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LEARNING OBJECTIVES
motivational application of goal setting.
Motivation is a basic psychological process. Few would deny
that it is the most important
focus in the micro approach to organizational behavior. In fact,
a data-based comprehensive
analysis concluded that “America’s competitiveness problems
appear to be largely motiva-
tional in nature.”1 Many people equate the causes of behavior
with motivation; however, as
evidenced in this book, the causes of organizational behavior
are much broader and more
complex than can be explained by motivation alone.
Along with many other psychological constructs, motivation is
presented here as a very
important process in understanding behavior. Motivation
interacts with and acts in conjunc-
tion with other mediating processes and the environment. It
must also be remembered that,
like the other cognitive processes, motivation cannot be seen.
All that can be seen is behav-
ior. Motivation is a hypothetical construct that is used to help
explain behavior; it should not
be equated with behavior. In fact, while recognizing the “central
role of motivation,” many
of today’s organizational behavior theorists “think it is
important for the field to reempha-
size behavior.”2
This chapter first presents motivation as a basic psychological
process. The more
applied aspects of motivation on job design and goal setting are
covered in the last part of
the chapter. The first section of this chapter clarifies the
meaning of motivation by defining
the relationship among its various parts. The need–drive–
incentive cycle is defined and ana-
lyzed. The next section is devoted to an overview of the various
types of needs, or motives:
both primary and secondary. The next section of the chapter
presents both the historical and
more complex contemporary theories of work motivation.
Finally, the two major motiva-
tion applications of job design and goal setting are given
attention.
THE BASIC MOTIVATION PROCESS
Today, virtually all people—practitioners and scholars—have
their own definitions of moti-
vation. Usually one or more of the following words are
included: desires, wants, wishes,
aims, goals, needs, drives, motives, and incentives. Technically,
the term motivation can be
traced to the Latin word movere, which means “to move.” This
meaning is evident in the
CHAPTER 6
Processes, and Applications
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following comprehensive definition: motivation is a process that
starts with a physiological
or psychological deficiency or need that activates a behavior or
a drive that is aimed at a
goal or incentive. Thus, the key to understanding the process of
motivation lies in the
meaning of, and relationships among, needs, drives, and
incentives.
Figure 6.1 graphically depicts the motivation process. Needs set
up drives aimed at
goals or incentives; this is what the basic process of motivation
is all about. In a systems
sense, motivation consists of these three interacting and
interdependent elements:
1. Needs. Needs are created whenever there is a physiological
or psychological imbal-
ance. For example, a need exists when cells in the body are
deprived of food and
water or when the personality is deprived of other people who
serve as friends or
companions. Although psychological needs may be based on a
deficiency, sometimes
they are not. For example, an individual with a strong need to
get ahead may have a
history of consistent success.
2. Drives. With a few exceptions,3 drives, or motives (the two
terms are often used inter-
changeably), are set up to alleviate needs. A physiological drive
can be simply
defined as a deficiency with direction. Physiological and
psychological drives are
action oriented and provide an energizing thrust toward
reaching an incentive. They
are at the very heart of the motivational process. The examples
of the needs for food
and water are translated into the hunger and thirst drives, and
the need for friends
becomes a drive for affiliation.
3. Incentives. At the end of the motivation cycle is the
incentive, defined as anything
that will alleviate a need and reduce a drive. Thus, attaining an
incentive will tend to
restore physiological or psychological balance and will reduce
or cut off the drive.
Eating food, drinking water, and obtaining friends will tend to
restore the balance and
reduce the corresponding drives. Food, water, and friends are
the incentives in these
examples.
These basic dimensions of the motivation process serve as a
point of departure for the
rest of the chapter. After discussion of primary and secondary
motives, the work-motiva-
tion theories and applications that are more directly related to
the study and application of
organizational behavior and human resource management are
examined.
Primary Motives
Psychologists do not totally agree on how to classify the various
human motives, but
they would acknowledge that some motives are unlearned and
physiologically based. Such
motives are variously called physiological, biological,
unlearned, or primary. The last
term is used here because it is more comprehensive than the
others. However, the use of the
term primary does not imply that these motives always take
precedence over the learned
secondary motives. Although the precedence of primary motives
is implied in some moti-
vation theories, there are many situations in which the
secondary motives predominate
over primary motives. Common examples are celibacy among
priests and fasting for a reli-
FIGURE 6.1. The Basic Motivation Process
NEEDS DRIVES
INCENTIVES
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APPLICATIONS 133
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gious, social, or political cause. In both cases, learned
secondary motives are stronger than
unlearned primary motives.
Two criteria must be met in order for a motive to be included in
the primary classifi-
cation: It must be unlearned, and it must be physiologically
based. Thus defined, the most
commonly recognized primary motives include hunger, thirst,
sleep, avoidance of pain,
sex, and maternal concern. Although these very basic
physiological requirements have
been equated with primary needs over the years, just like
personality traits discussed in the
last chapter, in recent years recognition is given to the role that
the brain may play in peo-
ple’s motives.4 The “hard-wiring” of emotional needs would
meet the primary criteria of
being unlearned and physiologically based. Neuropsychologists
are just beginning to do
research on the role the brain plays in motivation, but potential
applications to the work-
place are already being recognized. For example, Coffman and
Gonzalez-Molina note:
“What many organizations don’t see—and what many don’t
want to understand—is that
employee performance and its subsequent impact on customer
engagement revolve around
a motivating force that is determined in the brain and defines
the specific talents and the
emotional mechanisms everyone brings to their work.”5
However, even though the brain
pathways will be developed in different ways and people
develop different appetites for the
various physiological motives because people have the same
basic physiological makeup,
they will all have essentially the same primary needs, but not
the learned secondary needs.
Secondary Motives
Whereas the primary needs are vital for even survival, the
secondary drives are
unquestionably the most important to the study of
organizational behavior. As a human
society develops economically and becomes more complex, the
primary drives give way to
the learned secondary drives in motivating behavior. With some
glaring exceptions that
have yet to be eradicated, the motives of hunger and thirst are
not dominant among people
living in the economically developed world. In addition, further
breakthroughs in neuro-
psychology may receive more deserved attention.6 But for now,
the learned secondary
motives dominate the study and application of the field of
organizational behavior.
Secondary motives are closely tied to the learning concepts that
are discussed in Chap-
ter 12. In particular, the learning principle of reinforcement is
conceptually and practically
related to motivation. The relationship is obvious when
reinforcement is divided into pri-
mary and secondary categories and is portrayed as incentives.
Some discussions, however,
regard reinforcement as simply a consequence serving to
increase the motivation to per-
form the behavior again,7 and they are treated separately in this
text. Once again, however,
it should be emphasized that although the various behavioral
concepts can be separated for
study and analysis, in reality, concepts like reinforcement and
motivation do not operate as
separate entities in producing human behavior. The interactive
effects are always present.
A motive must be learned in order to be included in the
secondary classification.
Numerous important human motives meet this criterion. Some
of the more important ones
are power, achievement, and affiliation, or, as they are
commonly referred to, n Pow,
n Ach, and n Aff. In addition, especially in reference to
organizational behavior, security
and status are important secondary motives. Table 6.1 gives
examples of each of these
important secondary needs.Co
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OCESS OF
ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR
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Intrinsic Versus Extrinsic Motives
Motives can be thought of as being generated not only by the
primary and learned sec-
ondary needs, but also by two separate but interrelated sets of
sources. One method to char-
acterize these two sources is to label them as being either
intrinsic or extrinsic motives.
Extrinsic motives are tangible and visible to others. They are
distributed by other people
(or agents). In the workplace, extrinsic motivators include pay,
benefits, and promotions.
Chapter 4 covered these commonly recognized extrinsic
motivators and, especially in
tough economic times, low-or no-cost extrinsic alternatives
include food (from doughnuts
to gourmet meals), games (e.g., one CPA firm holds a “mini-
Olympics” with games such
as who can pack a suitcase to take to an audit assignment the
fastest for a prize), or bring
in someone to do manicures or at-desk massages.8 Extrinsic
motives also include the drive
to avoid punishment, such as termination or being transferred.
In each situation, an external
individual distributes these items. Further, extrinsic rewards are
usually contingency
based. That is, the extrinsic motivator is contingent on
improved performance or perfor-
mance that is superior to others in the same workplace.
Extrinsic motivators are necessary
to attract people into the organization and to keep them on the
job. They are also often used
to inspire workers to achieve at higher levels or to reach new
goals, as additional payoffs
are contingent on improved performance.9 They do not,
however, explain every motivated
effort made by an individual employee. There is growing
research evidence on how to
enhance intrinsic motivation (e.g., providing choices).10
Another study found that when
intrinsic motivation accompanies other types, for example,
prosocial motivation, there will
be a more positive impact on desired outcomes such as
persistence, performance, and pro-
ductivity.11
Intrinsic motives are internally generated. In other words, they
are motivators that the
person associates with the task or job itself. Intrinsic rewards
include feelings of responsi-
bility, achievement, accomplishment, that something was
learned from an experience, feel-
TABLE 6.1. Examples of Key Secondary Needs
Need for Achievement
• Doing better than competitors
• Attaining or surpassing a difficult goal
• Solving a complex problem
• Carrying out a challenging assignment successfully
• Developing a better way to do something
Need for Power
• Influencing people to change their attitudes or behavior
• Controlling people and activities
• Being in a position of authority over others
• Gaining control over information and resources
• Defeating an opponent or enemy
Need for Affiliation
• Being liked by many people
• Being accepted as part of a group or team
• Working with people who are friendly and cooperative
• Maintaining harmonious relationships and avoiding conflicts
• Participating in pleasant social activities
Need for Security
• Having a secure job
• Being protected against loss of income or economic disaster
• Having protection against illness and disability
• Being protected against physical harm or hazardous conditions
• Avoiding tasks or decisions with a risk of failure and blame
Need for Status
• Having the right car and wearing the right clothes
• Working for the right company in the right job
• Having a degree from the right university
• Living in the right neighborhood and belonging to the country
club
• Having executive privileges
Source: Adapted from Gary Yukl, Skills for Managers and
Leaders, Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, N.J., 1990, p 41.
The examples of
need for status were not covered by Yukl.
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CHAPTE
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ings of being challenged or competitive, or that something was
an engaging task or goal.
Performing meaningful work has long been associated with
intrinsic motivation.12
As Manz and Neck noted, “Even if a task makes us feel more
competent and more
self-controlling, we still might have a difficult time naturally
enjoying and being motivated
by it if we do not believe in its worthiness. Most of us yearn for
purpose and meaning.”13
It is important to remember that these two types of motivators
are not completely dis-
tinct from one another. Many motivators have both intrinsic and
extrinsic components. For
example, a person who wins a sales contest receives the prize,
which is the extrinsic moti-
vator. At the same time, however, “winning” in a competitive
situation may be the more
powerful, yet internalized, motive.
To further complicate any explanation of intrinsic and extrinsic
motivation, cognitive
evaluation theory suggests a more intricate relationship. This
theory proposes that a task
may be intrinsically motivating, but that when an extrinsic
motivator becomes associated
with that task, the actual level of motivation may decrease.14
Consider the world of motion
pictures, where an actor often strives for many years to simply
be included in a film. The
intrinsic motive of acting is enough to inspire the starving
artist. Once, however, the same
actor becomes a star, the extrinsic motivators of money and
perks would, according to cog-
nitive evaluation theory, cause the individual to put less effort
into each performance. In
other words, according to this theory, extrinsic motivators may
actually undermine intrin-
sic motivation. This may seem like a confusing outcome, but
there is some research that
supports this theoretical position.15 However, as the meta-
analytically based principle at
the end of the chapter notes, there is considerable research
evidence that extrinsic rewards
may not detract from intrinsic motivation, and at least for
interesting, challenging tasks,
extrinsic rewards may even increase the level of intrinsic
motivation (see the end of the
chapter OB Principle).16
The seemingly contradictory findings make more sense when
the concept of negative
extrinsic motives is included. That is, threats, deadlines,
directives, pressures, and imposed
goals are likely to be key factors that diminish intrinsic
motivation. For example, consider
the difference between writing a book for fun versus writing a
book that must be completed
by a certain deadline in order to receive payment.17 There are
also a series of criticisms of
the cognitive evaluation theory, including that it was built on
studies largely using students
as subjects rather than workers in the workplace setting and that
actual decrements in
intrinsic motivation were relatively small when extrinsic
rewards were introduced.18
Chapter 7 will extend this discussion into social cognitive
variables such as self-effi-
cacy, and Chapter 12 will use an extended reinforcement
theory–based approach to behav-
ioral performance management.
WORK-MOTIVATION THEORIES
So far, motivation has been presented as a basic psychological
process consisting of pri-
mary, general, and secondary motives; drives such as the n Pow,
n Aff, and n Ach motives;
and intrinsic and extrinsic motivators. In order to understand
organizational behavior, these
basic motives must be recognized and studied. However, these
serve as only background
and foundation for the more directly relevant work-motivation
theories.
Figure 6.2 graphically summarizes the various theoretical
streams for work motiva-
tion. In particular, the figure shows three historical streams.
The content theories go as far
back as the turn of the twentieth century, when pioneering
scientific managers such as
Frederick W. Taylor, Frank Gilbreth, and Henry L. Gantt
proposed sophisticated wage Co
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ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR
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incentive models to motivate workers. Next came the human
relations movement, and then
the content theories of Maslow, Herzberg, and Alderfer.
Following the content movement
were the process theories. Based mainly on the cognitive
concept of expectancy, the pro-
cess theories are most closely associated with the work of
pioneering social psychologists
Kurt Lewin and Edward Tolman and then organizational
behavior scholars Victor Vroom,
Lyman Porter, and Ed Lawler. Finally, with roots in social
psychology, equity and its
derivative procedural/organizational justice, and attribution
theories have received atten-
tion in work motivation.
Figure 6.2 purposely shows that at present there is a lack of
integration or synthesis of
the various theories. In addition to the need for integration, a
comprehensive assessment of
the status of work-motivation theory also noted the need for
contingency models and
group/social processes.19 At present the content and process
theories have become estab-
lished explanations for work motivation, and there is continued
research interest in equity
and organizational justice theories, but no agreed-upon overall
theory exists. Moreover,
unlike most of the other constructs in organizational behavior,
reviews conclude that there
has been relatively little new theory-building and research in
work motivation in recent
years.20 As Steers concluded, “over the past decade little will
be found focusing on genuine
theoretical development in this area.”21 The rest of the chapter
gives an overview of the
widely recognized historical and contemporary theories of work
motivation.
An Important Historical Contribution
Although the first part of the chapter mentions the most
important primary and second-
ary needs of humans, it does not relate them to a theoretical
framework. Abraham Maslow,
in a classic paper, outlined the elements of an overall theory of
motivation.22 Drawing
FIGURE 6.2. The Theoretical Development of Work Motivation
1900 Scientific Management
wage incentives
Human Relations
economic security,
working conditions Lewin and Tolmanexpectancy concerns
Maslow
hierarchy of needs
Herzberg
Vroom
valence/expectancy
Porter and Lawler
Festinger and Homans
cognitive dissonance/exchange
Heider, de Charmes, and Bemmotivators and hygiene
factors
performance-satisfaction cognitive evaluation/self-perception
Alderfer
ERG needs
Lawler
E P and P O expectancies
Adams
equity/justice
Kelley and Rotter
attribution/locus of control
Present
CONTENT THEORIES PROCESS THEORIES
WORK MOTIVATION
CONTEMPORARY THEORIES
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chiefly from humanistic psychology and his clinical experience,
he thought that a person’s
motivational needs could be arranged in a hierarchical manner.
In essence, he believed that
once a given level of need is satisfied, it no longer serves to
motivate. The next higher level
of need has to be activated in order to motivate the individual.
