Why Western Muslims Turn to Terror

Muñoz Geoghegan !1
Carolyn Munoz Geoghegan
Professor Chima
Capstone
May 2015
Why Western Muslims Commit Terrorist Acts and Join Terrorist
Organizations
INTRODUCTION
The 2010 Portland car bomber, the 2013 Boston bombers, Jihadi John, and Christopher
Lee Cornell have one very important thing in common: they are all cases of Western Muslims/
jihadists committing acts of terror. While mass media continues to focus on the severity and
aftermath of their actions, they are forgetting to ask the most vital question of all: why. Why did
these Western Muslims/jihadists commit such horrific acts of terror? What motivated them to
join terrorist groups in the first place? And how do these cases explain why Western Muslims/
jihadists in general are joining terrorist organizations?
While popular belief deems those committing extreme acts of terror as insane or
sociopathic, that is not the case. Based on Jeff Victoroff’s, “The Mind of a Terrorist: A Review
and Critique of Psychological Approaches” and Mark Juergensmeyer’s Terror in the Mind of
God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence, it appears that the identities of the Portland car
bomber, the Boston Marathon bombers, Jihadi John, and Christopher Lee Cornell, determined
via the identity theory, caused these individuals to become marginalized. Through their
marginalization they became morally absolutist/apocalyptic as well as frustrated and aggressive
in their beliefs and behavior. This morally absolutist/apocalyptic and frustrated aggressive

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behavior and beliefs, as seen in in the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression
hypothesis provided these individuals with relief from their marginalization; the relief these
individuals obtained through their morally absolutist/apocalyptic and frustrated aggressive
behavior and beliefs came from their new found or enhanced understanding of God. This new
understanding or enhanced understanding of God formed these individuals logic of God. Based
on their logic of God, the Portland car bomber, the Boston Marathon bombers, Jihadi John, and
Christopher Lee Cornell, turned to acts of violence to exemplify the degree of certainty to which
they were following the logic of their God. As result, the understanding and degree of certainty
to which these five individuals followed the logic of their God ultimately drove these five
Western Muslims to engage in terrorist activities and organizations.

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IDENTITY
MARGINALIZATION
FRUSTRATION-
AGGRESSION
HYPOTHESIS
ABSOLUTIST/
APOCALYPTIC
THEORY
NEW OR ENHANCED
LOGIC OF GOD
VIOLENT ACTS OF TERROR
AND JOINING TERRORIST
ORGANIZATIONS

Muñoz Geoghegan !4
THEORIES
In his work, “The Mind of a Terrorist: A Review and Critique of Psychological
Approaches,” Jeff Victoroff lists fourteen theories as to what causes the formation of a terrorist.
These theories are as follows: the psychopathological theory, the psychological rational choice
theory, the social learning theory of aggression, the frustration-aggression hypothesis, the
relative-deprivation theory, the oppression theory, the national cultural theory, the identity theory,
the narcissism theory, the paranoia theory, the absolutist/apocalyptic theory, the cognitive
theories, the novelty-seeking theory, and the humiliation-revenge theory. The psychopathological
theory claims that those who turn to terrorism and take on the terrorist persona are insane,
sociopathic, and psychopathic. While previously stated that the psychopathological theory is very
popular, most terrorists know the difference between wrong and right, immoral and moral, guilt
and innocence, and are aware of the consequences of their actions. The fact that terrorists are
aware of their actions exhibits clear signs of what psychology calls the rational choice theory.
This theory claims that the choice to become a terrorist comes from a conscious, rational, and
logical place within the mind and that the acts of terrorists are calculated. But where does this
conscious, rational, logical, and calculated choice to turn to terrorism stem from? Well, this
conscious, rational, logical, and calculated choice to pursue terrorism is brought on by internal
theories, identity theories, and external theories. Internal theories relate to an individuals
development from childhood to adulthood, identity theories refers to the cultural, social, and
personal make up of a person, and external theories are the outside forces that cause an
individual to do something. Let us start off by exploring the internal theories.
INTERNAL THEORIES

Muñoz Geoghegan !5
The internal development of an individual from childhood to adulthood plays a huge role
in the decisions and choices they make. With this said, there are several theories that coincide
with an individual’s development. The most important aspect of an individuals growth is
cognitive development. The cognitive theories focuses on two aspects of cognitive evolvement,
cognitive capacity and cognitive style. Cognitive capacity refers to ones mental abilities such as
“memory, attention, concentration, language, and the so-called “executive” functions, including
the capacity to learn and follow rules, to anticipate outcomes, to make sensible inferences, and to
perform accurate risk-benefit calculations” (Victoroff, 26). Cognitive style, on the other hand,
refers to different types of thinking such as “biases, prejudices, or tendencies to over-or-
underemphasize factors in decision making” (Victoroff, 26). It is the job of the parental units,
teachers, and society at large to teach and help an individual nurture these basic functions of the
brain. Without this cerebral development, an individual will be permanently stunted and lack the
skills to make better decisions. In addition to the parents job to nurture an individuals cognitive
abilities, it is also the parents duty to show enough love, affection, and attention to a child.
Unfortunately, according to the narcism theory, without the proper amount of love, affection and
attention expressed to a child, the child will not develop normally due to their damaged self
image and narcissistic injury. As a result, the narcissistic injury will prevent the child from
creating and developing their own identity and moral compass. Moreover, it also the job of
parents, teachers, and society to praise certain behaviors and disapprove of others. Sadly,
behaviors such as violence are prevalent everywhere due in large to mass media. Because of this,
individuals are exposed to behaviors such as violence at a young age and at a time their brain is
in a critical state of development. Because of this, the social learning theory of aggression is

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significant. The social learning theory of aggression states that when one observes a behavior
such as violence, they internalize the observed behavior and then mimic that behavior. Though
the observing and mirroring of a behavior may not seem like rational choice, the individual
observing and mirroring the behavior is choosing to act on the behalf of the observed behavior.
Furthermore, as individuals grow up, they adopt certain thoughts and feelings about themselves
and others. Sometimes these feelings are ones of insecurity and fear. With this said, more often
than not, we, as humans, tend to project our worst fears and insecurities onto others and choose
to act out on the basis of these fears and insecurities; the paranoia theory states just that. The
paranoia theory theorizes that the projection of an individuals own insecurities and fears onto
others will cause the individual to lash out at those who represent the individuals insecurities and
fears. It is important to note that the insecurities and fears of an individual may not only be a
product of paranoia, but they may also be the outcome of humiliation. The feeling of shame,
embarrassment, and insecurity can lead one to seek revenge against those who instigated the
shame and embarrassment, thus proving the validity of the humiliation-revenge theory, the
retaliation against those who have caused one humiliation. However, on a different note, just as
we, humans, act on behalf of our emotions and observations, we, humans, also act on the behalf
of thrill seeking. That is why the novelty seeking theory, which suggests that individuals turn to
terrorism for the thrill, makes sense.
IDENTITY
Now, an individuals internal development greatly impacts one’s identity; an individuals
internal development will determine how one is shaped socially, culturally, and personally. With
this said, according to the identity theory, identity is comprised of the three parts, cultural, social,

Muñoz Geoghegan !7
and personal. For starters, cultural identity is the cultural principals that guide a person’s
behavior and influence their beliefs. Cultural identity is important because it places great
emphasis on collectivism, the act of emphasizing the beliefs and interests of a group over those
of the individual. Because of this, cultural identity is fond of the “us v. them” mentality. Social
identity, the social groups that one is involved with and actively participates in, adds to this “us v.
them” mentality by creating the “in-group” and “out-group” stigma. According to social identity,
the social groups in which one participates in, the “in-groups,” typically reflect ones own
personal views and opinions. The “out-group,” on the other hand, reflects the contrasting views,
opinions, and interests of a person. Once an individual has established their cultural identity and
social identity, they can then formulate their personal identity. Personal identity, the
synchronicity of cultural identity and social identity, is an individual’s self formation in
congruence to their goals, values, beliefs, and interests that were shaped by cultural identity and
social identity. As you can see, identity theory is greatly influenced by collectivist culture and
individualist culture. Because of this, the national cultural theory is relevant. While identity
theory meshes collectivist culture and individualist culture together, national cultural theory
separates collectivist culture and individualist culture. According to the national cultural theory,
collectivist culture states that an individual’s personal identity is created through society, the
combination of in-groups and out-groups. Individualist culture on the other hand, claims that
personal identity is based solely off of an individuals personal interests.
EXTERNAL THEORIES
Aside from the internal development and identity formation of an individual, external
causes can also lead one to partake in terrorist acts. You see, typically, an individual or group of

