On 19 December 2014, Professor Thomas Piketty spoke at London Business School on the subject of inequality, following his controversial book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century.
Gavyn Davies OBE, Chairman, Fulcrum Asset Management, comments on Thomas Piketty's work on the wealth and income inequality.
Thomas Piketty spoke at London Business School on 19 December 2014, as part of our Leading Minds speaker series. Read more about the event: http://www.london.edu/news-and-events/news/the-growing-gap-between-capital-and-income
Connect: How companies succeed by engaging radically with society | London Bu...London Business School
Lord Browne spoke at a recent Leading Minds event at London Business School. Here is his presentation.
Learn more: https://www.london.edu/news-and-events/leading-minds
Dynamique de la concentration du patrimoine : Méthodes, estimations et simula...Jean-Michel Gradt
Dans cet artcile, Bertrand Garbinti, Jonathan Goupille-Lebret et Thomas Piketty analysent l'évolution des inégalités dans la formation de la richesse en France sur plusde deux siècles.
Gavyn Davies OBE, Chairman, Fulcrum Asset Management, comments on Thomas Piketty's work on the wealth and income inequality.
Thomas Piketty spoke at London Business School on 19 December 2014, as part of our Leading Minds speaker series. Read more about the event: http://www.london.edu/news-and-events/news/the-growing-gap-between-capital-and-income
Connect: How companies succeed by engaging radically with society | London Bu...London Business School
Lord Browne spoke at a recent Leading Minds event at London Business School. Here is his presentation.
Learn more: https://www.london.edu/news-and-events/leading-minds
Dynamique de la concentration du patrimoine : Méthodes, estimations et simula...Jean-Michel Gradt
Dans cet artcile, Bertrand Garbinti, Jonathan Goupille-Lebret et Thomas Piketty analysent l'évolution des inégalités dans la formation de la richesse en France sur plusde deux siècles.
FUTURE AGENDA: Future of wealth (initial-perspective) Prof. Julio J. PradoJulio Jose Prado
In the post-recession era,
there is an increasing concern
on topics related to wealth
inequality in Developed
countries, most notably in
the USA and the Euro Zone.
56% of people living in rich
countries, believe the most
pressing problem of the
economy is inequality.
Literature review and summary of recent publications, blogs and reports. Delivered July 3 2014, At University of Novi Sad Conference: The Socio-Economic Aspects of Inequality.
The article illustrates the results of the economic development of the first fifteen years of the XXI century under the conditions of unprecedented economic freedom, globalization and the appearance of new informational sectors up to and including the first attempts at revising liberalism. The analysis of statistical data demonstrates an obvious increase in the percentage of well-off people in many countries as well as the increased economic capabilities of small, medium and large businesses, whose assets are distributed among an ever-increasing number of owners. This provides the impetus to review our collective approach to liberalization and globalization, as well as to view its unexpected strong sides that make human progress possible.
Capital in the Twenty-First Century (French: Le Capital au XXIe siècle) is a book written by French economist Thomas Piketty. It focuses on wealth and income inequality in Europe and the United States since the 18th century. It was initially published in French (as Le Capital au XXIe siècle) in August 2013; an English translation by Arthur Goldhammer followed in April 2014.
Finance Economics revisited, a primer (abstract) - MaverlinnOlivier Coispeau
This is the abstract of a presentation delivered by Olivier Coispeau in September 2015. The presentation highlights conditions for renewed economic and financial analysis.
Strong capital inflows and comprehensive trade and financial liberalization characterized the last decade in the majority of Latin American countries. Despite some modest improvement in poverty incidence, the evolution of employment, wages and income distribution has frustrated even the most “Panglossian” of the Washington Consensus’s policy maker that largely run the continent along the last years.
Considering the evolution of household income distribution along the last two decades in Latin America countries an comprehensive analysis observed an asymmetrical pattern of growth with a high income concentration during the “lost decade” of 80’s and a distributive rigidity during a more expansionist phase observed in average in the region along the nineties (Sáinz, and Fuente (2001). But even this evaluation can not be assured since there is a strong underestimation of the income of the richer strata. Due to a disappearance of regular jobs in the continent a polarization process with a hollowing out of middle class and a top-driven increase in inequality seems to be happening in many countries in recent years as a social consequence of the economic and structural changes led by external opening . But unfortunately this performance is not the bottom line. Nowadays an implosive decline is taking place in Argentina with tragic consequences on poverty incidence.