Maslow identified five levels in his need hierarchy (see Figure
6.3). They are, in brief,
the following:
1. Physiological needs. The most basic level in the hierarchy,
the physiological needs,
generally corresponds to the unlearned primary needs discussed
earlier. The needs of
hunger, thirst, sleep, and sex are some examples. According to
the theory, once these
basic needs are satisfied, they no longer motivate. For example,
a starving person will
strive to obtain a carrot that is within reach. However, after
eating his or her fill of
carrots, the person will not strive to obtain another one and will
be motivated only by
the next higher level of needs.
2. Safety needs. This second level of needs is roughly
equivalent to the security need.
Maslow stressed emotional as well as physical safety. The
whole organism may
become a safety-seeking mechanism. Yet, as is true of the
physiological needs, once
these safety needs are satisfied, they no longer motivate.
3. Love needs. This third, or intermediate, level of needs
loosely corresponds to the
affection and affiliation needs. Like Freud, Maslow seems
guilty of poor choice of
wording to identify his levels. His use of the word love has
many misleading connota-
tions, such as sex, which is actually a physiological need.
Perhaps a more appropriate
word describing this level would be belongingness or social
needs.
4. Esteem needs. The esteem level represents the higher needs
of humans. The needs for
power, achievement, and status can be considered part of this
level. Maslow carefully
pointed out that the esteem level contains both self-esteem and
esteem from others.
5. Needs for self-actualization. Maslow’s major contribution, he
portrays this level as
the culmination of all the lower, intermediate, and higher needs
of humans. People
who have become self-actualized are self-fulfilled and have
realized all their poten-
tial. Self-actualization is closely related to the self-concepts
discussed in Chapter 7. In
effect, self-actualization is the person’s motivation to transform
perception of self into
reality.
FIGURE 6.3. Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs
SELF-
ACTUALIZATION
ESTEEM NEEDS
LOVE NEEDS
SAFETY NEEDS
PHYSIOLOGICAL NEEDS
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015Maslow did not intend that his needs hierarchy be directly
applied to work motivation. In fact, he did not delve into the
motivating aspects of humans in organizations until about 20
years after he originally proposed his theory. Despite this lack
of intent on Maslow’s part,
others, such as Douglas McGregor in his widely read book The
Human Side of Enterprise,
popularized the Maslow theory in management literature. The
needs hierarchy has tremen-
dous intuitive appeal and is widely associated with work
motivation.
In a very rough manner, Maslow’s needs hierarchy theory can
be converted into the
content model of work motivation shown in Figure 6.4. If
Maslow’s estimates are applied
to an organization example, the lower-level needs of personnel
would be generally satis-
fied, but only a minority of the social and esteem needs, and a
small percent of the self-
actualization needs, would be met.
On the surface, the content model shown in Figure 6.4 and the
estimated percentages
given by Maslow seem logical and still largely applicable to the
motivation of employees
in today’s organizations. Maslow’s needs hierarchy has often
been uncritically accepted by
writers of management textbooks and by practitioners.
Unfortunately, the limited research
that has been conducted lends little empirical support to the
theory. About a decade after
publishing his original paper, Maslow did attempt to clarify his
position by saying that
gratifying the self-actualizing need of growth-motivated
individuals can actually increase
rather than decrease this need. He also hedged on some of his
other original ideas, for
example, that higher needs may emerge after lower needs that
have been unfulfilled or sup-
pressed for a long period are satisfied. He stressed that human
behavior is multidetermined
and multimotivated.
Research findings indicate that Maslow’s is certainly not the
final answer in work
motivation. Yet the theory does make a significant contribution
in terms of making man-
agement aware of the diverse needs of employees at work. As
one comprehensive analysis
FIGURE 6.4. A Hierarchy of Work Motivation
SELF-
ACTUALIZATION
Personal growth,
realization of potential
ESTEEM NEEDS Titles,
status symbols,
promotions, banquets
SOCIAL NEEDS
Formal and informal
work groups or teams
SECURITY NEEDS
Seniority plans, union, health insurance, employee
assistance plans, severance pay, pension
BASIC NEEDS
Pay
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concluded, “Indeed, the general ideas behind Maslow’s theory
seem to be supported, such
as the distinction between deficiency needs and growth
needs.”23 However, the number
and names of the levels are not so important, nor, as the studies
show, is the hierarchical
concept. What is important is the fact that employees in the
workplace have diverse
motives, some of which are “high level.” There is also empirical
and experiential evidence
supporting the importance of Maslow’s various needs (e.g.,
Gallup survey research clearly
indicates that Maslow’s third level social needs are the single
most important contribution
to satisfaction with life24 and a lot of, if not most, high-
achieving people feel unfulfilled
because they have not reached self-actualization25).
In other words, such needs as social and self-actualization are
important to the content
of work motivation. The exact nature of these needs and how
they relate to motivation are
not clear. At the same time, what does become clear from
contemporary research is that
layoffs and terminations (i.e., downsizing) can reduce
employees to have concerns about
basic-level needs such as security. Organizations that endeavor
to reduce fears and other
strong emotional responses during these moments through
severance pay programs and
outplacement services may be able to lessen the impact of
individual terminations and lay-
offs, especially for those who remain with the company.26
In recent years there has been a resurgence of interest in
humanistic psychology27 and
as will be discussed in the next chapter, positive psychology, of
which Maslow was one of
the pioneers. Throughout the years there have been attempts to
revitalize and make his
hierarchy of needs more directly applicable to work motivation.
In particular, Herzberg’s
two-factor theory covered next is based on Maslow’s concept,
and a number of others use
Maslow for constructing various hierarchies or pyramids. One
example is Aon Consult-
ing’s Performance Pyramid that starts with safety and security
and moves up through
rewards, affiliation, growth, and work and life harmony.28
There is little question that
Maslow’s theory has stood the test of time and still makes a
contribution to the study and
application to work motivation.
Herzberg’s Two-Factor Theory of Motivation
Another historically important contribution to work motivation
is the content theory of
Frederick Herzberg. Unlike Maslow, Herzberg many years ago
conducted a widely
reported motivational study on about 200 accountants and
engineers employed by firms in
and around Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He used the critical
incident method of obtaining
data for analysis. The professional subjects in the study were
essentially asked two ques-
tions: (1) When did you feel particularly good about your job—
what turned you on; and (2)
When did you feel exceptionally bad about your job—what
turned you off?
Responses obtained from this critical incident method were
interesting and fairly con-
sistent. Reported good feelings were generally associated with
job experiences and job
content. An example was the accounting supervisor who felt
good about being given the
job of installing new computer equipment. He took pride in his
work and was gratified to
know that the new equipment made a big difference in the
overall functioning of his depart-
ment. Reported bad feelings, on the other hand, were generally
associated with the sur-
rounding or peripheral aspects of the job—the job context. An
example of these feelings
was related by an engineer whose first job was routine record
keeping and managing the
office when the boss was gone. It turned out that his boss was
always too busy to train him
and became annoyed when he tried to ask questions. The
engineer said that he was frus-
trated in this job context and that he felt like a flunky in a dead-
end job.Co
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015
Tabulating these reported good and bad feelings, Herzberg
concluded that job satis-
fiers are related to job content and that job dissatisfiers are
allied to job context. Herzberg
labeled the satisfiers motivators, and he called the dissatisfiers
hygiene factors. The term
hygiene refers (as it does in the health field) to factors that are
preventive; in Herzberg’s
theory the hygiene factors are those that prevent dissatisfaction.
Taken together, the moti-
vators and the hygiene factors have become known as
Herzberg’s two-factor theory of
motivation.
Relation to Maslow’s Need Hierarchy
Herzberg’s theory is closely related to Maslow’s need
hierarchy. The hygiene factors
are preventive and environmental in nature (see Table 6.2), and
they are roughly equivalent
to Maslow’s lower-level needs. These hygiene factors prevent
dissatisfaction, but they do
not lead to satisfaction. In effect, they bring motivation up to a
theoretical zero level and
are a necessary “floor” to prevent dissatisfaction, and they serve
as a platform or takeoff
point for motivation. By themselves, the hygiene factors do not
motivate. Only the motiva-
tors, Herzberg asserted, motivate employees on the job. They
are roughly equivalent to
Maslow’s higher-level needs. According to Herzberg’s theory,
an individual must have a
job with a challenging content in order to be truly motivated.
Contribution to Work Motivation
Herzberg’s two-factor theory provided a new light on the
content of work motivation.
Up to this point, management had generally concentrated on the
hygiene factors. When
faced with a morale problem, the typical solution was higher
pay, more fringe benefits, and
better working conditions. However, as has been pointed out,
this simplistic solution did
not really work. Management are often perplexed because they
are paying high wages and
salaries, have an excellent fringe-benefit package, and provide
great working conditions,
but their employees are still not motivated. Herzberg’s theory
offered an explanation for
this problem. By concentrating only on the hygiene factors,
management were not really
motivating their personnel.
There are probably very few workers or associates who do not
feel that they deserve
the raise they receive. On the other hand, there are many
dissatisfied associates and man-
agers who feel they do not get a large enough raise. This simple
observation points out that
the hygiene factors seem to be important in preventing
dissatisfaction but do not lead to sat-
isfaction. Herzberg would be the first to say that the hygiene
factors are absolutely neces-
sary to maintain the human resources of an organization.
However, as in the Maslow sense,
once “the belly is full” of hygiene factors, which is the case in
most modern organizations,
TABLE 6.2. Herzberg’s Two-Factor Theory
Hygiene Factors Motivators
Company policy and administration Achievement
Supervision, technical Recognition
Salary Work itself
Interpersonal relations, supervisor Responsibility
Working conditions Advancement
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dangling any more in front of employees will not really
motivate them. According to Her-
zberg’s theory, only a challenging job that has the opportunities
for achievement, recogni-
tion, responsibility, advancement, and growth will motivate
personnel.
Critical Analysis of Herzberg’s Theory
Herzberg’s two-factor theory remains important in a historical
sense and a popular
textbook explanation of work motivation and it still makes
intuitive sense to practitioners.
However, it also is true that from an academic perspective,
Herzberg’s theory oversimpli-
fies the complexities of work motivation. When researchers
deviate from the critical inci-
dent methodology used by Herzberg, they do not get the two
factors. Further, there is
always a question regarding the samples used by Herzberg:
Would he have obtained the
results from low-complexity jobs such as truck drivers and
third-shift factory workers or
waitstaff personnel? Presumably both the hygiene factors and
satisfiers could be substan-
tially different when comparing these groups. Factors that affect
research results include
the age of the sample and other variables that are not held
constant or under control. In
international settings, older workers in an Israeli kibbutz
preferred jobs that had better
physical conditions and convenience. Also, Caribbean hotel
workers reported being more
interested in wages, working conditions, and appreciation for
their work as key motiva-
tors.29 These findings suggest that sample and setting may
affect preferences for motiva-
tors and hygiene factors.
Finally, there seem to be job factors such as pay that lead to
both satisfaction and dis-
satisfaction. For example, pay can be dissatisfying if not high
enough, but, as pointed out
in Chapter 4, also satisfying as a form of achievement and
recognition. These findings indi-
cate that a strict interpretation of the two-factor theory is not
warranted by the evidence.
In spite of the obvious limitations, few would question that
Herzberg has contributed
substantially to the study of work motivation. He extended
Maslow’s needs hierarchy con-
cept and made it more applicable to work motivation. Herzberg
also drew attention to the
importance of job content factors in work motivation, which
previously had been badly
neglected and often totally overlooked. However, even the
context can be made to better fit
the jobholder. For example, many Internet businesses never
have employees directly inter-
act with customers so their dress, appearance, and work space
can be highly informal and
designed according to personal choice.30
The job design technique of job enrichment is also one of
Herzberg’s contributions.
Job enrichment is covered in the last part of the chapter.
Overall, Herzberg added much to
the better understanding of job content factors and satisfaction,
but, like his predecessors,
he fell short of a comprehensive theory of work motivation. His
model describes only some
of the content of work motivation; it does not adequately
describe the complex motivation
process of organizational participants that will now be given
attention in the more complex
theories of work motivation.
The Porter-Lawler Expectancy Theory of Work Motivation
Comments in Chapter 5 on job satisfaction refer to the
controversy over the relationship
between satisfaction and performance that has existed since the
beginnings of the human
relations movement. The Maslow and Herzberg content theories
implicitly assume that sat-
isfaction leads to improved performance and that dissatisfaction
detracts from performance.
In particular, the Herzberg model is really a theory of job
satisfaction, but still it does not Co
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adequately deal with the relationship between satisfaction and
performance. It was not until
Porter and Lawler that the relationship between satisfaction and
performance was dealt with
directly by a motivation theory. They start with the premise that
motivation (effort or force)
does not equal satisfaction or performance. Motivation,
satisfaction, and performance are
all separate variables and relate in ways different from what
was traditionally assumed.
Figure 6.5 depicts the multivariable model used to explain the
complex relationships
that exist among motivation, performance, and satisfaction. As
shown, boxes 1, 2, and 3 are
basically drawn from earlier cognitive concepts from pioneering
social psychologists such
as Kurt Lewin and Edward Tolman and from the recognized
seminal work motivation theory
of Victor Vroom.31 It is important to note, however, that Porter
and Lawler point out that
effort (force or motivation) does not lead directly to
performance. It is moderated by abilities
and traits and by role perceptions. More important in the Porter-
Lawler model is what hap-
pens after the performance. The rewards that follow and how
these are perceived will deter-
mine satisfaction. In other words, the Porter-Lawler model
suggests—and this is a significant
turn of events from conventional wisdom—that performance
leads to satisfaction.
The model has had research support over the years. For
example, a field study found
that effort level and direction of effort are important in
explaining individual performance
in an organization.32 Also, a comprehensive review of research
verifies the importance of
rewards in the relationship between performance and
satisfaction. Specifically, it was con-
cluded that performance and satisfaction will be more strongly
related when rewards are
made contingent on performance than when they are not.33
Implications for Practice
Although the Porter-Lawler model attempts to be more
applications oriented than the
earlier expectancy theories, it is still quite complex and has
proved to be a difficult way to
bridge the gap to actual human resource management practice.
To Porter and Lawler’s
FIGURE 6.5. The Porter-Lawler Motivation Model
1
Value
of reward
4
Abilities
and traits
Perceived
8
equitable
rewards
3 6
Performance
Effort
(accomplishment)
7A
Intrinsic
rewards
7B
Extrinsic
rewards
9
Satisfaction
Perceived
2
effort reward
probability
Role
5
perceptions
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TIONAL NEEDS, PROCESSES, AND
APPLICATIONS 143
IAP
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credit, they were very conscientious of putting their theory and
research into practice. They
recommended that practicing managers go beyond traditional
attitude measurement and
attempt to measure variables such as the values of possible
rewards, the perceptions of
effort-reward probabilities, and role perceptions. These
variables, of course, can help man-
agers better understand what goes into employee effort and
performance. Giving attention
to the consequences of performance, Porter and Lawler also
recommended that organiza-
tions critically reevaluate their current reward policies. They
stressed that management
should make a concentrated effort to measure how closely levels
of satisfaction are related
to levels of performance, and in a practitioner-oriented article
emphasized that the accu-
racy of role perceptions may be the missing link in improving
employee performance.34
The inference here is that employees need to better focus their
efforts on high-impact
behaviors and activities that result in higher performance.
However, both studies35 and
comprehensive analyses36 continue to point out the complex
impact that the cognitive pro-
cess has in relation to rewards and other outcomes in
organizations.
Contributions to Work Motivation
The Porter and Lawler model has definitely made a significant
contribution to the bet-
ter understanding of work motivation and the relationship
between performance and satis-
faction, but has not had much impact on the actual practice of
human resource
management. Yet this expectancy theory provides certain
guidelines that can be followed
by human resource management. For example, on the front end
(the relationship between
motivation and performance), it has been suggested that the
following barriers must be
overcome:
1. Doubts about ability, skill, or knowledge
2. The physical or practical possibility of the job
3. The interdependence of the job with other people or activities
4. Ambiguity surrounding the job requirements37
To overcome these barriers, it is helpful to understand the role
other psychological
variables such as self-efficacy (covered in the next chapter)
play in effort-performance
relationships. A series of successes combined with positive
feedback build the employee’s
sense of self-efficacy, which can, in turn, lead to a heightened
sense that “I can do this.”