Muñoz Geoghegan !8
people are motivated to turn to violence when they feel that they are being mistreated or unheard.
For example, the oppression theory obviously suggests that a person or persons turn to violence
when they feel that they have been oppressed. Moreover, the relative-deprivation theory suggests
that an individual or group of people rise up and turn to acts of violence because they are
unbearably miserable. Though it is good to take a stand when one or many are feeling oppressed
and can no longer bear their misery, the extent of how far one or many will go is directly related
to how politically or religiously motivated they are. According to the frustration-aggression
hypothesis, it is a question of how politically or religiously motivated an individual or group of
people are and how deep their political and religious convictions are that they start committing
acts of violence for the sake of their political and religious beliefs. Usually, an individual or
group of people who commit acts of violence on behalf of their political and religious beliefs are
too deep into their political and religious thought to ever make a full recovery from that state.
Now, a person or group of people that commit extreme acts of violence due to their political and
religious beliefs commonly, though not always, uphold an absolutist/apocalyptic outlook.
Absolutist/apocalyptic individuals and organizations, in accordance with the absolutist/
apocalyptic theory, are morally absolutist, obsessed with pleasing some divine being, and have
very unrealistic idealistic expectations for the world. These absolutist/apocalyptic individuals
commit violent acts in order to persuade others to join their cause, to punish those who do not
believe in their cause, and to get closer to their image of the world. Though extreme, the
absolutist/apocalyptic approach is appealing to young adults trying to figure out their place in the
world because it provides them with a purpose, a cause to believe in, and place of belonging.

Muñoz Geoghegan !9
In his book Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence, Mark
Juergensmeyer provides other reasons and theories as to why individuals turn to acts of terror. To
start off, one of the reasons individuals turn to violent acts of terrorism is in order to achieve a
political end and effect public policy. In order to achieve this political end and cause a great
impact on public policy, the act of terror must be dramatic and well publicized; the act of terror
must be a theatrical performance, an act of performance violence. With this said, according to
Juergensmeyer, terrorism is the combination of performance events which create a symbolic
statement and performance acts, the activity or activities that make a substantial change in the
public or media sphere. These performance events and performance acts, these performances of
violence, must be so “powerful as to change people’s perceptions of the world” (Juergensmeyer,
127) for as we all know, terrorism is only terrorism when it terrifies. The individuals subjected to
the terrorist acts and who are terrified by the terrorist acts are targeted because they do not fit
into “[the] specific picture of the world, [the] specific consciousness” (Juergensmeyer, 128) the
terrorist upholds; the specific world view the terrorist upholds is usually influenced by the
spiritual and religious beliefs of the terrorist. With this in mind, it would only make sense that
terrorism, defined as performance violence, an act to achieve a political end, and an act to
influence public policy, typically stems from and is derived from spirituality and religion, cosmic
war.
Cosmic war is unlike any war ever fought. While war typically refers to a conflict
between specific places and groups of people over material goods, politics, or land, cosmic war
refers to the battle between good and evil, right and wrong, religion and no religion; cosmic war
is larger than life itself and transcends all human experience for it truly is a crusade on the behalf

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of a religion and higher power. One of the the greatest concepts of cosmic war is the Muslim
idea of jihad, a war or struggle against nonbelievers. Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the
Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979, in reference to jihad, stated that “life is faith and
struggle” (Juergensmeyer, 151); jihad, the fight against nonbelievers, is a fight that is a part of
human life and necessary in proving commitment to the Muslim faith. Though many Muslims
disagree with the idea of jihad, those too deep in the extremes of the Muslim faith believe that
jihad, cosmic war, is the only way; cosmic war, and for the sake of this paper, violent jihad,
coincides with Jeff Victoroff’s absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression
hypothesis, concepts previously discussed. Individuals who fall under the absolutist/apocalyptic
theory are morally absolutist, obsessed with pleasing a divine being, and uphold unrealistic
expectations of the world; these unrealistic expectations of the world are influenced by the
individual’s understanding of their divine being or religion. Persons who adhere to this
absolutist/apocalyptic theory commit acts of violence in order to prove that their religion and
their God is the one true religion and God; absolutist/apocalyptic theory individuals use acts of
violence to prove that their religion and God is right and all that goes against their religion and
god is bad or wrong. Moreover, individuals who follow the absolutist/apocalyptic theory
typically fall under the frustration-aggression hypothesis which suggests that individuals are so
motivated by their morally absolutist religious beliefs that they commit acts of violence in the
name of their religious beliefs. With this said, those practicing the absolutist/apocalyptic theory
and frustration-aggression hypothesis are clearly following Juergensmeyer’s concept of cosmic
war. Individuals adhering to the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression
hypothesis take part in cosmic war because they feel like their identity and dignity, as well as the

identity and dignity of their culture, for the sake of this paper, Islam, is threatened, the thought of
the destruction of not only their identity and dignity but their cultures identity and dignity is
unthinkable and “beyond human conception” (Juergensmeyer, 165), and last but not least, the
struggle to defend the identity and dignity of the individual and their culture appears to be
“hopeless in human terms” (Juergensmeyer, 165) and “may be reconceived on a scared plane,
where the possibilities of victory are in God’s (Allah’s) hands” (Juergensmeyer, 165). But what
causes one to turn to cosmic war? What causes or motivates these individuals of the absolutist/
apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis to commit violent acts for the sake of
their religion?
Though most religions condemn the use of violence, according to Juergensmeyer,
religious activists, these individuals of the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-
aggression hypothesis, are “able to go about their business of killing with the certainty that they
[are] following the logic of God” (Juergensmeyer, 221). You see, these killings and acts of
violence are “a part of a counterbalance to [these individuals of the absolutist/apocalyptic theory
and frustration-aggression hypothesis] marginality, a way of empowering them within their own
religious communities” (Juergensmeyer, 221-222). The marginality individuals of the absolutist/
apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis experience stems from the formation of
their identity, their social, cultural, and personal identities; the social, cultural, and personal
identities of absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis individuals are
heavily based on their religion and logic of God. Though these individuals find comfort in their
religious communities and places of worship, their personal understanding of their religion and
of their God keeps these individuals marginalized and alienated. As a result of this, individuals

turn to the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis to find relief from
their marginalization. The absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis
strengthen the individuals understanding of their religion and God are thus in turn “religious
responses to social situations and expressions of deeply held convictions” (Juergensmeyer,
225-226). Furthermore, it is marginalization and one’s understanding and logic of God that
ultimately leads to individuals of the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression
hypothesis to commit acts of violence and engage in cosmic war; the cases of the 2010 Portland
car bomber, the Boston Marathon bombers, ‘Jihadi John,’ and Christopher Lee Cornell will prove
this.
CASE STUDIES
CASE #1: 2010 Portland Car Bomber: Mohamed Osman Mohamud
BACKGROUND:
On November 26, 2010, nineteen year old Portland resident, Mohamed Osman
Mohamud, was arrested and charged with attempting to use a weapon of mass destruction;
Mohamed Osman Mohamud had tried to blow up a car bomb at the christmas tree lighting
ceremony in downtown Portland. He has since been prosecuted, convicted, and sentenced to
thirty years behind bars. With this said, Mohamed Osman Mohamud’s prosecution, conviction,
and sentencing certainly came as a shock to those who new him. You see, prior to his car
bombing plot, Mohamed appeared to be a normal guy on the surface; he was a smart and bright
student at Oregon State and was attending mosque regularly. According to twenty-one year old
fellow Oregon State student Mohamed Kassim,”[Mohamed] was like everyone else” (Mckinley,
"Suspect in Oregon Bomb Plot Is Called Confused.”); he was a typical student who enjoyed