Given the diversity of experiences of liberalization in the continent and the superposition of many economic and social changes to identify and even more to isolate the effects of trade and financial liberalization on income distribution it is not a simple question.
In an effort to bridge a classical/sraffian theory of income distribution with a structuralist approach to economic development and a institutionalist approach to labor markets, this paper tries to address to these questions considering the balance of payment constraint through its effect on interest rate, exchange rate, relative prices and in GDP growth as the dominant macroeconomic force shaping income distribution. Some routes can be singularized. From the classical/sraffian surplus approach emerges the proposition that there is an inverse relation between the rate of interest (formed exogenously by monetary forces) and product wage. This relationship will be considered as a clue factor connecting financial liberalization and functional income distribution. From this perspective, the level of productivity in wages goods sector is essential for the determination of real wages.
From the classical and structuralist approach we retain the basic conception that in a surplus labor economy economic growth generates not only a reduction in poverty – an indisputable stylized fact- but trough an increase in formal employment an improvement in the distribution of labor income. From both approaches we take that structural heterogeneity between sectors is a primary source of income differentiation. Thus, the impact of e
head 39 The Stanford Center on Poverty and Inequality.docxpooleavelina
head 39
The Stanford Center on Poverty and Inequality
S TAT E O F T H E U N I O N
PAT H WAYS • The Poverty and Inequality Report 2016
KEY FINDINGS
• Over the past four decades,
only the very rich, the top 0.1
percent, have realized wealth
increases in the U.S. In 2012,
the top 0.1 percent included
160,000 households with total
net assets of more than 20
million.
• At the same time, the
middle class, those in the
50th-90th percentiles, have
experienced a decline in their
wealth share.
• Available data indicate that
there is significantly less
wealth inequality in Europe
than in the United States. No
other country analyzed has
top wealth shares as high as
the U.S.
BY GABRIEL ZUCMAN
wealth inequality
With the takeoff in income inequal-ity by now well-known, attention
has shifted of late to trends in wealth
inequality. Until recently, it had been dif-
ficult to gather empirical evidence on
wealth inequality. However, important
new evidence on wealth inequality has
now become available, evidence that
suggests that wealth concentration is
rising fast in the U.S. and has reached
levels last seen only during the Gilded
Age. According to the latest available
data, in 2012 the top 1 percent owns 42
percent of total U.S. wealth, up from 25
percent in the 1970s.1
The simple purpose of this article is to
ask how such wealth inequality, which
would appear to be quite extreme,
compares to that of other developed
economies. Has there been a takeoff
in wealth inequality in other countries?
Is it as spectacular as the takeoff in the
U.S.? Does the current level of wealth
inequality in other countries match the
current level in the U.S.? We take on
questions of this sort in this article.
What Is Wealth?
To compare the distribution of wealth
across countries, it is of course critical to
use the same definition of wealth across
countries. Wealth is defined as the cur-
rent market value of all the assets owned
by households, net of all their debts.
Following international standards codi-
fied in the System of National Accounts,
assets include all the non-financial and
financial assets over which ownership
rights can be enforced and that provide
economic benefits to their owners.
This definition of wealth includes all pen-
sion wealth—whether held in individual
retirement accounts or through pension
funds and life insurance companies—
with the exception of Social Security
and unfunded defined benefit pensions.
It excludes all promises of future govern-
ment transfers. Including such transfers
is analytically difficult because these
types of assets lack observable market
prices. The wealth definition excludes
human capital for this same reason.
New Data Sources on Wealth
Inequality
With this definition in hand, wealth con-
centration can be studied using different
data sources.2 The ideal source would
be high-quality wealth tax declarations
for the entire population, with extens ...
Global Imbalances and Currency Wars at the ZLBMacropru Reader
GLOBAL IMBALANCES AND CURRENCY WARS AT THE ZLB.