Greater effort may often be the result.38 In addition to
psychological constructs such as
self-efficacy, there are also pragmatic considerations such as
that the opportunity must be
present to actually perform. For example, there are many
second-string players in pro
sports that have stepped in for an injured starter to take the
team to the championship. The
back-up probably had sufficient valance (pay plus the bonus
check paid to the winners),
instrumentality or effort-performance calculations (ability
combined with self-efficacy),
and expectancy or performance-reward calculations (the belief
that goal achievement
would result in additional pay and recognition), yet still could
not succeed until he was
allowed to play due to the injury of the first-string player.
In addition, on the back end (the relationship between
performance and satisfaction),
guidelines such as the following have been suggested:
1. Determine what rewards each employee values
2. Define desired performance
3. Make desired performance attainable
4. Link valued rewards to performance39Co
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015
The last point was given attention in Chapter 4 on the
importance of pay for perfor-
mance. At the same time, managers should be advised that an
employee in a way calculates
expectancies regarding future employment possibilities when
seeking to leave an organiza-
tion, and more importantly, often sees a connection between
performance and reward that
invites less effort in a group or team situation. The reduced
value is based on the belief that
the person’s own efforts are not sufficient to raise group
performance levels, and that group
incentives are less valuable than individualized rewards.
Also brought out in Chapter 4, managers may also take
advantage of this process moti-
vational approach by considering the use of nonfinancial
rewards for performance. Many
times workers may be inspired by being given first choice in
selecting weeks for vacation,
being allowed to choose when they will go to lunch (ahead of
lower performers), being
awarded certificates or “employee of the month” parking spaces
or, as the accompanying
OB in Action: Nice Work If You Can Get It describes, new
rewards such as sabbaticals.
Recognition as a valence can be a powerful reward within the
expectancy theory frame-
work and was discussed in Chapter 4 and is given further
detailed attention in Chapter 12.
Equity Theory of Work Motivation
Equity theory has been around just as long as the expectancy
theories of work motiva-
tion. However, equity has received relatively more recent
attention in the organizational
behavior field. As Figure 6.2 indicates, its roots can be traced
back to cognitive dissonance
theory and exchange theory. As a theory of work motivation,
credit for equity theory is
usually given to social psychologist J. Stacy Adams. Simply
put, the theory argues that a
major input into job performance and satisfaction is the degree
of equity (or inequity) that
people perceive in their work situation. In other words, it is
another cognitively based moti-
vation theory, and Adams depicts how this motivation occurs.
Inequity occurs when a person perceives that the ratio of his or
her outcomes to inputs
and the ratio of a relevant other’s outcomes to inputs are
unequal. Schematically, this is
represented as follows:
Equity occurs when
Both the inputs and the outputs of the person and the other are
based on the person’s per-
ceptions. Age, sex, education, social status, organizational
position, qualifications, and
how hard the person works are examples of perceived input
variables. Outcomes consist
primarily of rewards such as pay, status, promotion, and
intrinsic interest in the job. In
essence, the ratio is based on the person’s perception of what
the person is giving (inputs)
and receiving (outcomes) versus the ratio of what the relevant
other is giving and receiving.
This cognition may or may not be the same as someone else’s
observation of the ratios or
the same as the actual reality. There is also recent recognition
that the cultural context may
affect the entire equity process.40
person's outcomes
person's inputs
------------------------------------------- other's outcomes
other's inputs
----------------------------------------
person's outcomes
person's inputs
------------------------------------------- other's outcomes
other's inputs
----------------------------------------
person's outcomes
person's inputs
------------------------------------------- other's outcomes
other's inputs
----------------------------------------=
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Equity as an Explanation of Work Motivation
If the person’s perceived ratio is not equal to the other’s, he or
she will strive to restore
the ratio to equity. This “striving” to restore equity is used as
the explanation of work moti-
vation. The strength of this motivation is in direct proportion to
the perceived inequity that
exists. Adams suggests that such motivation may be expressed
in several forms. To restore
equity, the person may alter the inputs or outcomes, cognitively
distort the inputs or out-
comes, leave the field, act on the other, or change the other.
It is important to note that inequity does not come about only
when the person feels
cheated. For example, Adams has studied the impact that
perceived overpayment has on
equity. His findings suggest that workers prefer equitable
payment to overpayment. Work-
ers on a piece-rate incentive system who feel overpaid will
reduce their productivity in
order to restore equity. More common, however, is the case of
people who feel underpaid
(outcome) or overworked (input) in relation to others in the
workplace. In the latter case,
there would be motivation to restore equity in a way that may
be dysfunctional from an
organizational standpoint. For example, the owner of an
appliance store in Oakland, Cali-
fornia, allowed his employees to set their own wages.
Interestingly, none of the employees
took an increase in pay, and one service technician actually
settled on lower pay because
he did not want to work as hard as the others.
Research Support for Equity in the Workplace
To date, research that has specifically tested the validity of
Adams’s equity theory has
been fairly supportive. A comprehensive review found
considerable laboratory research
support for the “equity norm” (people review the inputs and
outcomes of themselves and
others, and if inequity is perceived, they strive to restore
equity) but only limited support
from more relevant field studies.41 One line of field research on
equity theory used baseball
players. In the first study, players who played out their option
year, and thus felt they were
inequitably paid, performed as the theory would predict.42
Their performance decreased in
three of four categories (not batting average) during the option
year, and when they were
signed to a new contract, the performance was restored.
However, a second study using the
same type of sample, only larger, found the opposite of what
equity theory would predict.43
Mainly, performance improved during the option year. The
reason, of course, was that
the players wanted to look especially good, even though they
felt they were inequitably
paid, in order to be in a stronger bargaining position for a new
contract. In other words,
individuals faced with undercompensation may choose to
decrease performance, but only
to the extent that doing so will not affect the potential to
achieve future rewards.44 In any
event, there are no easy answers nor is there 100 percent
predictive power when applying
a cognitive process theory such as equity.
Despite some seeming inconsistencies, more recent studies
using sophisticated statis-
tical techniques to estimate pay equity among ballplayers45 and
focusing more sharply on
subsequent performance and other outcomes are more in line
with equity theory predic-
tions. For example, one study found a significant relationship
between losing final-offer
salary arbitration and postarbitration performance decline. The
ballplayers who were losers
in arbitration were also significantly more likely to change
teams or leave major league
baseball.46 In another study of baseball and basketball players,
it was found that the under-
rewarded players behaved less cooperatively.47 This type of
equity theory development
and research goes beyond expectancy theory as a cognitive
explanation of work motivation Co
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and serves as a point of departure for more specialized areas of
current interest such as
organizational justice.
The Relationship Between Equity
and Organizational Justice
Recent theory development specifies that equity theory can be
extended into what is
now commonly known as organizational justice.48 Although
procedural justice has
received the most attention, there is now research evidence that
in addition there is concep-
tual and measurement independence (i.e., construct validity) for
distributive, interpersonal,
and informational justice dimensions as well.49 Equity theory
serves as the foundation for
the common thread of perceived fairness among these
dimensions of justice. For example,
equity theory explains conditions under which decision
outcomes (pay levels, pay raises,
promotions) are perceived as being fair or unfair. Persons
engaged in this type of thinking
examine the results as opposed to how those results were
achieved. Equity theory supports
a perception of distributive justice, which is an individual’s
cognitive evaluation regarding
whether or not the amounts and allocations of rewards in a
social setting are fair. In simple
terms, distributive justice is one’s belief that everyone should
“get what they deserve.”
Culturally, the Judeo-Christian ethic is based, in part, on the
notion that divine rewards
accrue to those who lead good lives and behave appropriately,
even while here are on earth.
This reflects the distributive justice and equity perspectives.
Importantly, meta-analytic
results have demonstrated that employee perceptions of
distributive justice are related to
desirable outcomes such as job satisfaction, organizational
commitment, organizational
citizenship behavior, turnover, and performance.50
Procedural justice is concerned with the fairness of the
procedure used to make a deci-
sion. For example, a pay raise may be based on a sales
representative selling more units of,
for example, automobiles or houses. Some coworkers may
consider this procedure to be
unfair, believing management should instead base pay raises on
dollar volume. This con-
clusion may be reached because selling 10 houses or cars for a
low amount of money each
contributes very little to company profits and they are, at the
same time, easier to sell. Sell-
ing high-priced cars or houses may take much longer to finalize,
but the profits garnered
for the company are also higher. In this case it is not the
outcome in dispute, which is the
amount of the pay received. Instead, it is the perceived justice
(fairness) of the procedure
used to reach the outcome. Like distributive justice, employee
perceptions of procedural
justice have been shown through meta-analysis to be related to
all the desirable organiza-
tional outcomes.51 Indeed, in another meta-analysis, procedural
justice was found to be a
better predictor of job performance than was distributive
justice52 and procedural justice
seems to be particularly important to successfully implementing
organizational changes.53
Procedural justice can raise issues of equality as opposed to
equity. Equality means
that in a promotion situation, males and females and all races
would have equal opportuni-
ties to be selected, and that the criteria used would not
discriminate. Equity would mean
that the actual choice was fair, and that the criteria were
correctly applied and therefore the
most-qualified individual was promoted.
Unlike the traditional content and process theories of work
motivation, research con-
tinues to refine and extend equity theory in general and
procedural justice in particular. For
example, in support of equity theory, a recent study found that
managers who perceive
effort-reward fairness perform better and are more satisfied than
those who feel underre-
warded and unfairly treated.54 Another study used social
exchange theory to differentiate
interactional justice from procedural justice. Whereas
procedural justice is the exchange Co
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between the employee and the employing organization,
interactional justice is between
individuals (e.g., the employee and the supervisor). The
research supported the exchange
theory predictions.55 There is also some evidence that such
interactional justice may not be
as predictive as other justice perceptions. For example, a recent
study found that manager
trustworthiness was more predictive of organizational
citizenship behaviors (covered in the
last chapter) than was interactional justice.56 Other recent
studies focusing on procedural
justice have found importance in being allowed the opportunity
to voice an opinion on per-
ceptions of fairness57 and in the effects of group membership
and status (i.e., one’s social
standing) on perceptions of fairness.58 In particular, it was
found in this latter study that
procedural injustice was not perceived by all who observed it
(in this case judges and attor-
neys did not perceive bias against female attorneys). Finally, a
recent study moved to the
level of overall justice climate (procedural, informational, and
interpersonal) and found it
related to various work outcomes (commitment, satisfaction,
and citizenship behaviors).59
In total, with equity theory serving as the foundation, the
various dimensions of orga-
nizational justice play an important role in many dynamics and
outcomes of organizational
behavior. Organizational justice can help explain why
employees retaliate against both
inequitable outcomes and inappropriate processes. For example,
retaliation in the form of
theft, sabotage, forged time cards, and even violence toward the
boss or owner can be
explained using the principles of organizational justice.60 On a
positive note, besides all the
findings summarized above, a recent study found that there is a
trickle-down effect from
organizational justice. Employees’ perceptions of fairness not
only positively affect their
attitudes and performance, but also influence their fair
treatment behaviors toward custom-
ers, which in turn cause the customers to react positively to
both the employee and the
organization.61 In other words, organizational justice pays off
not only for employees, but
also for customers and the bottom line.
Attribution Theory
Another contemporary theory of work motivation is attribution
theory. Attribution
refers simply to how people explain the cause of another’s or
their own behavior. Like
equity theory, it is the cognitive process by which people draw
conclusions about the fac-
tors that influence, or make sense of, one another’s behavior.62
There are two general types
of attributions that people make: dispositional attributions,
which ascribe a person’s
behavior to internal factors such as personality traits,
motivation, or ability, and situational
attributions, which attribute a person’s behavior to external
factors such as equipment or
social influence from others.63 In recent years, attribution
theories have been playing an
increasingly important role in organizational behavior and
human resource management.64
An examination of the various theories, types, and errors of
attribution can contribute to an
understanding as work motivation and organizational behavior
in general.
An Overview of the Theory
Attribution theory is concerned with the relationship between
personal social percep-
tion (covered in the last chapter) and interpersonal behavior.
There are a number of attribu-
tion theories, but they share the following assumptions:
1. We seek to make sense of our world.
2. We often attribute people’s actions either to internal or
external causes.
3. We do so in fairly logical ways.65Co
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Well-known social psychologist Harold Kelley stressed that
attribution theory is con-
cerned mainly with the cognitive processes by which an
individual interprets behavior as
being caused by (or attributed to) certain parts of the relevant
environment. It is concerned
with the “why” questions of work motivation and organizational
behavior. Because most
causes, attributes, and “whys” are not directly observable, the
theory says that people must
depend on cognitions, particularly perception. The attribution
theorist assumes that
humans are rational and are motivated to identify and
understand the causal structure of
their relevant environment. It is this search for attributes that
characterizes attribution the-
ory and helps explain work motivation.
As shown earlier in Figure 6.2, attribution theory has its roots
in all the pioneering
cognitive theorists’ work (for example, that of Lewin and
Festinger), in de Charmes’s ideas
on cognitive evaluation, and in Bem’s notion of “self-
perception,” the theory’s initiator is
generally recognized to be Fritz Heider. Heider believed that
both internal forces (personal
attributes such as ability, effort, and fatigue) and external
forces (environmental attributes
such as rules and the weather) combine additively to determine
behavior. He stressed that
it is the perceived, not the actual, determinants that are
important to behavior (see the dis-
cussion of perception in Chapter 5). People will behave
differently if they perceive internal
attributes than they will if they perceive external attributes. It is
this concept of differential
ascriptions that has very important implications for motivation
and organizational behavior
in general.
Locus of Control Attributions
Using locus of control, work behavior may be explained by
whether employees per-
ceive their outcomes as controlled internally or externally.
Employees who perceive inter-
nal control feel that they personally can influence their
outcomes through their own ability,
skills, or effort. Employees who perceive external control feel
that their outcomes are
beyond their own control; they feel that external forces such as
luck or task difficulty con-
trol their outcomes. This perceived locus of control may have a
differential impact on their
motivation to perform. For example, classic studies by well-
known social psychologist
Julian Rotter found that skill versus chance environments
differentially affect behavior. In
addition, a number of studies have been conducted over the
years to test the attribution the-
ory-locus-of-control model in work settings. One study found
that internally controlled
employees are generally more satisfied with their jobs, are more
likely to be in managerial
positions, and are more satisfied with a participatory
management style than employees
who perceive external control.66 Other studies have found that
internally controlled man-
agers are better performers,67 are more considerate of
subordinates,68 tend not to burn
out,69 follow a more strategic style of executive action,70 have
improved attitudes over a
long period of time following promotions,71 and present the
most positive impression in a
recruiting interview.72 In addition, the attribution process has
been shown to play a role in
coalition formation in the political process of organizations. In
particular, coalition mem-
bers made stronger internal attributions, such as ability and
desire, and nonmembers made
stronger external attributions, such as luck.73
The implication of these studies and many others is that
internally controlled managers
are somehow better than externally controlled managers.