playing basketball and talking about girls and the Portland Trailblazers. Mohamed Kassim also
said that “when you [thought] of someone doing what he did, you [thought] of some crazy kind
of guy [and] [Mohamed] wasn’t like that” (Mckinley, "Suspect in Oregon Bomb Plot Is Called
Confused.”). Moreover, Stephanie Napier, once a neighbor of Mohamud’s family, stated that
“[Mohamed] seemed like a great kid [and] [that] his mother spoke very highly of him [for] he
always did what he was told and got great grades” (Mckinley, "Suspect in Oregon Bomb Plot Is
Called Confused.”). Despite the vibe of normalcy Mohamed exhibited, those who knew
Mohamed noticed a change in him a several months before the car bombing was to take place.
Yosef Wanly, the imam at the Salman Al-Farisi Islamic Center in Corvallis that Mohamed
attended while enrolled at Oregon State, observed that [Mohamed] seemed to be in a state of
confusion” (Mckinley, "Suspect in Oregon Bomb Plot Is Called Confused.”) and that he had
begun lying; Mohamed proclaimed that he was getting married but in actuality he never did.
Furthermore, as the lies progressed and piled up, Mohammed soon dropped out of school and
stopped attending the mosque. Based on the portrait of Mohamed put together by those who
knew him, the question becomes how and why. How did this all happen and what led and drove
this young and intelligent adult to “commit” such an extremist act?
Well, according to information from securitydata.newamerica.net, Mohamud had a
history of contacting suspected Saudi Arabian terrorist, Amaro al-Ali, and Samir Khan, an United
States citizen who published Inspire, a propaganda magazine for al-Qaeda. Due to his frequent
correspondence with extremists such as Amaro and Samir, the FBI was made aware of
Mohamud’s activities through an NSA operation in Somalia; it is important to note that the
evidence provided by the NSA played a key role in his trial. No matter, records indicate that

Mohamud had been in contact with Amaro al-Ali since August 2009. On August 31, 2009, Ali
sent Mohamud an email in regards to a religious school in Yemen; Mohamud had expressed
many times that he wanted to go to Yemen, a popular spot for al-Qaida training camps. This
exact day, Mohamud’s worried father called the Portland FBI office expressing his concerns over
his son’s jihadist ways.
Due to the severity of Mohamud’s father’s concern over Mohamud’s jihadist ideas, FBI
special agent, Isaac Delong, met with Mohamud’s father to discuss his distress over his jihadist
son; Mohamud who up until now had just lacked a substantial relationship with his mom due to
her reservations about certain aspects of radical Islam, now felt betrayed and abandoned by his
father because he had gone to the FBI. Mohamud’s issues with his parents certainly added fuel to
the fire. No matter, after some time, an FBI source emailed Mohamud on November 9, 2009 to
aid the FBI in evaluating Mohamud; between November 9, 2009 and August 2010, the FBI
source and Mohamud, having never met in person, had exchanged forty-four emails. Anyways,
three weeks after the initial contact between the FBI source and Mohamud, Amaro al-Ali
corresponded with Mohamud from northwest Pakistan. Though Ali claimed he was on a
pilgrimage to Mecca, his IP address, the location of a devices connection to the internet, proved
that he was not on a pilgrimage to Mecca but rather staying in the tribal regions of Pakistan.
Because of this, it is believed that Ali’s email to Mohamud was an indication of successful
involvement in terrorist activity. Moreover, while in Pakistan, Ali, speaking code, told Mohamud
that he should get involved with terrorist organizations abroad; Ali advised Mohamud to get in
touch with extremist, Abulhadi, to make a plan of action. Starting on December 12, 2009

Mohamud repeatedly tried to get in tough with Abulhali; unfortunately Mohamud never got in
contact with Abulhali.
After failing to get in contact with Abulhali about heading overseas to participate in
terrorism and being stopped and questioned by the FBI at Portland International Airport on June
14, 2010 while attempting to catch a flight to Kodiak, Alaska, Mohamud set his sights on his
hometown of Portland. In late June 2010, Mohamud was contacted by an FBI employee claiming
to be an associate of Ali and an al-Qaida recruiter. Mohamud met with the “Ali associate” on
July 30, 2102 and the FBI’s undercover operation began. On August 19, 2010 Mohamud met
with not only the undercover FBI employee pretending to be an Ali associate and an al-Qaida
recruiter, but also with another undercover FBI employee posing as an al-Qaida recruiter as well.
It was at this meeting that Mohamud suggested the Portland christmas tree lighting ceremony as
a target. Furthermore on September 7, 2010, the two undercover FBI agents talked with
Mohamud about buying the parts for the car bomb, sending the car bomb parts to the “Ali
associate,” and finding a place to park the car holding the bomb. It is imperative to note that the
car bomb, “a set of six 55-gallon drums,” (Duara "Mohamed Mohamud, Terrorism Suspect,
Allegedly Told Undercover FBI Agent He'd Bomb U.S.") was a dummy device ultimately
provided by the FBI undercover agents. Finally on November 26, 2010 the downtown Portland
christmas tree lighting ceremony arrived and Mohamud was arrested after pressing a keypad on a
cellphone he thought would set off the car bomb.
ANALYSIS:
Now that we have a basic idea of the events leading up Mohamed Osman Mohamud’s
arrest, it is time to take a look at the affidavit to have a clearer understanding of what caused

Mohamud to turn to terrorism. According to the affidavit, Mohamud began thinking about
violent jihad and mujahideen when we was fifteen years old. While a special prayer for guidance
ultimately led to his obsession with violent jihad abroad and in the United States, it was the
introduction to martyr’s and virtues during Ramadan that led to his growing interest in
mujahideen. With this said, it was at fifteen years old that Mohamud himself said he made the
conscious decision to devote his life to the cause of violent jihad. As stated by Mohamud, “there
has to be sacrifice before you know any progress is made anywhere; anything” (“United States v.
Mohamed Osman Mohamud,” 16). No matter, it was after vowing to devote his life to violent
jihad when he was fifteen that he began to feel betrayed and marginalized by his family. As
previously stated, Mohamud was angry at his mother for refusing to adhere to aspects of radical
Islam and angry at his father for turning to the FBI. With this said, it is possible that this betrayal
and abandonment by his parents may have very well played a role in Mohamud’s desire and
decision to commit violent jihad. You see, it is human nature to want to be accepted, loved, cared
about, supported, and approved of, especially by the parental units. When one feels that they are
not getting this acceptance, love, care, support, and approval, they typically feel abandoned and
then try to find this love, care, support, and approval from other people, things, or purposes. In
Mohamud’s case, though he was already interested in violent jihad prior to his parents betrayal,
his parents betrayal could have hypothetically pushed him and motivated him to pursue violent
jihad even more. No matter, another way in which Mohamud proved his dedication to violent
jihad were through his publications in “Jihad Reflections,” an online publication supportive of
violent jihad. One of his articles entitled, “Getting in Shape without Weights,” for example,
provided ideas on how to exercise and prepare the body for war and jihad.

As we continue to look at the affidavit, UCE1, special agent one, asked Mohamud what
he was willing to do for the cause. Initially Mohamud stated that he wanted to wage war on the
United States; he wanted to lead a crusade against the infidels of the United States. Based on his
desire to wage war on the United States, UCE1 gave Mohamud five choices on what to do for
the cause. Here are the five options: pray five times a day, continue his eduction so he could
eventually help his “brothers” overseas, raise money for his “brothers” overseas, become
operational, and last but not least, become a martyr. Out of the five choices, Mohamud chose to
become operational; he wanted to put a bomb together and have it explode. Now, once the plan
to detonate a car bomb at the Portland christmas tree lighting ceremony was set in stone, UCE1
and UCE2 continuously asked Mohamud if this decision was coming from his heart and if he
was really going to go through with the attack; Mohamud never displayed any hesitation or
alluded to any doubts or second-thoughts over committing the car bombing. Mohamud had
numerous chances and opportunities to back out of the operation, but he never did. Why?
Mohamed Osman Mohamud never backed out of the Portland Christmas tree lighting
ceremony car bombing because of his religious conviction, his understanding and logic of Allah.
You see, based on the information provided in the affidavit, Mohamed Osman Mohamud was
clearly never truly a normal or typical guy; he never fit in with the morals and ideals of the
United States of America and the “normal” Islamic faith and thus he was marginalized.
Mohamed Osman Mohamud’s marginalization stemmed from not only his decision to turn to
violent jihad and mujahideen when we was fifteen years old as a result of prayer and lessons
learned at Ramadan but also through the formation of his identity. Due to Mohamed Osman
Mohamud’s marginalization from typical society, Mohamud found comfort in his religion; it is