Ricardo J. Caballero, Emmanuel Farhi, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas
Working Paper 21670 http://www.nber.org/papers/w21670
Despite all the artifices to neutralize the trend of decline of profit rates in the world capitalist system as predicted by Karl Marx in his great work The Capital, will not prevent its collapse over time because the political and social cost would be immense for humanity with its maintenance. Before the collapse, the world capitalist system will be ruined by the economic depression for many years resulting in his climbing the bankruptcy of many companies, the economic unfeasibility of the highly indebted nation states and mass unemployment on a global scale. Given the existence of the chaos that already dominates the world economy that is getting worse, it is time for each country and humanity provide themselves as urgently as possible tools necessary to take control of their destiny. To take control of his destiny humanity must take to end the world capitalist system to exercise governance of the world economy. This is the only means of survival of the human species.
Kuwait Petroleum Corporation: Transforming leadership for 2030 and beyondLondon Business School
This case study explores the custom programme developed by London Business School for the Kuwait Petroleum Corporation in conjunction with the National Technology Enterprises Company Kuwait. The study examines the scale and accomplishments of the programme, as well as the unique tripartite collaboration between the three key stakeholders that delivered its success.
Together, Microsoft and London Business School created The Public Sector Course: a customised programme, tailoring a Massive Open Online Course (MOOC) model for Microsoft’s public sellers specifically. The programme aims to empower participants to build trust and credibility with customers.
Learn more about our customised programmes: https://www.london.edu/programmes/executive-education/topic/executive-education-for-organisations/custom-programmes
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Similar to Leading Minds: The business of an unequal economy | London Business School
FUTURE AGENDA: Future of wealth (initial-perspective) Prof. Julio J. PradoJulio Jose Prado
In the post-recession era,
there is an increasing concern
on topics related to wealth
inequality in Developed
countries, most notably in
the USA and the Euro Zone.
56% of people living in rich
countries, believe the most
pressing problem of the
economy is inequality.
Literature review and summary of recent publications, blogs and reports. Delivered July 3 2014, At University of Novi Sad Conference: The Socio-Economic Aspects of Inequality.
The article illustrates the results of the economic development of the first fifteen years of the XXI century under the conditions of unprecedented economic freedom, globalization and the appearance of new informational sectors up to and including the first attempts at revising liberalism. The analysis of statistical data demonstrates an obvious increase in the percentage of well-off people in many countries as well as the increased economic capabilities of small, medium and large businesses, whose assets are distributed among an ever-increasing number of owners. This provides the impetus to review our collective approach to liberalization and globalization, as well as to view its unexpected strong sides that make human progress possible.
Capital in the Twenty-First Century (French: Le Capital au XXIe siècle) is a book written by French economist Thomas Piketty. It focuses on wealth and income inequality in Europe and the United States since the 18th century. It was initially published in French (as Le Capital au XXIe siècle) in August 2013; an English translation by Arthur Goldhammer followed in April 2014.
Finance Economics revisited, a primer (abstract) - MaverlinnOlivier Coispeau
This is the abstract of a presentation delivered by Olivier Coispeau in September 2015. The presentation highlights conditions for renewed economic and financial analysis.
Strong capital inflows and comprehensive trade and financial liberalization characterized the last decade in the majority of Latin American countries. Despite some modest improvement in poverty incidence, the evolution of employment, wages and income distribution has frustrated even the most “Panglossian” of the Washington Consensus’s policy maker that largely run the continent along the last years.
Considering the evolution of household income distribution along the last two decades in Latin America countries an comprehensive analysis observed an asymmetrical pattern of growth with a high income concentration during the “lost decade” of 80’s and a distributive rigidity during a more expansionist phase observed in average in the region along the nineties (Sáinz, and Fuente (2001). But even this evaluation can not be assured since there is a strong underestimation of the income of the richer strata. Due to a disappearance of regular jobs in the continent a polarization process with a hollowing out of middle class and a top-driven increase in inequality seems to be happening in many countries in recent years as a social consequence of the economic and structural changes led by external opening . But unfortunately this performance is not the bottom line. Nowadays an implosive decline is taking place in Argentina with tragic consequences on poverty incidence.
Given the diversity of experiences of liberalization in the continent and the superposition of many economic and social changes to identify and even more to isolate the effects of trade and financial liberalization on income distribution it is not a simple question.