However, such generalizations
are not yet warranted because there is some contradictory
evidence. For example, one
study concluded that the ideal manager may have an external
orientation because the
results indicated that externally controlled managers were
perceived as initiating more
structure and consideration than internally controlled
managers.74 In addition to the impli-Co
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cations for managerial behavior and performance, attribution
theory has been shown to
have relevance in explaining goal-setting behavior,75 group
performance,76 leadership
behavior,77 poor employee performance,78 and employee
interpretations of human
resource practices that affect their satisfaction and
commitment.79 However, like other
constructs in organizational behavior, attribution is now
undergoing considerable refine-
ment in the research literature. For example, studies have found
that (1) attributions about
poor performance are mediated by how responsible the
employee is judged to be and how
much sympathy the evaluator feels,80 and (2) leaders providing
feedback to poor perform-
ers is significantly affected by the performance attributions that
are made.81 A review arti-
cle concludes that locus of control is related to the performance
and satisfaction of
organization members and may moderate the relationship
between motivation and incen-
tives.82
In addition, attributions are related to organizational
symbolism, which in effect says
that in order to understand organizations, one must recognize
their symbolic nature.83
Much of organization is based on attributions rather than
physical or observed realities
under this view.84 For example, research has found that
symbols are a salient source of
information used by people in forming their impressions of
psychological climate.85
Other Attributions
Attribution theory obviously contributes a great deal to the
better understanding of
work motivation and organizational behavior. However, other
dimensions besides the
internal and external locus of control also need to be accounted
for and studied. Bernard
Weiner, for example, suggested that a stability (fixed or
variable) dimension must also be
recognized.86 Experienced employees will probably have a
stable internal attribution about
their abilities but an unstable internal attribution concerning
effort. By the same token,
these employees may have a stable external attribution about
task difficulty but an unstable
external attribution about luck.
Besides the stability dimension, Kelley suggests that
dimensions such as consensus
(do others act this way in this situation?), consistency (does this
person act this way in this
situation at other times?), and distinctiveness (does this person
act differently in other sit-
uations?) will affect the type of attributions that are made.87
Figure 6.6 shows how this type
of information affects the attributes that are made in evaluating
employee behavior. To
keep these dimensions straight, it can be remembered that
consensus relates to other peo-
ple, distinctiveness relates to other tasks, and consistency
relates to time.88 As shown in
Figure 6.6, if there is high consensus, low consistency, and high
distinctiveness, then attri-
bution to external or situational/environmental causes will
probably be made. The external
attribution may be that the task is too difficult or that outside
pressures from home or
coworkers are hindering performance. However, if there is low
consensus, high consis-
tency, and low distinctiveness, then attributions to internal or
personal causes for the
behavior will probably be made. The supervisor making an
internal attribution may con-
clude that the associate just doesn’t have the ability, or is not
giving the necessary effort, or
does not have the motivation to perform well. There is some
research evidence from field
settings to directly support predictions from the Kelley
model.89
In addition to Kelley, other well-known theorists, such as
Weiner, use attribution the-
ory to help explain achievement motivation and to predict
subsequent changes in perfor-
mance and how people feel about themselves.90 Some research
findings from Weiner’s
work include the following:Co
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1. Bad-luck attributions (external) take the sting out of a
negative outcome, but good-
luck attributions (external) reduce the joy associated with
success.
2. When individuals attribute their success to internal rather
than external factors, they
have higher expectations for future success, report a greater
desire for achievement,
and set higher performance goals.91
Attribution Errors
Social psychologists recognize two potent biases when people
make attributions. The
first is called the fundamental attribution error. Research has
found that people tend to
ignore powerful situational forces when explaining others’
behavior.92 People tend to attri-
bute others’ behavior to personal factors (for example,
intelligence, ability, motivation,
attitudes, or personality), even when it is very clear that the
situation or circumstances
caused the person to behave the way he or she did.
FIGURE 6.6. Kelley’s Model of Attribution
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Another attribution bias that has emerged from the research is
that people tend to pres-
ent themselves favorably. This self-serving bias has been found
in study after study; people
readily accept credit when told they have succeeded (attributing
the success to their ability
and effort), yet often attribute failure to such external,
situational factors as bad luck or the
problem’s inherent “impossibility.93 For example, in explaining
their victories, athletes
commonly credit themselves, but they are more likely to
attribute losses to something
else—bad breaks, poor officiating, or the other team’s superior
effort.94 When something
goes wrong in the workplace, there is a tendency for the
manager to blame the problem on
the inability or poor attitude of associates, but the situation is
blamed as far as he or she per-
sonally is concerned. The reverse is true of associates. They
blame the situation for their
difficulties but make a personal attribution in terms of their
manager. By the same token, if
something goes well, the manager makes personal attributions
for him- or herself and situ-
ational attributions for associates, and the associates make
personal attributions for them-
selves but situational attributions for the manager. In other
words, it is typical to have
conflicting attributional biases among managers and associates
in organizations.95
As a way of creating more productive relationships, theorists
and researchers suggest
that efforts must be made to reduce divergent perceptions and
perspectives among the par-
ties through increased interpersonal interaction, open
communication channels and work-
shops, and team-building sessions devoted to reducing
attributional errors.96 Although
Martinko, in his book on Attribution Theory, demonstrates the
validity and potential of
attributional perspectives within an organizational context,
theoretical, information pro-
cessing, and situational factors all affect the attribution models
of organizational behav-
ior.97 Despite this complexity, attribution theory does seem to
have considerable potential
for application and relevance, instead of being a purely
academic exercise in theory build-
ing.
Other Work Motivation Theories: Control and Agency
In addition to the micro-oriented expectancy and equity
motivation theories coming
out of cognitive psychology, there are other, more broad-based
theories that have emerged
in organizational behavior. Representatives of such theories are
control theory and agency
theory.
One version of control theory, like the other theories discussed
so far, is essentially a
cognitive phenomenon relating to the degree that individuals
perceive they are in control
of their own lives, or are in control of their jobs. Recent studies
have shown that those who
believe they have such personal control tolerate unpleasant
events and experience less
stress on the job than those who do not perceive such control.98
There is also some evi-
dence that perceived control will affect job satisfaction and
absenteeism.99 Another ver-
sion of control theory, which also has implications for
organizational behavior, relates to
the more traditional management function of control.
Traditional guidelines for effective
management have included controlling both the inputs and
outputs of organizations, but
research has also analyzed strategically controlling human
resources as well.100 Especially
relevant to today’s workplace environment is that a sense of
control seems very helpful
when increasing job demands are placed on the employee. Thus,
persons who are given
more work, but also the control to complete that work, may not
feel as negatively about
their new assignments. On the other hand, more peripheral
aspects of work control, such as
when they start or stop a task or arrange the work flow, seem
less related to work motiva-
tion.101Co
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Similar to control theory’s being taken from the traditional
management literature,
agency theory as applied to organizational behavior comes from
the financial economics
literature. As given attention in Chapter 4, an agency
relationship involves one or more
individuals (the principal) engaging another person or persons
(the agent) to perform some
service on their behalf.102 The key to agency theory is the
assumption that the interests of
principals and agents diverge or may be in conflict with one
another. The implications for
organizational behavior involve how the principals (owners,
board members, or top man-
agement) can limit divergence from their interests or objectives
by establishing appropriate
rewards or incentives for the agents (subordinates, middle
management, or operating
employees) for appropriate outcomes. Although there was initial
research evidence sup-
porting an agency theory interpretation of areas in
organizational behavior such as pay for
performance,103 compensation contracts,104 foreign subsidiary
compensation strate-
gies,105 and variable pay compensation strategies,106 however,
a recent meta-analysis of
empirical ownership-performance studies found little overall
support for agency theory.107
Yet, agency theory is often used to explain some of the excesses
and ethical meltdowns that
have occurred in organizations in recent years. For example,
Don Hambrick recently
observed the following:
Today’s top executives, in America at least, are exceedingly
obsessed with shareholder
value, in ways that their predecessors were not. This obsession
is due to the new “rules
of the game” that the executives themselves face—rules that
agency theorists applaud,
even if they didn’t literally engineer them.108
Like the other cognitive-based theories, agency theory helps us
better understand the
motivation of managers in today’s organizations. However,
because of the complexities
involved, as was also noted in the other work motivation
theories, agency theory obviously
is not the final answer. One primary criticism of agency theory
that has emerged is that,
agency theory strongly emphasizes the roles that various forms
of extrinsic motives play in
shaping behaviors. Conversely, intrinsic motives, which may be
quite powerful, are not
accounted for in agency models. When combined with notions
of control or the lack of
control in a setting, the bias generated by an extrinsic-motive
model may confuse any study
or theoretical development.109 Yet, as one argument for
employee ownership noted, firms
indicated that 75 percent experienced increases in sales, profits,
and stock price when
employees became owners and another study indicated that
companies with employee
stock ownership plans had total shareholder returns about 7
percent greater than firms
where employees did not have an opportunity for ownership.110
Recently, agency theory has been expanded to the macro level.
It has been used to
explain financing decisions in franchising operations111 and to
study the various forms of
control that limit the decision-making authority of professional
service organizations.112 In
the latter study, community control, bureaucratic control, and
client control combined with
the degree of self-control exhibited by the professional service
agent to reduce decision-mak-
ing autonomy. Thus, agency theory is also related to control
theory and, for the future, theory
development and research can contribute to the better
understanding of work motivation.
MOTIVATIONAL APPLICATION THROUGH JOB DESIGN
Besides gaining an understanding of motivational needs and
theoretical processes, the
study of organizational behavior also focuses on motivational
techniques of job design and
goal setting. Job design may be defined as the methods that
management uses to develop Co
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the content of a job, including all relevant tasks, as well as the
processes by which jobs are
constructed and revised. In light of the new environment, job
design is an increasingly
important application technique. Most importantly, the nature of
work is changing because
of advanced information technology and globalization.
Consequently, two new develop-
ments have emerged. The first is a blurring of the distinction
between on-work and off-
work time. A person carrying a cell phone and/or PDA (personal
digital assistant) and a
home office containing a fax machine and Internet access is “at
work” even when not in the
office and is “on-call” practically every moment of the day.
This includes drive time and
time spent in airports or while flying across the world. The
second development, which is
tied to the first, is the rising number of telecommuting jobs or
teleworking, in which the
employee performs substantial amounts of work at home. An
increasing number of organi-
zations provide employees with advanced information
technology for home use. These
recent trends create new challenges for job design models,
which are already based on an
extensive and growing theoretical and research base and are
being widely applied to the
actual practice of management. A summary of the major job
design applications follows.
Job Rotation
The simplest form of job design involves moving employees
from one relatively sim-
ple job to another after short time periods (one hour, half-days,
every day). For example, at
McDonald’s, an employee may cook French fries one day, fry
hamburgers the next, wait
on the front counter during the next shift, and draw soft drinks
the next. This form of job
rotation has several advantages. First, the odds of injury are
reduced, as each worker must
refocus on a new task throughout the workday. Further, the
incidence of repetitive strain
injuries (e.g., carpal tunnel syndrome) may also be reduced.
Second, as employees learn
sets of tasks, they are more flexible and able to cover for
someone who is absent or who
quits. Third, supervisors who are promoted from the ranks know
more about how the entire
operation works. A manager promoted from the ranks at
McDonald’s after only six months
on the job has probably been exposed to every production task
performed at the unit. The
primary disadvantage of job rotation is that each individual task
eventually becomes as
boring as the rest of the simple tasks. In other words, over the
long term there is no substan-
tial difference between cooking French fries and frying
hamburgers. Consequently, job sat-
isfaction and/or performance may decline. Rotation does,
however, have some research
evidence showing a positive impact,113 especially for cross-
training and developing
employees for broadened responsibilities.114 In any event, it is
a better alternative to job
design than doing nothing.
Job Enlargement
This job design process involves increasing the number of tasks
each employee per-
forms. A sales clerk who waits on customers, finalizes the sale,
helps with credit applica-
tions, arranges merchandise, and reorders stock has an enlarged
job, when compared to a
checkout clerk or a shelf stocker at Wal-Mart. Workers in
enlarged jobs are able to use
more skills in performing their tasks. Many times, however,
enlargement reduces the effi-
ciency with which tasks are completed, thereby slowing work
down. Imagine being waited
on individually at Wal-Mart. The company’s competitive
advantage for low labor costs
compared to a full-service department store would be quickly
and dramatically reduced.
However, enlargement does not necessarily result in improved
employee satisfaction and Co
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commitment. For example, one of the major by-products of
recent downsizing is enlarged
jobs assigned to the members of the organization who remain.
The survivors with anxiety
of “I’m next” and greatly enlarged jobs are less, rather than
more, satisfied and committed
to the organization.
Job Enrichment
Job enrichment represents an extension of the earlier, more
simplified job rotation and
job enlargement techniques of job design. Because it is a direct
outgrowth of Herzberg’s
two-factor theory of motivation (covered earlier in the chapter),
the assumption is that in
order to motivate personnel, the job must be designed to provide
opportunities for achieve-
ment, recognition, responsibility, advancement, and growth. The
technique entails “enrich-
ing” the job so that these factors are included. In particular, job
enrichment is concerned
with designing jobs that include a greater variety of work
content; require a higher level of
knowledge and skill; give workers more autonomy and
responsibility in terms of planning,
directing, and controlling their own performance; and provide
the opportunity for personal
growth and a meaningful work experience. As opposed to job
rotation and job enlarge-
ment, which horizontally loads the job, job enrichment
vertically loads the job; there are
not necessarily more tasks to perform, but more responsibility
and accountability. For
example, instead of having workers do a mundane, specialized
task, then passing off to
another worker doing another minute part of the task, and
eventually having an inspector
at the end, under job enrichment, the worker would be given a
complete module of work to
do (job enlargement) and, importantly, would inspect his or her
own work (responsibility)
and put a personal identifier on it (accountability).
As with the other application techniques discussed in this text,
job enrichment is not a
panacea for all job design problems facing modern management.
After noting that there are
documented cases where this approach to job design did not
work, Miner concluded that
the biggest problem is that traditional job enrichment has little
to say about when and why
the failures can be expected to occur.115 Some of the
explanations that have been suggested
include that job enrichment is difficult to truly implement, that
many employees simply
prefer an old familiar job to an enriched job, and that employees
in general and unions in
particular are resistant to the change. Some employees have
expressed preferences for
higher pay rather than enriched jobs, and others enjoy their
current patterns of on-the-job
socialization and friendships more than they do increased
responsibility and autonomy.
Essentially, job enrichment in some situations may inhibit a
person’s social life at work.
Despite some potential limitations, job enrichment is still a
viable approach, and
research provides continuing evidence that it has mostly
beneficial results (more employee
satisfaction and customer service, less employee overload, and
fewer employee errors).116
There is even a study that found employees were more creative
when they worked in
an enriching context of complex, challenging jobs and a
supportive, noncontrolling super-
visory climate.117 However, management must still use job
enrichment selectively and
give proper recognition to the complex human and situational
variables.118 The job char-
acteristics models of job enrichment are a step in this direction.
The Job Characteristics Approach to Task Design
To meet some of the limitations of the relatively simple
Herzberg approach to job
enrichment (which he prefers to call orthodox job enrichment,
or OJE), a group of
researchers began to concentrate on the relationship between
certain job characteristics, or Co
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FIGURE 6.7. The Hackman-Oldham Job Characteristics Model
of Work Motivation
CORE JOB
CHARACTERISTICS
Variety of skill Identity
of the task Significance
of the task
Autonomy
Feedback
CRITICAL
PSYCHOLOGICAL
STATES
Experienced meaningfulness
of the work
Experienced responsibility
for work outcomes
Knowledge of results
from work activities
Moderated by
employee growth-
need strength
PERSONAL
AND WORK
OUTCOMES
High internal
work motivation
High-quality
work performance
High satisfaction
with the work
Low turnover
and absenteeism
the job scope, and employee motivation. Richard Hackman and
Greg Oldham developed
the most widely recognized model of job characteristics,119
shown in Figure 6.7. This
model recognizes that certain job characteristics contribute to
certain psychological states
and that the strength of employees’ need for growth has an
important moderating effect.
The core job characteristics can be summarized briefly as
follows:
1. Skill variety refers to the extent to which the job requires the
employee to draw from a
number of different skills and abilities as well as on a range of
knowledge.
2. Task identity refers to whether the job has an identifiable
beginning and end. How
complete a module of work does the employee perform?
3. Task significance involves the importance of the task. It
involves both internal signif-
icance—how important is the task to the organization?—and
external significance—
how proud are employees to tell relatives, friends, and
neighbors what they do and
where they work?