important to note that this religious comfort evolved into behavior paralleling the absolutist/
apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis. With this said, as we already know, an
individual’s identity is comprised of social, cultural, and personal parts. Mohamed Osman
Mohamud, even at young age, used his religion to find a sense of self and community; his
religion allowed his cultural identity to blossom. With his cultural identity intact, Mohamud
began to develop the social aspect of his identity. Though extreme in his views, attending the
mosque provided Mohamud with a place to associate with people, the “in group,” who shared his
faith. While Mohamud’s cultural and social identity gave him a sense of belonging in his
marginalization, the development of his personal and individual identity ultimately led him to the
absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis which in turn emphasized his
extremist views, furthered his understanding and logic of Allah, and caused him to plan and
“execute” the Portland Christmas tree lighting ceremony car bombing.
According to Cawo Adbi, a sociology professor at the University of Minnesota who
specializes in the study of Somali youth, young Somali men typically have a hard time finding
acceptance in the United States. Because of this struggle for acceptance, these young Somali men
“[try] to find somewhere they can fit in” (Mckinley, "Suspect in Oregon Bomb Plot Is Called
Confused.”). This desire to fit in has led young Somali men in the United States to either take
part in gang activity or be “lured by the Jihadist Web sites and YouTube videos on the
Internet” (Mckinley, "Suspect in Oregon Bomb Plot Is Called Confused.”). In the case of
Mohamed Osman Mohamud, Mohamud used the internet to establish connections with jihadists
and extremists overseas; these overseas correspondences all took place over email. Mohamud’s
correspondence with these jihadists and extremists overseas caused Mohamud to become a

perfect example of an absolutist/apocalyptic individual, a specimen of the absolutist/apocalyptic
theory. Under the absolutist/apocalyptic theory, Mohamud became more extreme in his ways;
Allah, or rather his logic and understanding of Allah, controlled his life. Because Mohamed
could not travel overseas to fight alongside his “brothers” to fulfill Allah’s wishes abroad,
Mohamud decided to take action in the United States. Mohamud decided to take action against
the infidels, the United States, the enemy of Allah; Mohamud engaged in the frustration-
aggression hypothesis, committing acts of violence on the behalf of his religious beliefs that
were heightened by his absolutist/apocalyptic lifestyle. With this said, Mohamud, with the help
of the special FBI agents, made a video proclaiming his logic and understanding of Allah, the
underlying reason for his attack. In this video, Mohamud “[bears] witness that there is no god but
Allah alone, he has no associate” (“United States v. Mohamed Osman Mohamud,” 29) and
proceeds to warn that “a dark day is coming [our] way [with the permission of Allah the glorified
the exalted]” (“United States v. Mohamed Osman Mohamud,” 29-30). Mohamud then addressed
the Muslims living in the United States saying that “to those Muslims who reside amongst the
[infidels] we say to [you], [what has stopped you from fighting in the cause of Allah] What has
stopped you from fighting in the cause of Allah [and the raising of the banner of “no god but
Allah”]” (“United States v. Mohamed Osman Mohamud,” 30). Mohamud went on to state that
“if you-if you (Muslims) make allies with the enemy, then Allah’s power [the glorified the
exalted] will ask you about that on the day of judgement, and nothing that you do can hold me
back except of the [predestiny] Allah’s hand to Allah [the glorified the exalted], and [if God
wills], you will see [the victory of the (UI) the victory of Islam” (“United States v. Mohamed
Osman Mohamud,” 30). With great passion in his heart, Mohamud then recited an original poem

he wrote in which he ended by saying “explode on (UI). Explode on the [infidels] (the United
States). Alleviate our pain. Assassinate their leaders, commanders, and chiefs from your brother
to his brothers (UI)” (“United States v. Mohamed Osman Mohamud,” 30). As you can see from
Mohamud’s personal statements in the video and his attempted terrorist attack, his logic of Allah
and dedication to Allah ultimately led him to attempt jihad via the Christmas tree car bombing.
CASE #2: 2013 Boston Marathon Bombing: Tamerlan Tsarnaev and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev
BACKGROUND:
On April 15, 2013 two pressure cooker bombs went off near the finish line of the Boston
Marathon; three people were killed and 264 were injured. Through the hard work of the FBI, the
masterminds behind the Boston Marathon bombing were identified; on April 19, 2013 Boston
police identified twenty-six year old Tamerlan Tsarnaev and his nineteen year old brother
Dzhokhar Tsarnaev as the Boston bombers. Tamerlan Tsarnaev was killed during a confrontation
with police and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev has been found guilty of and convicted of thirty counts in
regards to the Boston Marathon bombing. With this said, Dzhokhar’s lawyers are now fighting to
prevent Dzhokhar from receiving the death penalty and continue to uphold the belief that it is
Tamerlan who is the real criminal for it was he who “brainwashed” and influenced Dzhokhar to
take part in the Boston Marathon bombing. No matter, regardless of who influenced who to do
what, the question still remains: what led these two individuals to commit the worst terrorist act
since September 11, 2001? In order to answer this question, we must look at Tamerlan and
Dzhokhar Tsarnaev individually.
Tamerlan Tsarnaev, the older brother of two sisters and brother, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, was
born on October 21, 1986 to father, Anzor Tsarnaev, and mother, Zubeidat Tsarnaev in

Kyrgyzstan; Tamerlan was raised in a traditional Chechen family that had originated from
Chechnya, a part of Southwestern Russia that had been ripped to shreds due to the constant
fighting between the government of Chechnya and Islamist guerillas. Upon spending the first
fifteen years of his life in Tokmuk, Kyrgyzstan, Tamerlan, along with his parents and siblings,
moved to Dagestan in 2001. While in Dagestan, Tamerlan, in addition to his siblings, went to a
school in Makhachkala, Dagestan. According to a school official at the school the Tsarnaev
children attended, the Tsarnaev children did not attend the school for very long for “they arrived
at the school in 2001 and departed in March 2002,” (CNN Staff, "Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan
Tsarnaev's past”). After leaving the school in 2002, Tamerlan’s parents, Anzor Tsarnaev and
Zubeidat Tsarnaev, immigrated to the United States with Dzhokhar while Tamerlan and his
sisters stayed behind in Kazakhstan with an uncle; though there is no information on how
Tamerlan felt about his parents immigrating to the United States, psychological conjecture would
suggest that he felt abandoned and neglected by his parents. Finally in 2003, after several months
apart from his parents and brother, sixteen year old Tamerlan Tsarnaev, along with his two sisters
and aunt, made their way to the United States and made the first steps of their new lives at JFK
International Airport. Once in the United States, Tamerlan began to change.
At first, Tamerlan seemed to enjoy his new life in the United States. Not only was
Tamerlan attending the prestigious Cambridge Ridge and Latin High School, but Tamerlan also
had hopes of representing the United States as a boxer in the Olympics; Tamerlan was infatuated
with making this dream a reality, sadly this dream never came true. No matter, from 2003 to
2004 and 2008 to 2010, Tamerlan fought under USA Boxing, an “organization that oversees
amateur boxing in the United States” (CNN Staff, ”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev's