In an effort to bridge a classical/sraffian theory of income distribution with a structuralist approach to economic development and a institutionalist approach to labor markets, this paper tries to address to these questions considering the balance of payment constraint through its effect on interest rate, exchange rate, relative prices and in GDP growth as the dominant macroeconomic force shaping income distribution. Some routes can be singularized. From the classical/sraffian surplus approach emerges the proposition that there is an inverse relation between the rate of interest (formed exogenously by monetary forces) and product wage. This relationship will be considered as a clue factor connecting financial liberalization and functional income distribution. From this perspective, the level of productivity in wages goods sector is essential for the determination of real wages.
From the classical and structuralist approach we retain the basic conception that in a surplus labor economy economic growth generates not only a reduction in poverty – an indisputable stylized fact- but trough an increase in formal employment an improvement in the distribution of labor income. From both approaches we take that structural heterogeneity between sectors is a primary source of income differentiation. Thus, the impact of e
head 39 The Stanford Center on Poverty and Inequality.docxpooleavelina
head 39
The Stanford Center on Poverty and Inequality
S TAT E O F T H E U N I O N
PAT H WAYS • The Poverty and Inequality Report 2016
KEY FINDINGS
• Over the past four decades,
only the very rich, the top 0.1
percent, have realized wealth
increases in the U.S. In 2012,
the top 0.1 percent included
160,000 households with total
net assets of more than 20
million.
• At the same time, the
middle class, those in the
50th-90th percentiles, have
experienced a decline in their
wealth share.
• Available data indicate that
there is significantly less
wealth inequality in Europe
than in the United States. No
other country analyzed has
top wealth shares as high as
the U.S.
BY GABRIEL ZUCMAN
wealth inequality
With the takeoff in income inequal-ity by now well-known, attention
has shifted of late to trends in wealth
inequality. Until recently, it had been dif-
ficult to gather empirical evidence on
wealth inequality. However, important
new evidence on wealth inequality has
now become available, evidence that
suggests that wealth concentration is
rising fast in the U.S. and has reached
levels last seen only during the Gilded
Age. According to the latest available
data, in 2012 the top 1 percent owns 42
percent of total U.S. wealth, up from 25
percent in the 1970s.1
The simple purpose of this article is to
ask how such wealth inequality, which
would appear to be quite extreme,
compares to that of other developed
economies. Has there been a takeoff
in wealth inequality in other countries?
Is it as spectacular as the takeoff in the
U.S.? Does the current level of wealth
inequality in other countries match the
current level in the U.S.? We take on
questions of this sort in this article.
What Is Wealth?
To compare the distribution of wealth
across countries, it is of course critical to
use the same definition of wealth across
countries. Wealth is defined as the cur-
rent market value of all the assets owned
by households, net of all their debts.
Following international standards codi-
fied in the System of National Accounts,
assets include all the non-financial and
financial assets over which ownership
rights can be enforced and that provide
economic benefits to their owners.
This definition of wealth includes all pen-
sion wealth—whether held in individual
retirement accounts or through pension
funds and life insurance companies—
with the exception of Social Security
and unfunded defined benefit pensions.
It excludes all promises of future govern-
ment transfers. Including such transfers
is analytically difficult because these
types of assets lack observable market
prices. The wealth definition excludes
human capital for this same reason.
New Data Sources on Wealth
Inequality
With this definition in hand, wealth con-
centration can be studied using different
data sources.2 The ideal source would
be high-quality wealth tax declarations
for the entire population, with extens ...
Global Imbalances and Currency Wars at the ZLBMacropru Reader
GLOBAL IMBALANCES AND CURRENCY WARS AT THE ZLB.
Ricardo J. Caballero, Emmanuel Farhi, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas
Working Paper 21670 http://www.nber.org/papers/w21670
Despite all the artifices to neutralize the trend of decline of profit rates in the world capitalist system as predicted by Karl Marx in his great work The Capital, will not prevent its collapse over time because the political and social cost would be immense for humanity with its maintenance. Before the collapse, the world capitalist system will be ruined by the economic depression for many years resulting in his climbing the bankruptcy of many companies, the economic unfeasibility of the highly indebted nation states and mass unemployment on a global scale. Given the existence of the chaos that already dominates the world economy that is getting worse, it is time for each country and humanity provide themselves as urgently as possible tools necessary to take control of their destiny. To take control of his destiny humanity must take to end the world capitalist system to exercise governance of the world economy. This is the only means of survival of the human species.