4. Autonomy refers to job independence. How much freedom
and control do employees
have, for example, to schedule their own work, make decisions,
or determine the
means to accomplish objectives?
5. Feedback refers to objective information about progress and
performance and can
come from the job itself or from supervisors or an information
system.
The critical psychological states can be summarized as follows:
1. Meaningfulness. This cognitive state involves the degree to
which employees per-
ceive their work as making a valued contribution, as being
important and worthwhile.
2. Responsibility. This state is concerned with the extent to
which employees feel a
sense of being personally responsible or accountable for the
work being done.
3. Knowledge of results. Coming directly from the feedback,
this psychological state
involves the degree to which employees understand how they
are performing in the
job.
In essence, this model says that certain job characteristics lead
to critical psychological
states. That is, skill variety, task identity, and task significance
lead to experienced mean-
ingfulness; autonomy leads to the feeling of responsibility; and
feedback leads to knowl-Co
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IAP PROOFS© 2014LEARNING OBJECTIVES Defin.docx

  • 1. IAP PR OO FS © 2 014 LEARNING OBJECTIVES motivational application of goal setting. Motivation is a basic psychological process. Few would deny that it is the most important focus in the micro approach to organizational behavior. In fact, a data-based comprehensive analysis concluded that “America’s competitiveness problems appear to be largely motiva- tional in nature.”1 Many people equate the causes of behavior with motivation; however, as evidenced in this book, the causes of organizational behavior are much broader and more complex than can be explained by motivation alone. Along with many other psychological constructs, motivation is presented here as a very important process in understanding behavior. Motivation interacts with and acts in conjunc-
  • 2. tion with other mediating processes and the environment. It must also be remembered that, like the other cognitive processes, motivation cannot be seen. All that can be seen is behav- ior. Motivation is a hypothetical construct that is used to help explain behavior; it should not be equated with behavior. In fact, while recognizing the “central role of motivation,” many of today’s organizational behavior theorists “think it is important for the field to reempha- size behavior.”2 This chapter first presents motivation as a basic psychological process. The more applied aspects of motivation on job design and goal setting are covered in the last part of the chapter. The first section of this chapter clarifies the meaning of motivation by defining the relationship among its various parts. The need–drive– incentive cycle is defined and ana- lyzed. The next section is devoted to an overview of the various types of needs, or motives: both primary and secondary. The next section of the chapter presents both the historical and more complex contemporary theories of work motivation. Finally, the two major motiva- tion applications of job design and goal setting are given attention. THE BASIC MOTIVATION PROCESS Today, virtually all people—practitioners and scholars—have their own definitions of moti- vation. Usually one or more of the following words are included: desires, wants, wishes, aims, goals, needs, drives, motives, and incentives. Technically,
  • 3. the term motivation can be traced to the Latin word movere, which means “to move.” This meaning is evident in the CHAPTER 6 Processes, and Applications Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r ig ht
  • 6. ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 following comprehensive definition: motivation is a process that starts with a physiological or psychological deficiency or need that activates a behavior or a drive that is aimed at a goal or incentive. Thus, the key to understanding the process of motivation lies in the meaning of, and relationships among, needs, drives, and incentives.
  • 7. Figure 6.1 graphically depicts the motivation process. Needs set up drives aimed at goals or incentives; this is what the basic process of motivation is all about. In a systems sense, motivation consists of these three interacting and interdependent elements: 1. Needs. Needs are created whenever there is a physiological or psychological imbal- ance. For example, a need exists when cells in the body are deprived of food and water or when the personality is deprived of other people who serve as friends or companions. Although psychological needs may be based on a deficiency, sometimes they are not. For example, an individual with a strong need to get ahead may have a history of consistent success. 2. Drives. With a few exceptions,3 drives, or motives (the two terms are often used inter- changeably), are set up to alleviate needs. A physiological drive can be simply defined as a deficiency with direction. Physiological and psychological drives are action oriented and provide an energizing thrust toward reaching an incentive. They are at the very heart of the motivational process. The examples of the needs for food and water are translated into the hunger and thirst drives, and the need for friends becomes a drive for affiliation. 3. Incentives. At the end of the motivation cycle is the incentive, defined as anything
  • 8. that will alleviate a need and reduce a drive. Thus, attaining an incentive will tend to restore physiological or psychological balance and will reduce or cut off the drive. Eating food, drinking water, and obtaining friends will tend to restore the balance and reduce the corresponding drives. Food, water, and friends are the incentives in these examples. These basic dimensions of the motivation process serve as a point of departure for the rest of the chapter. After discussion of primary and secondary motives, the work-motiva- tion theories and applications that are more directly related to the study and application of organizational behavior and human resource management are examined. Primary Motives Psychologists do not totally agree on how to classify the various human motives, but they would acknowledge that some motives are unlearned and physiologically based. Such motives are variously called physiological, biological, unlearned, or primary. The last term is used here because it is more comprehensive than the others. However, the use of the term primary does not imply that these motives always take precedence over the learned secondary motives. Although the precedence of primary motives is implied in some moti- vation theories, there are many situations in which the secondary motives predominate over primary motives. Common examples are celibacy among
  • 9. priests and fasting for a reli- FIGURE 6.1. The Basic Motivation Process NEEDS DRIVES INCENTIVES Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r ig ht s
  • 12. ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 APPLICATIONS 133 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 gious, social, or political cause. In both cases, learned secondary motives are stronger than unlearned primary motives. Two criteria must be met in order for a motive to be included in the primary classifi- cation: It must be unlearned, and it must be physiologically based. Thus defined, the most commonly recognized primary motives include hunger, thirst,
  • 13. sleep, avoidance of pain, sex, and maternal concern. Although these very basic physiological requirements have been equated with primary needs over the years, just like personality traits discussed in the last chapter, in recent years recognition is given to the role that the brain may play in peo- ple’s motives.4 The “hard-wiring” of emotional needs would meet the primary criteria of being unlearned and physiologically based. Neuropsychologists are just beginning to do research on the role the brain plays in motivation, but potential applications to the work- place are already being recognized. For example, Coffman and Gonzalez-Molina note: “What many organizations don’t see—and what many don’t want to understand—is that employee performance and its subsequent impact on customer engagement revolve around a motivating force that is determined in the brain and defines the specific talents and the emotional mechanisms everyone brings to their work.”5 However, even though the brain pathways will be developed in different ways and people develop different appetites for the various physiological motives because people have the same basic physiological makeup, they will all have essentially the same primary needs, but not the learned secondary needs. Secondary Motives Whereas the primary needs are vital for even survival, the secondary drives are unquestionably the most important to the study of organizational behavior. As a human
  • 14. society develops economically and becomes more complex, the primary drives give way to the learned secondary drives in motivating behavior. With some glaring exceptions that have yet to be eradicated, the motives of hunger and thirst are not dominant among people living in the economically developed world. In addition, further breakthroughs in neuro- psychology may receive more deserved attention.6 But for now, the learned secondary motives dominate the study and application of the field of organizational behavior. Secondary motives are closely tied to the learning concepts that are discussed in Chap- ter 12. In particular, the learning principle of reinforcement is conceptually and practically related to motivation. The relationship is obvious when reinforcement is divided into pri- mary and secondary categories and is portrayed as incentives. Some discussions, however, regard reinforcement as simply a consequence serving to increase the motivation to per- form the behavior again,7 and they are treated separately in this text. Once again, however, it should be emphasized that although the various behavioral concepts can be separated for study and analysis, in reality, concepts like reinforcement and motivation do not operate as separate entities in producing human behavior. The interactive effects are always present. A motive must be learned in order to be included in the secondary classification. Numerous important human motives meet this criterion. Some of the more important ones
  • 15. are power, achievement, and affiliation, or, as they are commonly referred to, n Pow, n Ach, and n Aff. In addition, especially in reference to organizational behavior, security and status are important secondary motives. Table 6.1 gives examples of each of these important secondary needs.Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r ig ht s
  • 18. ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 OCESS OF ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 Intrinsic Versus Extrinsic Motives Motives can be thought of as being generated not only by the primary and learned sec- ondary needs, but also by two separate but interrelated sets of sources. One method to char- acterize these two sources is to label them as being either intrinsic or extrinsic motives. Extrinsic motives are tangible and visible to others. They are
  • 19. distributed by other people (or agents). In the workplace, extrinsic motivators include pay, benefits, and promotions. Chapter 4 covered these commonly recognized extrinsic motivators and, especially in tough economic times, low-or no-cost extrinsic alternatives include food (from doughnuts to gourmet meals), games (e.g., one CPA firm holds a “mini- Olympics” with games such as who can pack a suitcase to take to an audit assignment the fastest for a prize), or bring in someone to do manicures or at-desk massages.8 Extrinsic motives also include the drive to avoid punishment, such as termination or being transferred. In each situation, an external individual distributes these items. Further, extrinsic rewards are usually contingency based. That is, the extrinsic motivator is contingent on improved performance or perfor- mance that is superior to others in the same workplace. Extrinsic motivators are necessary to attract people into the organization and to keep them on the job. They are also often used to inspire workers to achieve at higher levels or to reach new goals, as additional payoffs are contingent on improved performance.9 They do not, however, explain every motivated effort made by an individual employee. There is growing research evidence on how to enhance intrinsic motivation (e.g., providing choices).10 Another study found that when intrinsic motivation accompanies other types, for example, prosocial motivation, there will be a more positive impact on desired outcomes such as persistence, performance, and pro- ductivity.11
  • 20. Intrinsic motives are internally generated. In other words, they are motivators that the person associates with the task or job itself. Intrinsic rewards include feelings of responsi- bility, achievement, accomplishment, that something was learned from an experience, feel- TABLE 6.1. Examples of Key Secondary Needs Need for Achievement • Doing better than competitors • Attaining or surpassing a difficult goal • Solving a complex problem • Carrying out a challenging assignment successfully • Developing a better way to do something Need for Power • Influencing people to change their attitudes or behavior • Controlling people and activities • Being in a position of authority over others • Gaining control over information and resources • Defeating an opponent or enemy Need for Affiliation • Being liked by many people • Being accepted as part of a group or team • Working with people who are friendly and cooperative • Maintaining harmonious relationships and avoiding conflicts • Participating in pleasant social activities Need for Security • Having a secure job • Being protected against loss of income or economic disaster • Having protection against illness and disability • Being protected against physical harm or hazardous conditions
  • 21. • Avoiding tasks or decisions with a risk of failure and blame Need for Status • Having the right car and wearing the right clothes • Working for the right company in the right job • Having a degree from the right university • Living in the right neighborhood and belonging to the country club • Having executive privileges Source: Adapted from Gary Yukl, Skills for Managers and Leaders, Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, N.J., 1990, p 41. The examples of need for status were not covered by Yukl. Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh
  • 24. pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 CHAPTE APPLICATIONS 135 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 ings of being challenged or competitive, or that something was
  • 25. an engaging task or goal. Performing meaningful work has long been associated with intrinsic motivation.12 As Manz and Neck noted, “Even if a task makes us feel more competent and more self-controlling, we still might have a difficult time naturally enjoying and being motivated by it if we do not believe in its worthiness. Most of us yearn for purpose and meaning.”13 It is important to remember that these two types of motivators are not completely dis- tinct from one another. Many motivators have both intrinsic and extrinsic components. For example, a person who wins a sales contest receives the prize, which is the extrinsic moti- vator. At the same time, however, “winning” in a competitive situation may be the more powerful, yet internalized, motive. To further complicate any explanation of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, cognitive evaluation theory suggests a more intricate relationship. This theory proposes that a task may be intrinsically motivating, but that when an extrinsic motivator becomes associated with that task, the actual level of motivation may decrease.14 Consider the world of motion pictures, where an actor often strives for many years to simply be included in a film. The intrinsic motive of acting is enough to inspire the starving artist. Once, however, the same actor becomes a star, the extrinsic motivators of money and perks would, according to cog- nitive evaluation theory, cause the individual to put less effort
  • 26. into each performance. In other words, according to this theory, extrinsic motivators may actually undermine intrin- sic motivation. This may seem like a confusing outcome, but there is some research that supports this theoretical position.15 However, as the meta- analytically based principle at the end of the chapter notes, there is considerable research evidence that extrinsic rewards may not detract from intrinsic motivation, and at least for interesting, challenging tasks, extrinsic rewards may even increase the level of intrinsic motivation (see the end of the chapter OB Principle).16 The seemingly contradictory findings make more sense when the concept of negative extrinsic motives is included. That is, threats, deadlines, directives, pressures, and imposed goals are likely to be key factors that diminish intrinsic motivation. For example, consider the difference between writing a book for fun versus writing a book that must be completed by a certain deadline in order to receive payment.17 There are also a series of criticisms of the cognitive evaluation theory, including that it was built on studies largely using students as subjects rather than workers in the workplace setting and that actual decrements in intrinsic motivation were relatively small when extrinsic rewards were introduced.18 Chapter 7 will extend this discussion into social cognitive variables such as self-effi- cacy, and Chapter 12 will use an extended reinforcement theory–based approach to behav-
  • 27. ioral performance management. WORK-MOTIVATION THEORIES So far, motivation has been presented as a basic psychological process consisting of pri- mary, general, and secondary motives; drives such as the n Pow, n Aff, and n Ach motives; and intrinsic and extrinsic motivators. In order to understand organizational behavior, these basic motives must be recognized and studied. However, these serve as only background and foundation for the more directly relevant work-motivation theories. Figure 6.2 graphically summarizes the various theoretical streams for work motiva- tion. In particular, the figure shows three historical streams. The content theories go as far back as the turn of the twentieth century, when pioneering scientific managers such as Frederick W. Taylor, Frank Gilbreth, and Henry L. Gantt proposed sophisticated wage Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma
  • 30. de r U. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR
  • 31. OO FS © 2 015 incentive models to motivate workers. Next came the human relations movement, and then the content theories of Maslow, Herzberg, and Alderfer. Following the content movement were the process theories. Based mainly on the cognitive concept of expectancy, the pro- cess theories are most closely associated with the work of pioneering social psychologists Kurt Lewin and Edward Tolman and then organizational behavior scholars Victor Vroom, Lyman Porter, and Ed Lawler. Finally, with roots in social psychology, equity and its derivative procedural/organizational justice, and attribution theories have received atten- tion in work motivation. Figure 6.2 purposely shows that at present there is a lack of integration or synthesis of the various theories. In addition to the need for integration, a comprehensive assessment of the status of work-motivation theory also noted the need for contingency models and group/social processes.19 At present the content and process theories have become estab- lished explanations for work motivation, and there is continued research interest in equity and organizational justice theories, but no agreed-upon overall theory exists. Moreover, unlike most of the other constructs in organizational behavior,
  • 32. reviews conclude that there has been relatively little new theory-building and research in work motivation in recent years.20 As Steers concluded, “over the past decade little will be found focusing on genuine theoretical development in this area.”21 The rest of the chapter gives an overview of the widely recognized historical and contemporary theories of work motivation. An Important Historical Contribution Although the first part of the chapter mentions the most important primary and second- ary needs of humans, it does not relate them to a theoretical framework. Abraham Maslow, in a classic paper, outlined the elements of an overall theory of motivation.22 Drawing FIGURE 6.2. The Theoretical Development of Work Motivation 1900 Scientific Management wage incentives Human Relations economic security, working conditions Lewin and Tolmanexpectancy concerns Maslow hierarchy of needs Herzberg Vroom valence/expectancy
  • 33. Porter and Lawler Festinger and Homans cognitive dissonance/exchange Heider, de Charmes, and Bemmotivators and hygiene factors performance-satisfaction cognitive evaluation/self-perception Alderfer ERG needs Lawler E P and P O expectancies Adams equity/justice Kelley and Rotter attribution/locus of control Present CONTENT THEORIES PROCESS THEORIES WORK MOTIVATION CONTEMPORARY THEORIES Co py ri gh t ©
  • 36. s pe rm it te d un de r U. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253