past”). In order to support himself until his boxing career took off, Tamerlan delivered pizza and
took on other jobs. In 2004 Tamerlan was interviewed by the Lowell Sun newspaper in
Massachusetts after proving victories in a local boxing tournament. According to the interview,
Tamerlan talked about his family’s move to the United States and how he really liked America
because “America [had] a lot of jobs,” ("Dzhokhar and Tamerlan: A Profile of the Tsarnaev
Brothers”) “something Russia [did not] have” (“Dzhokhar and Tamerlan: A Profile of the
Tsarnaev Brothers”) and in America “you [had] the chance to make money if you [were] willing
to work” ("Dzhokhar and Tamerlan: A Profile of the Tsarnaev Brothers”); Tamerlan upheld this
view of America until he got involved in religion.
While pursuing a boxing career, Tamerlan enrolled as a part-time student at Bunker Hill
Community College to study accounting; he attended Bunker Hill Community College in the
Fall of 2006, Spring of 2007, and Fall of 2008. When Tamerlan dropped out of Bunker Hill
Community College in 2008, Anzor Tsarnaev, his father, was very disappointed for “[Anzor
Tsarnaev] had very high expectations for [Tamerlan]” (Finn, Peter, Carol D. Leonnig, and Will
Englund, "Tamerlan Tsarnaev and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Were Refugees from Brutal Chechen
Conflict”). Anzor Tsarnaev’s disappointment in Tamerlan must have triggered a sense of failure
and rejection in Tamerlan for it was after dropping out of community college and facing his
father’s dismay that he turned to religion. With said, despite dropping out of community college
and disappointing his father, Tamerlan continued to box; through handwork and dedication,
Tamerlan became one of the best Golden Gloves boxers. During Tamerlan’s training, Julian
Pollard, one of Tamerlan’s sparring buddies, became acquainted with Tamerlan. According to
Julian Pollard, “the first year [he] met [Tamerlan,] he had on like, leather pants and snakeskin

boots” ("Dzhokhar and Tamerlan: A Profile of the Tsarnaev Brothers”). However, during his
second year of engaging with Tamerlan, Julian Pollard began to see Tamerlan change; Julian
Pollard noticed that Tamerlan did not fit in with the boxing community. During “the second year
when [he] saw [Tamerlan,] [Tamerlan] had on a t-shirt, hoodie and jeans” ("Dzhokhar and
Tamerlan: A Profile of the Tsarnaev Brothers”) and “the way he carried himself was much more
humble” (“Dzhokhar and Tamerlan: A Profile of the Tsarnaev Brothers”) and due to his religion
“[Tamerlan] only spoke about his faith” ("Dzhokhar and Tamerlan: A Profile of the Tsarnaev
Brothers”). Zubeidat Tsarnaev, Tamerlan’s mother, said that Tamerlan began engaging in
religious activity in 2008; “he started following his own religion, never told [her] he could be on
(the) side of jihad” (CNN Staff, ”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev's past”). In 2009, it
became apparent that Tamerlan’s religious views had begun to permeate Tamerlan’s life; he was
attending mosque and praying five times a day.
In 2009, Tamerlan was photographed and interviewed during one of his training sessions
for a story in a university magazine. During this photoshoot and interview, Tamerlan said that
“[he] [did not] have one American friend” (CNN Staff, ”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan
Tsarnaev's past”) because [he] [did not] understand them” (CNN Staff, ”Timeline: A Look at
Tamerlan Tsarnaev's past”); this quote is significant because it shows that his view of America
had changed from his prior one. Sometime after expressing this troubling sentiment, Tamerlan
had a falling out with his uncle, Tsarni. You see, during a phone conversation with his uncle,
Tsarni, Tamerlan called Tsarni an infidel and “told his uncle he was not concerned about work or
studies because God had a plan for him” (CNN Staff, ”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev's
past”). It was during this phone conversation that Tsarni realized “it was a different Tamerlan,

seeing no purpose in life, but [pursuing] [the] path of God” ("Dzhokhar and Tamerlan: A Profile
of the Tsarnaev Brothers”); it was during this conversation that Tamerlan explained that this path
of God was “some kind of jihad” ("Dzhokhar and Tamerlan: A Profile of the Tsarnaev
Brothers”). Through this phone conversation, Tsarni could tell that Tamerlan’s religious
radicalization was stemming from Cambridge not Chechnya. With his religious convictions
growing, it is no surprise that he, Tamerlan, was arrested and charged with domestic abuse and
battery against Katherine Russel, who at the time was his girlfriend, then became his wife on
June 21, 2010, and later the mother of his child. Although his marriage and child brought
Tamerlan happiness, he continued to engage in his radicalized version of the Islamic faith. With
this said, due to Tamerlan’s beliefs in radical Islam, Russia had the FBI observe and watch
Tamerlan starting in early 2011. Russia’s request for the FBI to follow Tamerlan “was based on
information that he was a follower of radical Islam and a strong believer” (CNN Staff,
”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev's past”) who had greatly changed since 2010 and the
fact that Tamerlan was going to be traveling to Russia in 2012. In order to do a thorough
investigation of Tamerlan, Tamerlan, as well as his family members were interviewed; through
the interviews the FBI "did not find any terrorism activity, domestic or foreign” (CNN Staff,
”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev's past”).
From January 12, 2012 until July 17, 2012, Tamerlan was in Russia with his father;
though there is very little information in regards to what Tamerlan did in Russia during this time,
Anzor Tsarnaev, Tamerlan’s father, has said that he was with his son at all times. With this said,
after returning from this lengthy visit to Russia, Tamerlan made a YouTube account in which he
posted two videos under the “terrorist” category; Tamerlan also posted a video of “a militant

named Abu Dujana, a jihadist leader” (CNN Staff, ”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev's
past”). No matter, on September 5, 2012, Tamerlan applied to become a United States citizen;
due to his prior arrest, radical Islamist beliefs, and video posts on youtube, Tamerlan was
investigated further. Now, in November of 2012 and January of 2013, Tamerlan exhibited
troubling behavior while attending the Islamic Society of Boston Cambridge Mosque. During the
November 16, 2012 incident, Tamerlan got upset that the preacher at the mosque said it was okay
to celebrate the national holidays of the United States; Tamerlan “[stood] up and [challenged]
[the preacher,] arguing that celebrating holidays [was] not allowed in the faith” (CNN Staff,
”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev's past”). Moreover, during the January 18, 2013
incident Tamerlan again got upset with the preacher at the Islamic Society of Boston Cambridge
Mosque for claiming Martin Luther King to be a great and good person; Tamerlan called the the
preacher a “non-believer” (CNN Staff, ”Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev's past”) and
“accused the preacher of contaminating people’s minds” (CNN Staff, ”Timeline: A Look at
Tamerlan Tsarnaev's past”). After this outbreak, Tamerlan remained quiet at future prayers after
being told by mosque officials that he would no longer be welcomed if these outbursts continued.
Based on CNN’s Timeline: A Look at Tamerlan Tsarnaev’s Past, Tamerlan did not do anything
until the two bombs he, along with his younger brother Dzhokhar, placed near the finish line of
the Boston Marathon. But what caused Tamerlan to commit such a horrendous act? Due to a lack
of information on Tamerlan as result of his death four days after the bombing on April 19, 2013
death, we must take a look at Dzhokhar Tsarnaev.
Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, known to friends as Jahar Tsarnaev, was born on 1993; his life prior
to immigrating to the United States with his parents in 2002 can be read about in a previous

paragraph. In 2002, Dzhokhar, an eight year old poor english speaker, along with his father,
Anzor Tsarnaev, and mother, Zubeidat Tsarnaev immigrated to the United States; they were
granted asylum by “claiming political persecution” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark
Side, Carefully Masked”). Five years later, in the year 2007, Dzhokhar enrolled in and attended
the well known Cambridge Rindge and Latin School; as a student there, he spoke English very
well and “[blended] seamlessly into a student body that was a mélange of immigrants and
American-born students of all colors” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side,
Carefully Masked”). During his enrollment at Cambridge Rindge and Latin School, Dzhokhar
not only discovered that he had a knack for literature and history, but he also found that he was
good at wrestling.
As a sophomore in high school, Dzhokhar became a member of the school’s wrestling
team; he quickly developed his wrestling skills and eventually became a teacher and motivator
for the entire wrestling team. According to fellow wrestling team member, Zeaed Abu-Rubies,
“we’d be running stairs for hours” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully
Masked”) and “every time I’d stop, when I was thinking about leaving, [Dzhokhar] [would] push
me forward, physically pushing me” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully
Masked”); Dzhokhar would always stay positive and say “Go on. Run. You can do it” (Wines,
Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully Masked”). Dzhokhar’s positivity and
enthusiasm was infectious and because of this he was voted captain of the wrestling team.
Despite the grueling four hour daily practices and all day weekend meets, Dzhokhar “maintained
his academic record and proved [to be] a model of good sportsmanship and steady temperament”
(Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully Masked”). One of Dzhokhar’s