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Kuwait Petroleum Corporation: Transforming leadership for 2030 and beyondLondon Business School
This case study explores the custom programme developed by London Business School for the Kuwait Petroleum Corporation in conjunction with the National Technology Enterprises Company Kuwait. The study examines the scale and accomplishments of the programme, as well as the unique tripartite collaboration between the three key stakeholders that delivered its success.
Together, Microsoft and London Business School created The Public Sector Course: a customised programme, tailoring a Massive Open Online Course (MOOC) model for Microsoft’s public sellers specifically. The programme aims to empower participants to build trust and credibility with customers.
Learn more about our customised programmes: https://www.london.edu/programmes/executive-education/topic/executive-education-for-organisations/custom-programmes
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We study the link between the evolving age structure of the working population and unemployment. We build a large new Keynesian OLG model with a realistic age structure, labor market frictions, sticky prices, and aggregate shocks. Once calibrated to the European economy, we quantify the extent to which demographic changes over the last three decades have contributed to the decline of the unemployment rate. Our findings yield important implications for the future evolution of unemployment given the anticipated further aging of the working population in Europe. We also quantify the implications for optimal monetary policy: lowering inflation volatility becomes less costly in terms of GDP and unemployment volatility, which hints that optimal monetary policy may be more hawkish in an aging society. Finally, our results also propose a partial reversal of the European-US unemployment puzzle due to the fact that the share of young workers is expected to remain robust in the US.
where can I find a legit pi merchant onlineDOT TECH
Yes. This is very easy what you need is a recommendation from someone who has successfully traded pi coins before with a merchant.
Who is a pi merchant?
A pi merchant is someone who buys pi network coins and resell them to Investors looking forward to hold thousands of pi coins before the open mainnet.
I will leave the what'sapp contact of my personal pi merchant to trade with
+12349014282
2. Elemental Economics - Mineral demand.pdfNeal Brewster
After this second you should be able to: Explain the main determinants of demand for any mineral product, and their relative importance; recognise and explain how demand for any product is likely to change with economic activity; recognise and explain the roles of technology and relative prices in influencing demand; be able to explain the differences between the rates of growth of demand for different products.
how to sell pi coins effectively (from 50 - 100k pi)DOT TECH
Anywhere in the world, including Africa, America, and Europe, you can sell Pi Network Coins online and receive cash through online payment options.
Pi has not yet been launched on any exchange because we are currently using the confined Mainnet. The planned launch date for Pi is June 28, 2026.
Reselling to investors who want to hold until the mainnet launch in 2026 is currently the sole way to sell.
Consequently, right now. All you need to do is select the right pi network provider.
Who is a pi merchant?
An individual who buys coins from miners on the pi network and resells them to investors hoping to hang onto them until the mainnet is launched is known as a pi merchant.
debuts.
I'll provide you the what'sapp number.
+12349014282
BONKMILLON Unleashes Its Bonkers Potential on Solana.pdfcoingabbar
Introducing BONKMILLON - The Most Bonkers Meme Coin Yet
Let's be real for a second – the world of meme coins can feel like a bit of a circus at times. Every other day, there's a new token promising to take you "to the moon" or offering some groundbreaking utility that'll change the game forever. But how many of them actually deliver on that hype?
Financial Assets: Debit vs Equity Securities.pptxWrito-Finance
financial assets represent claim for future benefit or cash. Financial assets are formed by establishing contracts between participants. These financial assets are used for collection of huge amounts of money for business purposes.
Two major Types: Debt Securities and Equity Securities.
Debt Securities are Also known as fixed-income securities or instruments. The type of assets is formed by establishing contracts between investor and issuer of the asset.
• The first type of Debit securities is BONDS. Bonds are issued by corporations and government (both local and national government).
• The second important type of Debit security is NOTES. Apart from similarities associated with notes and bonds, notes have shorter term maturity.
• The 3rd important type of Debit security is TRESURY BILLS. These securities have short-term ranging from three months, six months, and one year. Issuer of such securities are governments.