  • 37. APPLICATIONS 137 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 chiefly from humanistic psychology and his clinical experience, he thought that a person’s motivational needs could be arranged in a hierarchical manner. In essence, he believed that once a given level of need is satisfied, it no longer serves to motivate. The next higher level of need has to be activated in order to motivate the individual. Maslow identified five levels in his need hierarchy (see Figure 6.3). They are, in brief, the following: 1. Physiological needs. The most basic level in the hierarchy, the physiological needs, generally corresponds to the unlearned primary needs discussed earlier. The needs of hunger, thirst, sleep, and sex are some examples. According to the theory, once these basic needs are satisfied, they no longer motivate. For example, a starving person will strive to obtain a carrot that is within reach. However, after eating his or her fill of
  • 38. carrots, the person will not strive to obtain another one and will be motivated only by the next higher level of needs. 2. Safety needs. This second level of needs is roughly equivalent to the security need. Maslow stressed emotional as well as physical safety. The whole organism may become a safety-seeking mechanism. Yet, as is true of the physiological needs, once these safety needs are satisfied, they no longer motivate. 3. Love needs. This third, or intermediate, level of needs loosely corresponds to the affection and affiliation needs. Like Freud, Maslow seems guilty of poor choice of wording to identify his levels. His use of the word love has many misleading connota- tions, such as sex, which is actually a physiological need. Perhaps a more appropriate word describing this level would be belongingness or social needs. 4. Esteem needs. The esteem level represents the higher needs of humans. The needs for power, achievement, and status can be considered part of this level. Maslow carefully pointed out that the esteem level contains both self-esteem and esteem from others. 5. Needs for self-actualization. Maslow’s major contribution, he portrays this level as the culmination of all the lower, intermediate, and higher needs of humans. People who have become self-actualized are self-fulfilled and have realized all their poten-
  • 39. tial. Self-actualization is closely related to the self-concepts discussed in Chapter 7. In effect, self-actualization is the person’s motivation to transform perception of self into reality. FIGURE 6.3. Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs SELF- ACTUALIZATION ESTEEM NEEDS LOVE NEEDS SAFETY NEEDS PHYSIOLOGICAL NEEDS Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge
  • 42. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS
  • 43. © 2 015Maslow did not intend that his needs hierarchy be directly applied to work motivation. In fact, he did not delve into the motivating aspects of humans in organizations until about 20 years after he originally proposed his theory. Despite this lack of intent on Maslow’s part, others, such as Douglas McGregor in his widely read book The Human Side of Enterprise, popularized the Maslow theory in management literature. The needs hierarchy has tremen- dous intuitive appeal and is widely associated with work motivation. In a very rough manner, Maslow’s needs hierarchy theory can be converted into the content model of work motivation shown in Figure 6.4. If Maslow’s estimates are applied to an organization example, the lower-level needs of personnel would be generally satis- fied, but only a minority of the social and esteem needs, and a small percent of the self- actualization needs, would be met. On the surface, the content model shown in Figure 6.4 and the estimated percentages given by Maslow seem logical and still largely applicable to the motivation of employees in today’s organizations. Maslow’s needs hierarchy has often been uncritically accepted by writers of management textbooks and by practitioners. Unfortunately, the limited research that has been conducted lends little empirical support to the theory. About a decade after publishing his original paper, Maslow did attempt to clarify his position by saying that
  • 44. gratifying the self-actualizing need of growth-motivated individuals can actually increase rather than decrease this need. He also hedged on some of his other original ideas, for example, that higher needs may emerge after lower needs that have been unfulfilled or sup- pressed for a long period are satisfied. He stressed that human behavior is multidetermined and multimotivated. Research findings indicate that Maslow’s is certainly not the final answer in work motivation. Yet the theory does make a significant contribution in terms of making man- agement aware of the diverse needs of employees at work. As one comprehensive analysis FIGURE 6.4. A Hierarchy of Work Motivation SELF- ACTUALIZATION Personal growth, realization of potential ESTEEM NEEDS Titles, status symbols, promotions, banquets SOCIAL NEEDS Formal and informal work groups or teams SECURITY NEEDS
  • 45. Seniority plans, union, health insurance, employee assistance plans, severance pay, pension BASIC NEEDS Pay Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r ig ht s
  • 48. ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 APPLICATIONS 139 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 concluded, “Indeed, the general ideas behind Maslow’s theory seem to be supported, such as the distinction between deficiency needs and growth needs.”23 However, the number and names of the levels are not so important, nor, as the studies show, is the hierarchical concept. What is important is the fact that employees in the workplace have diverse motives, some of which are “high level.” There is also empirical
  • 49. and experiential evidence supporting the importance of Maslow’s various needs (e.g., Gallup survey research clearly indicates that Maslow’s third level social needs are the single most important contribution to satisfaction with life24 and a lot of, if not most, high- achieving people feel unfulfilled because they have not reached self-actualization25). In other words, such needs as social and self-actualization are important to the content of work motivation. The exact nature of these needs and how they relate to motivation are not clear. At the same time, what does become clear from contemporary research is that layoffs and terminations (i.e., downsizing) can reduce employees to have concerns about basic-level needs such as security. Organizations that endeavor to reduce fears and other strong emotional responses during these moments through severance pay programs and outplacement services may be able to lessen the impact of individual terminations and lay- offs, especially for those who remain with the company.26 In recent years there has been a resurgence of interest in humanistic psychology27 and as will be discussed in the next chapter, positive psychology, of which Maslow was one of the pioneers. Throughout the years there have been attempts to revitalize and make his hierarchy of needs more directly applicable to work motivation. In particular, Herzberg’s two-factor theory covered next is based on Maslow’s concept, and a number of others use Maslow for constructing various hierarchies or pyramids. One
  • 50. example is Aon Consult- ing’s Performance Pyramid that starts with safety and security and moves up through rewards, affiliation, growth, and work and life harmony.28 There is little question that Maslow’s theory has stood the test of time and still makes a contribution to the study and application to work motivation. Herzberg’s Two-Factor Theory of Motivation Another historically important contribution to work motivation is the content theory of Frederick Herzberg. Unlike Maslow, Herzberg many years ago conducted a widely reported motivational study on about 200 accountants and engineers employed by firms in and around Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He used the critical incident method of obtaining data for analysis. The professional subjects in the study were essentially asked two ques- tions: (1) When did you feel particularly good about your job— what turned you on; and (2) When did you feel exceptionally bad about your job—what turned you off? Responses obtained from this critical incident method were interesting and fairly con- sistent. Reported good feelings were generally associated with job experiences and job content. An example was the accounting supervisor who felt good about being given the job of installing new computer equipment. He took pride in his work and was gratified to know that the new equipment made a big difference in the overall functioning of his depart-
  • 51. ment. Reported bad feelings, on the other hand, were generally associated with the sur- rounding or peripheral aspects of the job—the job context. An example of these feelings was related by an engineer whose first job was routine record keeping and managing the office when the boss was gone. It turned out that his boss was always too busy to train him and became annoyed when he tried to ask questions. The engineer said that he was frus- trated in this job context and that he felt like a flunky in a dead- end job.Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A
  • 54. le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 Tabulating these reported good and bad feelings, Herzberg concluded that job satis- fiers are related to job content and that job dissatisfiers are allied to job context. Herzberg
  • 55. labeled the satisfiers motivators, and he called the dissatisfiers hygiene factors. The term hygiene refers (as it does in the health field) to factors that are preventive; in Herzberg’s theory the hygiene factors are those that prevent dissatisfaction. Taken together, the moti- vators and the hygiene factors have become known as Herzberg’s two-factor theory of motivation. Relation to Maslow’s Need Hierarchy Herzberg’s theory is closely related to Maslow’s need hierarchy. The hygiene factors are preventive and environmental in nature (see Table 6.2), and they are roughly equivalent to Maslow’s lower-level needs. These hygiene factors prevent dissatisfaction, but they do not lead to satisfaction. In effect, they bring motivation up to a theoretical zero level and are a necessary “floor” to prevent dissatisfaction, and they serve as a platform or takeoff point for motivation. By themselves, the hygiene factors do not motivate. Only the motiva- tors, Herzberg asserted, motivate employees on the job. They are roughly equivalent to Maslow’s higher-level needs. According to Herzberg’s theory, an individual must have a job with a challenging content in order to be truly motivated. Contribution to Work Motivation Herzberg’s two-factor theory provided a new light on the content of work motivation. Up to this point, management had generally concentrated on the hygiene factors. When
  • 56. faced with a morale problem, the typical solution was higher pay, more fringe benefits, and better working conditions. However, as has been pointed out, this simplistic solution did not really work. Management are often perplexed because they are paying high wages and salaries, have an excellent fringe-benefit package, and provide great working conditions, but their employees are still not motivated. Herzberg’s theory offered an explanation for this problem. By concentrating only on the hygiene factors, management were not really motivating their personnel. There are probably very few workers or associates who do not feel that they deserve the raise they receive. On the other hand, there are many dissatisfied associates and man- agers who feel they do not get a large enough raise. This simple observation points out that the hygiene factors seem to be important in preventing dissatisfaction but do not lead to sat- isfaction. Herzberg would be the first to say that the hygiene factors are absolutely neces- sary to maintain the human resources of an organization. However, as in the Maslow sense, once “the belly is full” of hygiene factors, which is the case in most modern organizations, TABLE 6.2. Herzberg’s Two-Factor Theory Hygiene Factors Motivators Company policy and administration Achievement Supervision, technical Recognition
  • 57. Salary Work itself Interpersonal relations, supervisor Responsibility Working conditions Advancement Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r ig ht s
  • 60. ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 APPLICATIONS 141 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 dangling any more in front of employees will not really motivate them. According to Her- zberg’s theory, only a challenging job that has the opportunities for achievement, recogni- tion, responsibility, advancement, and growth will motivate personnel. Critical Analysis of Herzberg’s Theory
  • 61. Herzberg’s two-factor theory remains important in a historical sense and a popular textbook explanation of work motivation and it still makes intuitive sense to practitioners. However, it also is true that from an academic perspective, Herzberg’s theory oversimpli- fies the complexities of work motivation. When researchers deviate from the critical inci- dent methodology used by Herzberg, they do not get the two factors. Further, there is always a question regarding the samples used by Herzberg: Would he have obtained the results from low-complexity jobs such as truck drivers and third-shift factory workers or waitstaff personnel? Presumably both the hygiene factors and satisfiers could be substan- tially different when comparing these groups. Factors that affect research results include the age of the sample and other variables that are not held constant or under control. In international settings, older workers in an Israeli kibbutz preferred jobs that had better physical conditions and convenience. Also, Caribbean hotel workers reported being more interested in wages, working conditions, and appreciation for their work as key motiva- tors.29 These findings suggest that sample and setting may affect preferences for motiva- tors and hygiene factors. Finally, there seem to be job factors such as pay that lead to both satisfaction and dis- satisfaction. For example, pay can be dissatisfying if not high enough, but, as pointed out in Chapter 4, also satisfying as a form of achievement and recognition. These findings indi-
  • 62. cate that a strict interpretation of the two-factor theory is not warranted by the evidence. In spite of the obvious limitations, few would question that Herzberg has contributed substantially to the study of work motivation. He extended Maslow’s needs hierarchy con- cept and made it more applicable to work motivation. Herzberg also drew attention to the importance of job content factors in work motivation, which previously had been badly neglected and often totally overlooked. However, even the context can be made to better fit the jobholder. For example, many Internet businesses never have employees directly inter- act with customers so their dress, appearance, and work space can be highly informal and designed according to personal choice.30 The job design technique of job enrichment is also one of Herzberg’s contributions. Job enrichment is covered in the last part of the chapter. Overall, Herzberg added much to the better understanding of job content factors and satisfaction, but, like his predecessors, he fell short of a comprehensive theory of work motivation. His model describes only some of the content of work motivation; it does not adequately describe the complex motivation process of organizational participants that will now be given attention in the more complex theories of work motivation. The Porter-Lawler Expectancy Theory of Work Motivation Comments in Chapter 5 on job satisfaction refer to the
  • 63. controversy over the relationship between satisfaction and performance that has existed since the beginnings of the human relations movement. The Maslow and Herzberg content theories implicitly assume that sat- isfaction leads to improved performance and that dissatisfaction detracts from performance. In particular, the Herzberg model is really a theory of job satisfaction, but still it does not Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r ig
  • 66. yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 adequately deal with the relationship between satisfaction and performance. It was not until Porter and Lawler that the relationship between satisfaction and performance was dealt with directly by a motivation theory. They start with the premise that motivation (effort or force) does not equal satisfaction or performance. Motivation,
  • 67. satisfaction, and performance are all separate variables and relate in ways different from what was traditionally assumed. Figure 6.5 depicts the multivariable model used to explain the complex relationships that exist among motivation, performance, and satisfaction. As shown, boxes 1, 2, and 3 are basically drawn from earlier cognitive concepts from pioneering social psychologists such as Kurt Lewin and Edward Tolman and from the recognized seminal work motivation theory of Victor Vroom.31 It is important to note, however, that Porter and Lawler point out that effort (force or motivation) does not lead directly to performance. It is moderated by abilities and traits and by role perceptions. More important in the Porter- Lawler model is what hap- pens after the performance. The rewards that follow and how these are perceived will deter- mine satisfaction. In other words, the Porter-Lawler model suggests—and this is a significant turn of events from conventional wisdom—that performance leads to satisfaction. The model has had research support over the years. For example, a field study found that effort level and direction of effort are important in explaining individual performance in an organization.32 Also, a comprehensive review of research verifies the importance of rewards in the relationship between performance and satisfaction. Specifically, it was con- cluded that performance and satisfaction will be more strongly related when rewards are made contingent on performance than when they are not.33
  • 68. Implications for Practice Although the Porter-Lawler model attempts to be more applications oriented than the earlier expectancy theories, it is still quite complex and has proved to be a difficult way to bridge the gap to actual human resource management practice. To Porter and Lawler’s FIGURE 6.5. The Porter-Lawler Motivation Model 1 Value of reward 4 Abilities and traits Perceived 8 equitable rewards 3 6 Performance
  • 73. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 TIONAL NEEDS, PROCESSES, AND APPLICATIONS 143 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 credit, they were very conscientious of putting their theory and research into practice. They recommended that practicing managers go beyond traditional attitude measurement and attempt to measure variables such as the values of possible rewards, the perceptions of effort-reward probabilities, and role perceptions. These variables, of course, can help man- agers better understand what goes into employee effort and performance. Giving attention to the consequences of performance, Porter and Lawler also recommended that organiza- tions critically reevaluate their current reward policies. They
  • 74. stressed that management should make a concentrated effort to measure how closely levels of satisfaction are related to levels of performance, and in a practitioner-oriented article emphasized that the accu- racy of role perceptions may be the missing link in improving employee performance.34 The inference here is that employees need to better focus their efforts on high-impact behaviors and activities that result in higher performance. However, both studies35 and comprehensive analyses36 continue to point out the complex impact that the cognitive pro- cess has in relation to rewards and other outcomes in organizations. Contributions to Work Motivation The Porter and Lawler model has definitely made a significant contribution to the bet- ter understanding of work motivation and the relationship between performance and satis- faction, but has not had much impact on the actual practice of human resource management. Yet this expectancy theory provides certain guidelines that can be followed by human resource management. For example, on the front end (the relationship between motivation and performance), it has been suggested that the following barriers must be overcome: 1. Doubts about ability, skill, or knowledge 2. The physical or practical possibility of the job 3. The interdependence of the job with other people or activities 4. Ambiguity surrounding the job requirements37
  • 75. To overcome these barriers, it is helpful to understand the role other psychological variables such as self-efficacy (covered in the next chapter) play in effort-performance relationships. A series of successes combined with positive feedback build the employee’s sense of self-efficacy, which can, in turn, lead to a heightened sense that “I can do this.” Greater effort may often be the result.38 In addition to psychological constructs such as self-efficacy, there are also pragmatic considerations such as that the opportunity must be present to actually perform. For example, there are many second-string players in pro sports that have stepped in for an injured starter to take the team to the championship. The back-up probably had sufficient valance (pay plus the bonus check paid to the winners), instrumentality or effort-performance calculations (ability combined with self-efficacy), and expectancy or performance-reward calculations (the belief that goal achievement would result in additional pay and recognition), yet still could not succeed until he was allowed to play due to the injury of the first-string player. In addition, on the back end (the relationship between performance and satisfaction), guidelines such as the following have been suggested: 1. Determine what rewards each employee values 2. Define desired performance 3. Make desired performance attainable 4. Link valued rewards to performance39Co