wrestling coaches, Peter Payack, recalled that Dzhokhar never showed any signs of being short
tempered or a sore loser; according to Peter Payack, “if [Dzhokhar] lost a match, he would put
his arms out” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully Masked”) and say
“well I tried my best” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully Masked”).
With this said, very few people really knew who Dzhokhar Tsarnaev was outside of wrestling
and school; Dzhokhar rarely talked about his family or let others come over to his house.
However, those who were given the opportunity to get to know Dzhokhar on a personal basis and
come over to his home got to see the impact older brother Tamerlan Tsarnaev had on Dzhokhar’s
life. Junes Umarov, Dzhokhar’s close Chechen friend who had known Dzhokhar since 2004, said
that any time he would go over to the Tsarnaev home,“Tamerlan would make [Dzhokhar and
him] work, do a bunch of push-ups, get [Dzhokhar and him] in shape, because [Dzhokhar and
him] were staying inside playingg video games all day” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The
Dark Side, Carefully Masked”). By spending time at the Tsarnaev home and witnessing the
interactions between Dzhokhar and Tamerlan, it became very obvious to Junes Umarov and
others who were let into Dzhokhar’s personal life that Dzhokhar idolized Tamerlan, his older
brother; Dzhokhar’s idolization of Tamerlan went through various phases the more Tamerlan’s
Islamic faith developed.
When Tamerlan began following and adhering to the Islamic faith, Dzhokhar would
become increasingly irritated and agitated with Tamerlan. Dzhokhar followed and adhered to the
Islamic faith himself just not to the extent oh his older brother, Tamerlan. Dzhokhar would pray
daily during lunch breaks in high school and would at various times pray in his dorm room.
Though Dzhokhar practiced the Islamic faith, Dzhokhar found Tamerlan to be very disappointed

in him because he would drink and use marijuana, activities that went against the Islamic faith.
With this said, due to Dzhokhar’s lack of devotion to the Islamic faith, whenever Dzhokhar was
home or had friends over, Tamerlan would force Dzhokhar and his friends “to read a book about
the fundamentals of Islam and prayer” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side,
Carefully Masked”). Because of Tamerlan’s behavior, Dzhokhar would avoid going home.
Though Dzhokhar was annoyed and agitated with Tamerlan and would go to great lengths to
avoid returning home due to Tamerlan’s religious convictions, Dzhokhar still “respected
[Tamerlan] as the elder, especially once his father went to Russia” (Wines, Michael, and Ian
Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully Masked”). According to Dzhokhar’s childhood Chechen
friend Baudy Mazaev, “Tamerlan was [Dzhokhar’s] older brother and the only male of the house,
so [Dzhokhar] [became] more dependent on Tamerlan” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The
Dark Side, Carefully Masked”). With this said, it was in 2011 that Dzhokhar grew to be more
reliant and dependent on Tamerlan.
Dzhokhar’s life drastically changed in 2011. In February 2011, Zubeidat Tsarnaev,
Dzhokhar’s and Tamerlan’s mother, became involved in the Islamic faith and thus left Anzor
Tsarnaev, her husband and Dzhokhar’s and Tamerlan’s father. After Zubeidat Tsarnaev’s
separation from Anzor Tsarnaev, Dzhokhar was awarded and granted a $2,500 scholarship upon
graduating from Cambridge Rindge and Latin School; Dzhokhar used this scholarship money to
help pay for his schooling at the University of Massachusetts Dartmouth. During Dzhokhar’s
first semester at the University of Massachusetts Dartmouth his parents, Anzor and Zubeidat,
officially divorced; Anzor, Dzhokhar’s and Tamerlan’s father, returned to Russia first followed
by Zubeidat, Dzhokhar’s and Tamerlan’s mother. Once his parents divorced and moved back to

Russia, Dzhokhar began using his twitter account as a way to express his feelings; his twitter
account “revealed a young man more troubled and blunt-spoken than he seemed in
person” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully Masked”). Due to the
struggles going on in his personal life, Dzhokhar’s grades plummeted. Despite his plummeting
grades and personal hardships, he had a moment of brief relief on September 11, 2012, the day
he officially became a citizen of the United States of America. Dzhokhar was very proud of
obtaining his United States citizenship yet prior to obtaining his citizenship he had mentioned
that he wanted to leave the United States, that he missed his homeland, and that he was
concerned over “why more people did not realize that the 2001 attack on the World Trade Center
was an inside job” (Wines, Michael, and Ian Lovett, "The Dark Side, Carefully Masked”). No
matter, unfortunately obtaining his United States citizenship did not stop Dzhokhar from
flunking his various courses and losing his financial aid; Dzhokhar was too deep in his emotional
pain to care about school. Finally, on January 24, 2013, Dzhokhar regained control over his
emotions and academic motivation; he wrote a letter to the school requesting a reinstatement. In
his letter requesting reinstatement, Dzhokhar explained that he had been going through some
personal struggles that had made him “unable to cope with the stress and maintain
schoolwork” (O’Neill, Ann, "Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar - CNN.com”)
but that now he was “at a point where [he] [could] finally focus on [his] schoolwork” (O’Neill,
Ann, "Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar - CNN.com”) because he wanted to
“help out those in need in [his] country, especially [his] family members” (O’Neill, Ann,
"Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar - CNN.com”). This desire to do better in
school in order to help his family was very short lived. Several days after writing his letter of

reinstatement, Dzhokhar texted a friend saying “come May [he was] out” (O’Neill, Ann,
"Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar - CNN.com”). Though Dzhokhar
indicated to the friend that he was trying to finish school, other texts suggested that Dzhokhar
was attempting to achieve the “highest level of Jannah,” (O’Neill, Ann, "Dzhokhar Tsarnaev
Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar - CNN.com”) paradise. Though “only the most pious of
Muslims [got] to Jannah,” (O’Neill, Ann, "Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar
- CNN.com”) Dzhokhar claimed that he could become one of those Muslims who achieved
Jannah by “[becoming] a martyr” (O’Neill, Ann, "Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization
of Jahar - CNN.com”) and told his friend he had a plan. Within three months of these texts, the
Boston Marathon bombing took place. With this said, what drove Dzhokhar, as well as his
brother Tamerlan, to commit such a vicious and heartless act of terror?
ANALYSIS:
Though investigators discovered an issue of Inspire Magazine, “a glossy English
language propaganda tool put out by Al Qaeda of the Arabian Peninsula” (O’Neill, Ann,
"Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar - CNN.com”) a copy of “Join the
Caravan,” a text written by Imam Abdullah Azzam, “a founding member of al Qaeda who [was]
considered [to be] the father of al Qaeda-style jihad,” (O’Neill, Ann, "Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial:
The Radicalization of Jahar - CNN.com”), and various audio and video recordings “of al Qaeda
propaganda master Anwar al-Awlaki, the U.S.-born Yemeni cleric who was known as the Osama
bin Laden of the Internet until he died in a U.S. drone strike in 2011” (O’Neill, Ann, "Dzhokhar
Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar - CNN.com”) on Dzhokhar’’s computer, Ruslan
Tsarni, Tamerlan’s and Dzhokhar’s uncle, ultimately believes it was Tamerlan who brainwashed

Dzhokhar into a radicalization that resulted in the Boston Marathon bombing. You see, once
Anzor Tsarnaev and Zubeidat Tsarnaev divorced and moved back to Russia, the only male figure
Dzhokhar had to look up to was his brother, Tamerlan. Based on the information in the previous
paragraphs, it appears that Tamerlan’s identity, his cultural, social, and personal identity,
marginalized him. As Tamerlan got involved in the Islamic faith, his cultural identity emphasized
the beliefs and interests of the Islamic faith; Islamic prayer and principals guided Tamerlan’s
behavior and influenced his beliefs. Because of his Islamic principals and beliefs, Tamerlan’s
cultural identity, Tamerlan would try to get Dzhokhar and his friends to read about the
fundamentals of Islam and express his disappointment over Dzhokhar’s alcohol and drug use.
With his cultural identity developed, Tamerlan’s social identity evolved. Tamerlan utilized the
Islamic Society of Boston Cambridge Mosque as the social group he was involved with and
actively participated in. The two outbursts he had while attending the Islamic Society of Boston
Cambridge Mosque reflected his personal identity, an identity that can be said to be that of an
Islamic extremist. Due to his strong personal Islamic convictions, Tamerlan found comfort in the
absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis. He found comfort in not
only being a morally absolutist/apocalyptic individual who would do anything for his Islamic
beliefs, but found comfort in the idea of committing an act of violence, the Boston Marathon
bombing, for the sake of his understanding and logic of Allah. With this said, Tamerlan’s social,
cultural, and personal identity certainly rubbed off on Dzhokhar Tsarnaev. Once Dzhokhar’s and
Tamerlan’s parents returned to Russia, Tamerlan became the only father figure Dzhokhar had. As
a result of this, Dzhokhar followed his brother. Dzhokhar, a formerly casual Muslim who smoke,
drank, and followed the Islamist faith in a very liberal manner, became an extremist like his

