled by the week. Admittedly, the findings of this
study will eventually become insignificant, as the construction of the Enemy image will disappear
along with the expatriate professionals whom constructed it. Yet, this creates a new opportunity for
further research upon the same topic, but instead, determining whether these ‘locally’ employed ETNC
professionals construct a similar perception upon local stakeholders.

7.0 References
 Ahnaf, M. (2006). ‘The Image of the Other as Enemy: Radical Discourse in Indonesia.
Chiang Mai, Thailand: Asian Muslim Action Network.
 Allenport, G. (1979/1954), ‘The Nature of Prejudice’, New York: Basic Books p. 9.
 Andriof, J. ET. Al. (2002), ‘Unfolding Stakeholder Engagement’. PDF, accessed 03 August
2014, <http://www.greenleaf-publishing.com/content/pdfs/ustanwad.pdf>
 Broadbent, D. (1958). ‘Perception and Communication’. London: Pergamon Press.
 Bronfenbrenner, U. (1961). ‘The mirror image in Soviet – American relations: A social
psychologist’s report’. Journal of Social Issues, 17, 45-56.
 Carroll, A. B. (1991) 'The pyramid of corporate social responsibility: toward the moral
management of organizational stakeholders (balancing economic, legal, and social
responsibilities)', Business Horizons, v34, p39(10).
 Carroll. A (1991). ‘Corporate Social Responsibility, Evolutional of a Definitional Construct’,
Buisiness & Society, Vol. 38 No. 3, September 1999 268-295 © 1999 Sage Publications, Inc.
 Chambliss, D. Schutt, R. (2009). ‘Making Sense of the Social World: Methods of
Investigation’. (third edition). Pine Forge Press, California: Sage Publications.
 Creswell, J, W. (2007). ‘Qualitative Inquiry & Research Design: Choosing Among Five
Approaches’ (2nd edition). Thousand Oaks, London, New Delhi: Sage Publications
 Cyril I. Obi. (1999). ‘African Journal of Political Science / Revue Africaine de Science
Politique’Vol. 4, No. 1 (June 1999), pp. 40-62
 D’Amato, A. et. al. (2009). ‘Corporate Social Responsibility and Sustainable Business: A
Guide to Leadership Tasks and Functions’. PDF. accessed 03 August 2014.
<http://www.ccl.org/leadership/pdf/research/CorporateSocialResponsibility.pdf>
 Dicken, P. (2004). ‘Global shift’, 4th edn London: Sage, 2004
 Eckhardt, W (1991). ‘Making and Breaking Enemy Images’. Security Dialogue 1991 22: 87.
PDF, accessed 03 August 2014,
<http://sdi.sagepub.com.proxy.mah.se/content/22/1/87.full.pdf>
 Ernesto, Sirolli. (2012), ‘Want to help someone? Shut up and listen’, Ted Talk, accessed 03

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