  • 78. t fa ir u se s pe rm it te d un de r U. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT
  • 79. AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 The last point was given attention in Chapter 4 on the importance of pay for perfor- mance. At the same time, managers should be advised that an employee in a way calculates expectancies regarding future employment possibilities when seeking to leave an organiza- tion, and more importantly, often sees a connection between performance and reward that invites less effort in a group or team situation. The reduced value is based on the belief that the person’s own efforts are not sufficient to raise group performance levels, and that group incentives are less valuable than individualized rewards. Also brought out in Chapter 4, managers may also take advantage of this process moti- vational approach by considering the use of nonfinancial
  • 80. rewards for performance. Many times workers may be inspired by being given first choice in selecting weeks for vacation, being allowed to choose when they will go to lunch (ahead of lower performers), being awarded certificates or “employee of the month” parking spaces or, as the accompanying OB in Action: Nice Work If You Can Get It describes, new rewards such as sabbaticals. Recognition as a valence can be a powerful reward within the expectancy theory frame- work and was discussed in Chapter 4 and is given further detailed attention in Chapter 12. Equity Theory of Work Motivation Equity theory has been around just as long as the expectancy theories of work motiva- tion. However, equity has received relatively more recent attention in the organizational behavior field. As Figure 6.2 indicates, its roots can be traced back to cognitive dissonance theory and exchange theory. As a theory of work motivation, credit for equity theory is usually given to social psychologist J. Stacy Adams. Simply put, the theory argues that a major input into job performance and satisfaction is the degree of equity (or inequity) that people perceive in their work situation. In other words, it is another cognitively based moti- vation theory, and Adams depicts how this motivation occurs. Inequity occurs when a person perceives that the ratio of his or her outcomes to inputs and the ratio of a relevant other’s outcomes to inputs are unequal. Schematically, this is
  • 81. represented as follows: Equity occurs when Both the inputs and the outputs of the person and the other are based on the person’s per- ceptions. Age, sex, education, social status, organizational position, qualifications, and how hard the person works are examples of perceived input variables. Outcomes consist primarily of rewards such as pay, status, promotion, and intrinsic interest in the job. In essence, the ratio is based on the person’s perception of what the person is giving (inputs) and receiving (outcomes) versus the ratio of what the relevant other is giving and receiving. This cognition may or may not be the same as someone else’s observation of the ratios or the same as the actual reality. There is also recent recognition that the cultural context may affect the entire equity process.40 person's outcomes person's inputs ------------------------------------------- other's outcomes other's inputs ---------------------------------------- person's outcomes person's inputs ------------------------------------------- other's outcomes other's inputs
  • 82. ---------------------------------------- person's outcomes person's inputs ------------------------------------------- other's outcomes other's inputs ----------------------------------------= Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r
  • 85. op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 APPLICATIONS 145 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 Equity as an Explanation of Work Motivation If the person’s perceived ratio is not equal to the other’s, he or she will strive to restore the ratio to equity. This “striving” to restore equity is used as the explanation of work moti-
  • 86. vation. The strength of this motivation is in direct proportion to the perceived inequity that exists. Adams suggests that such motivation may be expressed in several forms. To restore equity, the person may alter the inputs or outcomes, cognitively distort the inputs or out- comes, leave the field, act on the other, or change the other. It is important to note that inequity does not come about only when the person feels cheated. For example, Adams has studied the impact that perceived overpayment has on equity. His findings suggest that workers prefer equitable payment to overpayment. Work- ers on a piece-rate incentive system who feel overpaid will reduce their productivity in order to restore equity. More common, however, is the case of people who feel underpaid (outcome) or overworked (input) in relation to others in the workplace. In the latter case, there would be motivation to restore equity in a way that may be dysfunctional from an organizational standpoint. For example, the owner of an appliance store in Oakland, Cali- fornia, allowed his employees to set their own wages. Interestingly, none of the employees took an increase in pay, and one service technician actually settled on lower pay because he did not want to work as hard as the others. Research Support for Equity in the Workplace To date, research that has specifically tested the validity of Adams’s equity theory has been fairly supportive. A comprehensive review found considerable laboratory research
  • 87. support for the “equity norm” (people review the inputs and outcomes of themselves and others, and if inequity is perceived, they strive to restore equity) but only limited support from more relevant field studies.41 One line of field research on equity theory used baseball players. In the first study, players who played out their option year, and thus felt they were inequitably paid, performed as the theory would predict.42 Their performance decreased in three of four categories (not batting average) during the option year, and when they were signed to a new contract, the performance was restored. However, a second study using the same type of sample, only larger, found the opposite of what equity theory would predict.43 Mainly, performance improved during the option year. The reason, of course, was that the players wanted to look especially good, even though they felt they were inequitably paid, in order to be in a stronger bargaining position for a new contract. In other words, individuals faced with undercompensation may choose to decrease performance, but only to the extent that doing so will not affect the potential to achieve future rewards.44 In any event, there are no easy answers nor is there 100 percent predictive power when applying a cognitive process theory such as equity. Despite some seeming inconsistencies, more recent studies using sophisticated statis- tical techniques to estimate pay equity among ballplayers45 and focusing more sharply on subsequent performance and other outcomes are more in line
  • 88. with equity theory predic- tions. For example, one study found a significant relationship between losing final-offer salary arbitration and postarbitration performance decline. The ballplayers who were losers in arbitration were also significantly more likely to change teams or leave major league baseball.46 In another study of baseball and basketball players, it was found that the under- rewarded players behaved less cooperatively.47 This type of equity theory development and research goes beyond expectancy theory as a cognitive explanation of work motivation Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g.
  • 91. ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 and serves as a point of departure for more specialized areas of current interest such as organizational justice.
  • 92. The Relationship Between Equity and Organizational Justice Recent theory development specifies that equity theory can be extended into what is now commonly known as organizational justice.48 Although procedural justice has received the most attention, there is now research evidence that in addition there is concep- tual and measurement independence (i.e., construct validity) for distributive, interpersonal, and informational justice dimensions as well.49 Equity theory serves as the foundation for the common thread of perceived fairness among these dimensions of justice. For example, equity theory explains conditions under which decision outcomes (pay levels, pay raises, promotions) are perceived as being fair or unfair. Persons engaged in this type of thinking examine the results as opposed to how those results were achieved. Equity theory supports a perception of distributive justice, which is an individual’s cognitive evaluation regarding whether or not the amounts and allocations of rewards in a social setting are fair. In simple terms, distributive justice is one’s belief that everyone should “get what they deserve.” Culturally, the Judeo-Christian ethic is based, in part, on the notion that divine rewards accrue to those who lead good lives and behave appropriately, even while here are on earth. This reflects the distributive justice and equity perspectives. Importantly, meta-analytic results have demonstrated that employee perceptions of distributive justice are related to
  • 93. desirable outcomes such as job satisfaction, organizational commitment, organizational citizenship behavior, turnover, and performance.50 Procedural justice is concerned with the fairness of the procedure used to make a deci- sion. For example, a pay raise may be based on a sales representative selling more units of, for example, automobiles or houses. Some coworkers may consider this procedure to be unfair, believing management should instead base pay raises on dollar volume. This con- clusion may be reached because selling 10 houses or cars for a low amount of money each contributes very little to company profits and they are, at the same time, easier to sell. Sell- ing high-priced cars or houses may take much longer to finalize, but the profits garnered for the company are also higher. In this case it is not the outcome in dispute, which is the amount of the pay received. Instead, it is the perceived justice (fairness) of the procedure used to reach the outcome. Like distributive justice, employee perceptions of procedural justice have been shown through meta-analysis to be related to all the desirable organiza- tional outcomes.51 Indeed, in another meta-analysis, procedural justice was found to be a better predictor of job performance than was distributive justice52 and procedural justice seems to be particularly important to successfully implementing organizational changes.53 Procedural justice can raise issues of equality as opposed to equity. Equality means that in a promotion situation, males and females and all races
  • 94. would have equal opportuni- ties to be selected, and that the criteria used would not discriminate. Equity would mean that the actual choice was fair, and that the criteria were correctly applied and therefore the most-qualified individual was promoted. Unlike the traditional content and process theories of work motivation, research con- tinues to refine and extend equity theory in general and procedural justice in particular. For example, in support of equity theory, a recent study found that managers who perceive effort-reward fairness perform better and are more satisfied than those who feel underre- warded and unfairly treated.54 Another study used social exchange theory to differentiate interactional justice from procedural justice. Whereas procedural justice is the exchange Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge
  • 97. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 APPLICATIONS 147 IAP PR OO FS
  • 98. © 2 015 between the employee and the employing organization, interactional justice is between individuals (e.g., the employee and the supervisor). The research supported the exchange theory predictions.55 There is also some evidence that such interactional justice may not be as predictive as other justice perceptions. For example, a recent study found that manager trustworthiness was more predictive of organizational citizenship behaviors (covered in the last chapter) than was interactional justice.56 Other recent studies focusing on procedural justice have found importance in being allowed the opportunity to voice an opinion on per- ceptions of fairness57 and in the effects of group membership and status (i.e., one’s social standing) on perceptions of fairness.58 In particular, it was found in this latter study that procedural injustice was not perceived by all who observed it (in this case judges and attor- neys did not perceive bias against female attorneys). Finally, a recent study moved to the level of overall justice climate (procedural, informational, and interpersonal) and found it related to various work outcomes (commitment, satisfaction, and citizenship behaviors).59 In total, with equity theory serving as the foundation, the various dimensions of orga- nizational justice play an important role in many dynamics and outcomes of organizational behavior. Organizational justice can help explain why employees retaliate against both
  • 99. inequitable outcomes and inappropriate processes. For example, retaliation in the form of theft, sabotage, forged time cards, and even violence toward the boss or owner can be explained using the principles of organizational justice.60 On a positive note, besides all the findings summarized above, a recent study found that there is a trickle-down effect from organizational justice. Employees’ perceptions of fairness not only positively affect their attitudes and performance, but also influence their fair treatment behaviors toward custom- ers, which in turn cause the customers to react positively to both the employee and the organization.61 In other words, organizational justice pays off not only for employees, but also for customers and the bottom line. Attribution Theory Another contemporary theory of work motivation is attribution theory. Attribution refers simply to how people explain the cause of another’s or their own behavior. Like equity theory, it is the cognitive process by which people draw conclusions about the fac- tors that influence, or make sense of, one another’s behavior.62 There are two general types of attributions that people make: dispositional attributions, which ascribe a person’s behavior to internal factors such as personality traits, motivation, or ability, and situational attributions, which attribute a person’s behavior to external factors such as equipment or social influence from others.63 In recent years, attribution theories have been playing an
  • 100. increasingly important role in organizational behavior and human resource management.64 An examination of the various theories, types, and errors of attribution can contribute to an understanding as work motivation and organizational behavior in general. An Overview of the Theory Attribution theory is concerned with the relationship between personal social percep- tion (covered in the last chapter) and interpersonal behavior. There are a number of attribu- tion theories, but they share the following assumptions: 1. We seek to make sense of our world. 2. We often attribute people’s actions either to internal or external causes. 3. We do so in fairly logical ways.65Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge
  • 103. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS
  • 104. © 2 015 Well-known social psychologist Harold Kelley stressed that attribution theory is con- cerned mainly with the cognitive processes by which an individual interprets behavior as being caused by (or attributed to) certain parts of the relevant environment. It is concerned with the “why” questions of work motivation and organizational behavior. Because most causes, attributes, and “whys” are not directly observable, the theory says that people must depend on cognitions, particularly perception. The attribution theorist assumes that humans are rational and are motivated to identify and understand the causal structure of their relevant environment. It is this search for attributes that characterizes attribution the- ory and helps explain work motivation. As shown earlier in Figure 6.2, attribution theory has its roots in all the pioneering cognitive theorists’ work (for example, that of Lewin and Festinger), in de Charmes’s ideas on cognitive evaluation, and in Bem’s notion of “self- perception,” the theory’s initiator is generally recognized to be Fritz Heider. Heider believed that both internal forces (personal attributes such as ability, effort, and fatigue) and external forces (environmental attributes such as rules and the weather) combine additively to determine behavior. He stressed that it is the perceived, not the actual, determinants that are important to behavior (see the dis- cussion of perception in Chapter 5). People will behave
  • 105. differently if they perceive internal attributes than they will if they perceive external attributes. It is this concept of differential ascriptions that has very important implications for motivation and organizational behavior in general. Locus of Control Attributions Using locus of control, work behavior may be explained by whether employees per- ceive their outcomes as controlled internally or externally. Employees who perceive inter- nal control feel that they personally can influence their outcomes through their own ability, skills, or effort. Employees who perceive external control feel that their outcomes are beyond their own control; they feel that external forces such as luck or task difficulty con- trol their outcomes. This perceived locus of control may have a differential impact on their motivation to perform. For example, classic studies by well- known social psychologist Julian Rotter found that skill versus chance environments differentially affect behavior. In addition, a number of studies have been conducted over the years to test the attribution the- ory-locus-of-control model in work settings. One study found that internally controlled employees are generally more satisfied with their jobs, are more likely to be in managerial positions, and are more satisfied with a participatory management style than employees who perceive external control.66 Other studies have found that internally controlled man- agers are better performers,67 are more considerate of
  • 106. subordinates,68 tend not to burn out,69 follow a more strategic style of executive action,70 have improved attitudes over a long period of time following promotions,71 and present the most positive impression in a recruiting interview.72 In addition, the attribution process has been shown to play a role in coalition formation in the political process of organizations. In particular, coalition mem- bers made stronger internal attributions, such as ability and desire, and nonmembers made stronger external attributions, such as luck.73 The implication of these studies and many others is that internally controlled managers are somehow better than externally controlled managers. However, such generalizations are not yet warranted because there is some contradictory evidence. For example, one study concluded that the ideal manager may have an external orientation because the results indicated that externally controlled managers were perceived as initiating more structure and consideration than internally controlled managers.74 In addition to the impli-Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf
  • 109. d un de r U. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 APPLICATIONS 149
  • 110. IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 cations for managerial behavior and performance, attribution theory has been shown to have relevance in explaining goal-setting behavior,75 group performance,76 leadership behavior,77 poor employee performance,78 and employee interpretations of human resource practices that affect their satisfaction and commitment.79 However, like other constructs in organizational behavior, attribution is now undergoing considerable refine- ment in the research literature. For example, studies have found that (1) attributions about poor performance are mediated by how responsible the employee is judged to be and how much sympathy the evaluator feels,80 and (2) leaders providing feedback to poor perform- ers is significantly affected by the performance attributions that are made.81 A review arti- cle concludes that locus of control is related to the performance and satisfaction of organization members and may moderate the relationship between motivation and incen- tives.82 In addition, attributions are related to organizational symbolism, which in effect says that in order to understand organizations, one must recognize
  • 111. their symbolic nature.83 Much of organization is based on attributions rather than physical or observed realities under this view.84 For example, research has found that symbols are a salient source of information used by people in forming their impressions of psychological climate.85 Other Attributions Attribution theory obviously contributes a great deal to the better understanding of work motivation and organizational behavior. However, other dimensions besides the internal and external locus of control also need to be accounted for and studied. Bernard Weiner, for example, suggested that a stability (fixed or variable) dimension must also be recognized.86 Experienced employees will probably have a stable internal attribution about their abilities but an unstable internal attribution concerning effort. By the same token, these employees may have a stable external attribution about task difficulty but an unstable external attribution about luck. Besides the stability dimension, Kelley suggests that dimensions such as consensus (do others act this way in this situation?), consistency (does this person act this way in this situation at other times?), and distinctiveness (does this person act differently in other sit- uations?) will affect the type of attributions that are made.87 Figure 6.6 shows how this type of information affects the attributes that are made in evaluating