brother. Dzhokhar “[immersed] himself in literature promoting violence against
nonbelievers” (O’Neill, Ann, "Dzhokhar Tsarnaev Trial: The Radicalization of Jahar -
CNN.com”) and was willing to do whatever Allah wanted so that he could become a martyr.
Clearly, Dzhokhar assisted his brother, Tamerlan, in the Boston Marathon bombing, because of
his logic and understanding of Allah which had been influenced by the absolutist/apocalyptic
theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis. Furthermore, it can be said that Tamerlan’s
cultural, social, and individual identity caused him to feel marginalized; Tamerlan’s cultural,
social, and individual influenced Dzhokhar. Because Tamerlan and Dzhokhar felt marginalized in
regards to their extreme Islamic beliefs and distaste for America, they became individuals of the
absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis. The absolutist/apocalyptic
theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis furthered their understanding and logic of God, or
Allah. Ultimately, Dzhokhar’s and Tamerlan’s understanding and logic of God, or Allah, drove
them to execute the horrendous Boston Marathon bombing.
CASE #3: “Jihadi John:” Mohammed Emwazi
On August 19, 2014 a video entitled "A Message for America" was posted to YouTube. In
this video James Foley, a man who disappeared on November 22, 2012 in Northwest Syria near
the border of Turkey, is wearing an orange garment and kneeling, a man covered in black and
wielding a knife is beside him. James Foley, facing death, asks his family to stand up against the
United States, his real killers and states that his death is the result of the complacency and
criminality of the United States. Upon saying these final words, the man covered in black speaks.
The man covered in black, an ISIS member, acknowledges that the kneeling man in orange is
James Foley and explains why James Foley must die. According to the man covered in black, the

United States has proven to be an enemy of ISIS by causing severe harm to muslims. Because of
this, the man covered in black states that “any aggression towards the Islamic State is an
aggression towards Muslims from all walks of life who have accepted the Islamic caliphate as
their leadership so any attempt by you, Obama, to deny the Muslims their rights of living in
safety under the Islamic caliphate will result in the bloodshed of your people” ("James Foley - A
Message To America, So Sad! [Video].”). Sadly, soon after these words were spoken, James
Foley was beheaded by the man covered in black; it is important to note that the video did not
show the beheading of James Foley because it was too gruesome and graphic for the public eye.
With this said, after this video was released, the investigation to identify the man covered in
black began; after many months, the man covered in black has now been identified to be “Jihadi
John,” legally named Mohammed Emwazi. Now that the killer of James Foley has been
identified, it is important to understand who he was and why this individual joined ISIS and took
part in such violent acts as beheading.
BACKGROUND:
Jihadi John, legally named Mohammed Emwazi, was born in 1988 in Kuwait. In 1994, at
the age of six, he and his family moved to the United Kingdom. Upon moving to the United
Kingdom, he attended and was educated at the Quintin Kynaston Community Academy in St
John's Wood, north London. In her interview with the BBC, Jo Shuter, the headteacher of the
school when Mohammed Emwazi was fourteen, claimed that Mohammed Emwazi gave off no
signs that indicated or pointed to the way his life currently is. According to Jo Shuter,
Mohammed Emwazi was quiet, hardworking, and as the eldest sibling, took great care of his
younger siblings. Though Emwazi was bullied as an adolescent, Emwazi continued to do well

academically. As stated by Jo Shuter, Mohammed Emwazi “was a hardworking aspirational
young man” (Casciani, Dominic. "Islamic State: Profile of Mohammed Emwazi Aka 'Jihadi
John’") who “was not a huge concern to us” (Casciani, Dominic. "Islamic State: Profile of
Mohammed Emwazi Aka 'Jihadi John’”). With this said, Mohammed Emwazi’s handwork payed
off. Mohammed Emwazi attended the University of Westminster and graduated with a degree in
computing in 2009. Upon graduating, Mohammed Emwazi decided to take a trip to Tanzania;
this trip was the catalyst for the derailment of Emwazi’s life.
As reported by CAGE, an independent advocacy organization dedicated to strengthening
communities effected by the War on Terror, minimizing and ending the oppression, injustice, and
mistreatment of individuals around the world, and using its website to “document the abuse of
due process and the erosion of the rule of law in the context of the War on Terror” (CAGE, About
Us), Mohammed Emwazi was a victim of security agency abuse that began in Tanzania and has
continued for at least the past four years. In 2009, upon completing university, Mohammed
Emwazi decided to travel to Tanzania to go on safari; it is important to note that other media
outlets have accused Mohammed Emwazi of using this trip to Tanzania to travel to Somalia in
order to join al-Shabab. No matter, after arriving in Tanzania, Mohammed Emwazi was stopped
and detained at the airport without reason. During the detainment, Emwazi was introduced to a
man named Emmanuel who physically forced Emwazi into a police care that took him to the
police station. At the station, Mohammed Emwazi was stripped of his clothes and put in a cell for
twenty-four hours without food or beverage. While in the cell, he was threatened by sticks and
guns and received a consular visit. The consular visit proved to be unsuccessful; Mohammed was
simply told that Tanzania had the legal right to deny him entry into the country. Dissatisfied with

this answer, Mohammed turned to Emmanuel for an explanation; Emmanuel explained that his
denied entry into the country was not a result of the Tanzanian government and showed him a
paper that read “refuse entry and send back to UK with the same flight” (CAGE, Mohammed
Emwazi). Emmanuel suggested that Mohammed Emwazi’s refused entry into Tanzania could be
due to the British government and that once he was in the United Kingdom, he should inquire
about this issue. With this advice, Mohammed Emwazi was taken to the airport and put on a
plane to Amsterdam.
Now in Amsterdam, Mohammed was again detained and taken to an interrogation room
where two agents, Fernando from Dutch Intelligence and Nick from MI5, were waiting. The two
agents asked Mohammed to introduce himself and give the reason for his trip to Tanzania;
Mohammed stated that he intended to go on a safari while in Tanzania. Nick, the MI5 agent,
accused Mohammed of lying about his real intentions; Nick, like other media outlets, accused
Mohammed using this trip to travel to Somalia. A flabbergasted Mohammed pointed out that he
had a return ticket for his trip to Tanzania, that Somalia was too far away from Tanzania, and that
he had no desire to be a part of or take part in the civil war conflict going on in Somalia.
Moreover, Mohammed was even more shocked when the agents said that they had been
watching him closely and that they knew everything about him; the agents knew where he lived,
his occupation, and the people he associated with. After many threats and terrorist accusations,
Nick, in front of Fernando from Dutch Intelligence, offered Emwazi a position working as an
informant for the MI5. Mohammed Emwazi turned down the offer; he had no knowledge of the
terrorism Nick and Fernando were referring to and therefore would not be of much help. Upon
refusing the informant position, Nick, the MI5 agent, threateningly said Mohammed “you’re