• Above discussed debit securities are mostly issued by governments and corporations. CERTIFICATE OF DEPOSITS CDs are issued by Banks and Financial Institutions. Risk factor associated with CDs gets reduced when issued by reputable institutions or Banks.
Following are the risk attached with debt securities: Credit risk, interest rate risk and currency risk
There are no fixed maturity dates in such securities, and asset’s value is determined by company’s performance. There are two major types of equity securities: common stock and preferred stock.
Common Stock: These are simple equity securities and bear no complexities which the preferred stock bears. Holders of such securities or instrument have the voting rights when it comes to select the company’s board of director or the business decisions to be made.
Preferred Stock: Preferred stocks are sometime referred to as hybrid securities, because it contains elements of both debit security and equity security. Preferred stock confers ownership rights to security holder that is why it is equity instrument
<a href="https://www.writofinance.com/equity-securities-features-types-risk/" >Equity securities </a> as a whole is used for capital funding for companies. Companies have multiple expenses to cover. Potential growth of company is required in competitive market. So, these securities are used for capital generation, and then uses it for company’s growth.
Concluding remarks
Both are employed in business. Businesses are often established through debit securities, then what is the need for equity securities. Companies have to cover multiple expenses and expansion of business. They can also use equity instruments for repayment of debits. So, there are multiple uses for securities. As an investor, you need tools for analysis. Investment decisions are made by carefully analyzing the market. For better analysis of the stock market, investors often employ financial analysis of companies.
how to swap pi coins to foreign currency withdrawable.DOT TECH
As of my last update, Pi is still in the testing phase and is not tradable on any exchanges.
However, Pi Network has announced plans to launch its Testnet and Mainnet in the future, which may include listing Pi on exchanges.
The current method for selling pi coins involves exchanging them with a pi vendor who purchases pi coins for investment reasons.
If you want to sell your pi coins, reach out to a pi vendor and sell them to anyone looking to sell pi coins from any country around the globe.
Below is the what'sapp information for my personal pi vendor.
+12349014282
Yes of course, you can easily start mining pi network coin today and sell to legit pi vendors in the United States.
Here the what'sapp contact of my personal vendor.
+12349014282
#pi network #pi coins #legit #passive income
#US
Leading Minds: The business of an unequal economy | London Business School
1. Sir Andrew Likierman
Dean, London Business School
Title of the
presentation
Inequality of capital
Thomas Piketty, Professor of Economics, Paris School of Economics
19 December 2014
2. Sir Andrew Likierman
Dean, London Business School
Title of the
presentation
Thomas Piketty,
Professor of Economics, Paris School of Economics
3. 3
This presentation is based upon Capital in the 21st century (Harvard University Press, March 2014)
This book studies the global dynamics of income and wealth distribution since 18c in 20+ countries; I
use historical data collected over the past 15 years with Atkinson, Saez, Postel-Vinay, Rosenthal,
Alvaredo, Zucman, and 30+ others; I try to shift attention from rising income inequality to rising wealth
inequality
•The book includes four parts:
Part 1. Income and capital
Part 2. The dynamics of the capital/income ratio
Part 3. The structure of inequalities
Part 4. Regulating capital in the 21st century
•In this presentation I will present some results from Parts 2 & 3, focusing upon the long-run evolution
of capital/income ratios and wealth concentration (all graphs and series are available on line: see
http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/capital21c)
13. 13
Conclusions
• The history of income and wealth inequality is always political, chaotic and
unpredictable; it involves national identities and sharp reversals; nobody can
predict the reversals of the future
• Marx: with g=0, β↑∞, r→0 : revolution, war
• My conclusions are less apocalyptic: with g>0, at least we have a steady-state β=s/g
But with g>0 & small, this steady-state can be rather gloomy: it can involve a very large
capital-income ratio β and capital share α, as well as extreme wealth concentration due to
high r-g
• This has nothing to do with a market imperfection: the more perfect the capital market,
the higher r-g
• The ideal solution: progressive wealth tax at the global scale, based upon automatic
exchange of bank information
• Other solutions involve authoritarian political & capital controls (China, Russia..), or
perpetual population growth (US), or inflation, or some mixture of all.