  • 112. employee behavior. To keep these dimensions straight, it can be remembered that consensus relates to other peo- ple, distinctiveness relates to other tasks, and consistency relates to time.88 As shown in Figure 6.6, if there is high consensus, low consistency, and high distinctiveness, then attri- bution to external or situational/environmental causes will probably be made. The external attribution may be that the task is too difficult or that outside pressures from home or coworkers are hindering performance. However, if there is low consensus, high consis- tency, and low distinctiveness, then attributions to internal or personal causes for the behavior will probably be made. The supervisor making an internal attribution may con- clude that the associate just doesn’t have the ability, or is not giving the necessary effort, or does not have the motivation to perform well. There is some research evidence from field settings to directly support predictions from the Kelley model.89 In addition to Kelley, other well-known theorists, such as Weiner, use attribution the- ory to help explain achievement motivation and to predict subsequent changes in perfor- mance and how people feel about themselves.90 Some research findings from Weiner’s work include the following:Co py ri gh t
  • 115. se s pe rm it te d un de r U. S. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253
  • 116. ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 1. Bad-luck attributions (external) take the sting out of a negative outcome, but good- luck attributions (external) reduce the joy associated with success. 2. When individuals attribute their success to internal rather than external factors, they have higher expectations for future success, report a greater desire for achievement, and set higher performance goals.91 Attribution Errors Social psychologists recognize two potent biases when people make attributions. The first is called the fundamental attribution error. Research has found that people tend to ignore powerful situational forces when explaining others’ behavior.92 People tend to attri- bute others’ behavior to personal factors (for example, intelligence, ability, motivation,
  • 117. attitudes, or personality), even when it is very clear that the situation or circumstances caused the person to behave the way he or she did. FIGURE 6.6. Kelley’s Model of Attribution Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r ig ht s re
  • 120. l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 APPLICATIONS 151 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 Another attribution bias that has emerged from the research is that people tend to pres- ent themselves favorably. This self-serving bias has been found in study after study; people readily accept credit when told they have succeeded (attributing the success to their ability and effort), yet often attribute failure to such external, situational factors as bad luck or the problem’s inherent “impossibility.93 For example, in explaining their victories, athletes
  • 121. commonly credit themselves, but they are more likely to attribute losses to something else—bad breaks, poor officiating, or the other team’s superior effort.94 When something goes wrong in the workplace, there is a tendency for the manager to blame the problem on the inability or poor attitude of associates, but the situation is blamed as far as he or she per- sonally is concerned. The reverse is true of associates. They blame the situation for their difficulties but make a personal attribution in terms of their manager. By the same token, if something goes well, the manager makes personal attributions for him- or herself and situ- ational attributions for associates, and the associates make personal attributions for them- selves but situational attributions for the manager. In other words, it is typical to have conflicting attributional biases among managers and associates in organizations.95 As a way of creating more productive relationships, theorists and researchers suggest that efforts must be made to reduce divergent perceptions and perspectives among the par- ties through increased interpersonal interaction, open communication channels and work- shops, and team-building sessions devoted to reducing attributional errors.96 Although Martinko, in his book on Attribution Theory, demonstrates the validity and potential of attributional perspectives within an organizational context, theoretical, information pro- cessing, and situational factors all affect the attribution models of organizational behav- ior.97 Despite this complexity, attribution theory does seem to
  • 122. have considerable potential for application and relevance, instead of being a purely academic exercise in theory build- ing. Other Work Motivation Theories: Control and Agency In addition to the micro-oriented expectancy and equity motivation theories coming out of cognitive psychology, there are other, more broad-based theories that have emerged in organizational behavior. Representatives of such theories are control theory and agency theory. One version of control theory, like the other theories discussed so far, is essentially a cognitive phenomenon relating to the degree that individuals perceive they are in control of their own lives, or are in control of their jobs. Recent studies have shown that those who believe they have such personal control tolerate unpleasant events and experience less stress on the job than those who do not perceive such control.98 There is also some evi- dence that perceived control will affect job satisfaction and absenteeism.99 Another ver- sion of control theory, which also has implications for organizational behavior, relates to the more traditional management function of control. Traditional guidelines for effective management have included controlling both the inputs and outputs of organizations, but research has also analyzed strategically controlling human resources as well.100 Especially relevant to today’s workplace environment is that a sense of
  • 123. control seems very helpful when increasing job demands are placed on the employee. Thus, persons who are given more work, but also the control to complete that work, may not feel as negatively about their new assignments. On the other hand, more peripheral aspects of work control, such as when they start or stop a task or arrange the work flow, seem less related to work motiva- tion.101Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r
  • 126. op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 Similar to control theory’s being taken from the traditional management literature, agency theory as applied to organizational behavior comes from the financial economics literature. As given attention in Chapter 4, an agency relationship involves one or more
  • 127. individuals (the principal) engaging another person or persons (the agent) to perform some service on their behalf.102 The key to agency theory is the assumption that the interests of principals and agents diverge or may be in conflict with one another. The implications for organizational behavior involve how the principals (owners, board members, or top man- agement) can limit divergence from their interests or objectives by establishing appropriate rewards or incentives for the agents (subordinates, middle management, or operating employees) for appropriate outcomes. Although there was initial research evidence sup- porting an agency theory interpretation of areas in organizational behavior such as pay for performance,103 compensation contracts,104 foreign subsidiary compensation strate- gies,105 and variable pay compensation strategies,106 however, a recent meta-analysis of empirical ownership-performance studies found little overall support for agency theory.107 Yet, agency theory is often used to explain some of the excesses and ethical meltdowns that have occurred in organizations in recent years. For example, Don Hambrick recently observed the following: Today’s top executives, in America at least, are exceedingly obsessed with shareholder value, in ways that their predecessors were not. This obsession is due to the new “rules of the game” that the executives themselves face—rules that agency theorists applaud, even if they didn’t literally engineer them.108
  • 128. Like the other cognitive-based theories, agency theory helps us better understand the motivation of managers in today’s organizations. However, because of the complexities involved, as was also noted in the other work motivation theories, agency theory obviously is not the final answer. One primary criticism of agency theory that has emerged is that, agency theory strongly emphasizes the roles that various forms of extrinsic motives play in shaping behaviors. Conversely, intrinsic motives, which may be quite powerful, are not accounted for in agency models. When combined with notions of control or the lack of control in a setting, the bias generated by an extrinsic-motive model may confuse any study or theoretical development.109 Yet, as one argument for employee ownership noted, firms indicated that 75 percent experienced increases in sales, profits, and stock price when employees became owners and another study indicated that companies with employee stock ownership plans had total shareholder returns about 7 percent greater than firms where employees did not have an opportunity for ownership.110 Recently, agency theory has been expanded to the macro level. It has been used to explain financing decisions in franchising operations111 and to study the various forms of control that limit the decision-making authority of professional service organizations.112 In the latter study, community control, bureaucratic control, and client control combined with the degree of self-control exhibited by the professional service agent to reduce decision-mak-
  • 129. ing autonomy. Thus, agency theory is also related to control theory and, for the future, theory development and research can contribute to the better understanding of work motivation. MOTIVATIONAL APPLICATION THROUGH JOB DESIGN Besides gaining an understanding of motivational needs and theoretical processes, the study of organizational behavior also focuses on motivational techniques of job design and goal setting. Job design may be defined as the methods that management uses to develop Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g.
  • 132. ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 CHA APPLICATIONS 153 IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 the content of a job, including all relevant tasks, as well as the processes by which jobs are constructed and revised. In light of the new environment, job
  • 133. design is an increasingly important application technique. Most importantly, the nature of work is changing because of advanced information technology and globalization. Consequently, two new develop- ments have emerged. The first is a blurring of the distinction between on-work and off- work time. A person carrying a cell phone and/or PDA (personal digital assistant) and a home office containing a fax machine and Internet access is “at work” even when not in the office and is “on-call” practically every moment of the day. This includes drive time and time spent in airports or while flying across the world. The second development, which is tied to the first, is the rising number of telecommuting jobs or teleworking, in which the employee performs substantial amounts of work at home. An increasing number of organi- zations provide employees with advanced information technology for home use. These recent trends create new challenges for job design models, which are already based on an extensive and growing theoretical and research base and are being widely applied to the actual practice of management. A summary of the major job design applications follows. Job Rotation The simplest form of job design involves moving employees from one relatively sim- ple job to another after short time periods (one hour, half-days, every day). For example, at McDonald’s, an employee may cook French fries one day, fry hamburgers the next, wait
  • 134. on the front counter during the next shift, and draw soft drinks the next. This form of job rotation has several advantages. First, the odds of injury are reduced, as each worker must refocus on a new task throughout the workday. Further, the incidence of repetitive strain injuries (e.g., carpal tunnel syndrome) may also be reduced. Second, as employees learn sets of tasks, they are more flexible and able to cover for someone who is absent or who quits. Third, supervisors who are promoted from the ranks know more about how the entire operation works. A manager promoted from the ranks at McDonald’s after only six months on the job has probably been exposed to every production task performed at the unit. The primary disadvantage of job rotation is that each individual task eventually becomes as boring as the rest of the simple tasks. In other words, over the long term there is no substan- tial difference between cooking French fries and frying hamburgers. Consequently, job sat- isfaction and/or performance may decline. Rotation does, however, have some research evidence showing a positive impact,113 especially for cross- training and developing employees for broadened responsibilities.114 In any event, it is a better alternative to job design than doing nothing. Job Enlargement This job design process involves increasing the number of tasks each employee per- forms. A sales clerk who waits on customers, finalizes the sale, helps with credit applica-
  • 135. tions, arranges merchandise, and reorders stock has an enlarged job, when compared to a checkout clerk or a shelf stocker at Wal-Mart. Workers in enlarged jobs are able to use more skills in performing their tasks. Many times, however, enlargement reduces the effi- ciency with which tasks are completed, thereby slowing work down. Imagine being waited on individually at Wal-Mart. The company’s competitive advantage for low labor costs compared to a full-service department store would be quickly and dramatically reduced. However, enlargement does not necessarily result in improved employee satisfaction and Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in
  • 138. ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 ORGANIZATIONAL BEHAVIOR IAP PR OO FS © 2 015 commitment. For example, one of the major by-products of recent downsizing is enlarged
  • 139. jobs assigned to the members of the organization who remain. The survivors with anxiety of “I’m next” and greatly enlarged jobs are less, rather than more, satisfied and committed to the organization. Job Enrichment Job enrichment represents an extension of the earlier, more simplified job rotation and job enlargement techniques of job design. Because it is a direct outgrowth of Herzberg’s two-factor theory of motivation (covered earlier in the chapter), the assumption is that in order to motivate personnel, the job must be designed to provide opportunities for achieve- ment, recognition, responsibility, advancement, and growth. The technique entails “enrich- ing” the job so that these factors are included. In particular, job enrichment is concerned with designing jobs that include a greater variety of work content; require a higher level of knowledge and skill; give workers more autonomy and responsibility in terms of planning, directing, and controlling their own performance; and provide the opportunity for personal growth and a meaningful work experience. As opposed to job rotation and job enlarge- ment, which horizontally loads the job, job enrichment vertically loads the job; there are not necessarily more tasks to perform, but more responsibility and accountability. For example, instead of having workers do a mundane, specialized task, then passing off to another worker doing another minute part of the task, and eventually having an inspector
  • 140. at the end, under job enrichment, the worker would be given a complete module of work to do (job enlargement) and, importantly, would inspect his or her own work (responsibility) and put a personal identifier on it (accountability). As with the other application techniques discussed in this text, job enrichment is not a panacea for all job design problems facing modern management. After noting that there are documented cases where this approach to job design did not work, Miner concluded that the biggest problem is that traditional job enrichment has little to say about when and why the failures can be expected to occur.115 Some of the explanations that have been suggested include that job enrichment is difficult to truly implement, that many employees simply prefer an old familiar job to an enriched job, and that employees in general and unions in particular are resistant to the change. Some employees have expressed preferences for higher pay rather than enriched jobs, and others enjoy their current patterns of on-the-job socialization and friendships more than they do increased responsibility and autonomy. Essentially, job enrichment in some situations may inhibit a person’s social life at work. Despite some potential limitations, job enrichment is still a viable approach, and research provides continuing evidence that it has mostly beneficial results (more employee satisfaction and customer service, less employee overload, and fewer employee errors).116
  • 141. There is even a study that found employees were more creative when they worked in an enriching context of complex, challenging jobs and a supportive, noncontrolling super- visory climate.117 However, management must still use job enrichment selectively and give proper recognition to the complex human and situational variables.118 The job char- acteristics models of job enrichment are a step in this direction. The Job Characteristics Approach to Task Design To meet some of the limitations of the relatively simple Herzberg approach to job enrichment (which he prefers to call orthodox job enrichment, or OJE), a group of researchers began to concentrate on the relationship between certain job characteristics, or Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P
  • 144. o r ap pl ic ab le c op yr ig ht l aw . EBSCO Publishing : eBook Business Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 12/29/2017 8:38 PM via LOUISIANA STATE UNIV AT SHREVEPORT AN: 999823 ; Luthans, Fred, Luthans, Kyle W., Luthans, Brett C..; Organizational Behavior : An Evidence-based Approach Account: s3563253 APPLICATIONS 155 IAP PR OO FS © 2
  • 145. 015 FIGURE 6.7. The Hackman-Oldham Job Characteristics Model of Work Motivation CORE JOB CHARACTERISTICS Variety of skill Identity of the task Significance of the task Autonomy Feedback CRITICAL PSYCHOLOGICAL STATES Experienced meaningfulness of the work Experienced responsibility for work outcomes Knowledge of results from work activities Moderated by employee growth- need strength PERSONAL AND WORK
  • 146. OUTCOMES High internal work motivation High-quality work performance High satisfaction with the work Low turnover and absenteeism the job scope, and employee motivation. Richard Hackman and Greg Oldham developed the most widely recognized model of job characteristics,119 shown in Figure 6.7. This model recognizes that certain job characteristics contribute to certain psychological states and that the strength of employees’ need for growth has an important moderating effect. The core job characteristics can be summarized briefly as follows: 1. Skill variety refers to the extent to which the job requires the employee to draw from a number of different skills and abilities as well as on a range of knowledge. 2. Task identity refers to whether the job has an identifiable beginning and end. How complete a module of work does the employee perform? 3. Task significance involves the importance of the task. It involves both internal signif- icance—how important is the task to the organization?—and external significance— how proud are employees to tell relatives, friends, and
  • 147. neighbors what they do and where they work? 4. Autonomy refers to job independence. How much freedom and control do employees have, for example, to schedule their own work, make decisions, or determine the means to accomplish objectives? 5. Feedback refers to objective information about progress and performance and can come from the job itself or from supervisors or an information system. The critical psychological states can be summarized as follows: 1. Meaningfulness. This cognitive state involves the degree to which employees per- ceive their work as making a valued contribution, as being important and worthwhile. 2. Responsibility. This state is concerned with the extent to which employees feel a sense of being personally responsible or accountable for the work being done. 3. Knowledge of results. Coming directly from the feedback, this psychological state involves the degree to which employees understand how they are performing in the job. In essence, this model says that certain job characteristics lead to critical psychological states. That is, skill variety, task identity, and task significance lead to experienced mean-
  • 148. ingfulness; autonomy leads to the feeling of responsibility; and feedback leads to knowl-Co py ri gh t © 2 01 5. I nf or ma ti on A ge P ub li sh in g. A ll r ig ht s re se rv ed .