going to have a lot of trouble…you’re going to be known… you’re going to be followed…life
will be harder for you” (CAGE, Mohammed Emwazi). Mohammed then booked a ticket to the
United Kingdom via ferry and was taken to the ferry; he was stopped yet again at the ferry port
in Dover.
In Dover, members of the Anti-Terror Unit were waiting for Mohammed; Mohammed
inquired about seeing proof of these individuals involvement with the Anti-Terror Unit but was
presented with no proof or verification. Mohammed was then taken to a room where his bags
were searched and he was interrogated. During the interrogation, Mohammed Emwazi was asked
about his thoughts and views on 7/7 and 9/11. He was also questioned about where he prayed
and who his friends were; he was asked the same questions the MI5 agent in Amsterdam had
asked. The interrogation soon turned sour. The officers told Mohammed that they had spoken to
his fiancee. Mohammed immediately realized that the officers knew that he had never planned to
go to Somalia because he was too marry his fiancee when he returned from his trip to Tanzania;
Mohammed immediately realized that he was being watched by every means possible.
Mohammed confronted the officers about this and was told that it was just a part of their job.
Sadly, the officers conversation with Mohammed’s fiancee scared her and her family thus ending
the engagement. No matter, while searching his belongings, an officer discovered a safari type
jacket and stated that “this jacked [looked] a bit military” (CAGE, Mohammed Emwazi);
Mohammed was not amused by the accusatory comment. As the search came to a close,
Mohammed asked for the officer’s badge number, the officer did not comply. Mohammed did not
understand how he could be treated this way and why “his government was threatening [him]
and throwing allegations at [him]” (CAGE, Mohammed Emwazi). With this said, after obtaining

enough money to finance a way to get home and returning home, Mohammed told his family
what had happened. Just like what had happened to Mohammed’s now ex-fiancé, Mohammed’s
family had too been visited while he was away; obviously the agents had known when
Mohammed would be gone. Furthermore, in September, after several weeks at home,
Mohammed’s family suggested that Mohammed go to Kuwait to evade harassment by the United
Kingdom; Mohammed left later that month.
Life seemed to get better for Mohammed Emwazi once he was in Kuwait. Though
Mohammed had obtained a job working for a well known computer programming company, he
was still being threatened and accused by security agencies. Despite this, Mohammed, after
spending over eight months in Kuwait, decided that he would visit his family for eight days in
May. Several weeks before Mohammed was to return, a family member notified him that
someone had stopped by their place in hopes of contacting Mohammed, an English lady was on
the line. Turns out, the English woman on the other end of the line was not a member of the MI5;
she was worried about Mohammed and wanted to speak with him in person when he returned
home. Mohammed made it clear that he would not talk to her unless she made her intentions
clear over the phone; the CAGE source does not mention whether or not the English woman on
the phone made her intentions known. No matter, in late May 2010 Mohammed, returning to the
United Kingdom, was stopped at the Heathrow airport. His passport was inspected, his name was
written down, and he was asked to stand to the side. A female and male passport patrol officer
approached Mohammed and temporarily confiscated his passport, phones, and SIM cards; they
were returned to Mohammed shortly. Once Mohammed’s items were returned, he was publicly
question about his life in Kuwait. Mohammed asked the officers why this was relevant and the

officers replied by saying that it was a standard procedure for passport checks. Finally, the
detainment ended and Mohammed went home. Mohammed’s family informed him that they had
been visited several times; Mohammed told his family to refrain from letting those types of
visitors into the house and provided his family with number of a solicitor just as a precaution for
when those visitors returned.
After spending eight days in the United Kingdom visiting family, Mohammed flew back
to Kuwait in early June 2010. While continuing to work for the well known computer
programming company in Kuwait, Mohammed’s father informed Mohammed that he had been
visited by people from either the Anti-Terror police or the MI5; Mohammed’s father contacted
the solicitor and was no longer approached by members of the Anti-Terror police or MI5. With
this said, after two months in Kuwait, Mohammed made plans to get married and decided to
return to the United Kingdom to visit his family before getting married. Mohammed spent
several days with his family in late July 2010 and then returned to the Heathrow airport to fly
back to Kuwait. Unfortunately, Mohammed Emwazi was unable to check-in for his flight; his
name had been flagged. Mohammed was then met by several men and a woman who escorted
him and his luggage to another room to be searched; apparently these individuals had the right to
search Mohammed’s belongings and detain Mohammed under the “counter-terrorism
law” (CAGE, Mohammed Emwazi).
Like his previous detainments, Mohammed Emwazi was interrogated for six hours at the
Heathrow airport; it is important to mention that some of the interrogation occurred in a room
with no CCTV and no recording devices which allowed the agents to treat Mohammed violently
without getting caught. No matter, during the six hour interrogation, Mohammed was questioned

about his life in Kuwait, his rational for going to Kuwait, the mosque he attended, his friends, his
thoughts on global issues, and how well he knew the Quran. During the questioning, an officer
sporting an Indian turban began searching Mohammed’s bags and disrespectfully put
Mohammed’s Quran on the floor. Mohammed pleaded with the officer to set his Quran on the
chair, the officer exhibited an aggressive temperament; the officer “stood up aggressively and
came into [Mohammed’s] face, pushed [him] back onto the chair” (CAGE, Mohammed
Emwazi). Due to this mistreatment, Mohammed declared that he would not respond to anymore
questions until the officer sporting the Indian turban was removed from the room. With the
aggressive officer removed from the room, Mohammed was escorted to another room where
Officer “Jo” asked Mohammed why he had gone on Umrah, a Muslim pilgrimage, and about
what had happened in Tanzania; Mohammed answered these inquiries truthfully and in detail.
Shortly before Mohammed was released he was violently assaulted by an officer. While on the
phone with his father and friend to tell them that they could come pick him up, an officer tried to
Mohammed’s phone away from him. Unsuccessful, the officer too Mohammed by the shirt,
pushed him against the wall, grabbed him by the beard, and strangled him; Mohammed was only
let go when he began showing signs of difficulty breathing. Apparently, the officer had felt
threatened by Mohammed’s phone. Mohammed was released and planned on returning to the
Heathrow airport the next day to fly to Kuwait; sadly, this plan failed.
The day after his six hour detainment and interrogation at the Heathrow airport,
Mohammed returned to the Heathrow airport to fly back to Kuwait. Just like the previous day,
Mohammed was not permitted to check-in. Mohammed was informed that he could take a flight
to Dubai but could not fly to Kuwait because his visa had been rejected. Disappointed and

shocked, Mohammed payed a visit to the Kuwaiti embassy to discover why his visa was denied;
the embassy had no idea how Mohammed had even entered the country. Eventually, Mohammed
was told that he could not return to Kuwait because the United Kingdom Intelligence had briefed
Kuwait Intelligence to deny him access to entering Kuwait; Mohammed lost his job and potential
marriage because of this. As a result of this situation, Mohammed called upon lawyers and
human rights activists to have this “no fly” issue appealed. In addition to lawyers and human
rights activists, Mohammed filed a grievance to the IPCC over the physical assault he had
endured; ultimately, all the IPCC could do was let the officers know that a grievance had been
filed against them.
Tired with the way his life was going in the United Kingdom, Mohammed decided to
take a CELTA, Certificate in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages, course in 2012
with friends; he passed. Having passed the course, Mohammed was interviewed by several
english centers in Saudi Arabia; Mohammed Emwazi’s friends were hired while he was not,
another rejection. Realizing that his son’s life was going to continue on a downward spiral,
Mohammed’s father proposed that Mohammed change his name in 2013 so that he could travel.
Mohammed acted on his father’s proposal and changed his name to Mohammed al-Ayan; the
name change did not work. Mohammed purchased a ticket to travel to Kuwait and despite the
name change, was again forbidden to travel and interrogated by security agencies. Upon being
banned from Kuwait for the third time, Mohammed Emwazi left the confines of his parents home
to travel abroad; Mohammed was reported as a missing person within three days of leaving his
parents home. After several months of investing, police reported to Mohammed’s parents that
they had reason to believe that Mohammed had entered Syria; Mohammed’s father said that this

was untrue because to his knowledge, Mohammed was in Turkey helping refugees. With this
said, while CAGE profiles Mohammed Emwazi as a victim of security agency abuse,
mainstream media sources portray Mohammed Emwazi as a man on a mission for revenge and
retribution.
In a Washington Post article entitled, ‘Jihadi John’: Islamic State Killer is Identified as
Londoner Mohammed Emwazi, friends and CAGE representatives acknowledged that the man in
the James Foley video was Mohammed Emwazi. According to Asim Qureshi, a research directer
for CAGE, “there was an extremely strong resemblance” to Mohammed Emwazi in one of the
videos. In addition, a close friend of Emwazi’s stated that “[he] [had] no doubt that Mohammed
[was] Jihadi John…[he] was like a brother to [him]…I am sure it [was] him” (Goldman, 'Jihadi
John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi). Moreover, others
who knew him viewed Mohammed as an appropriate and polite individual who wore stylish
clothing, adhered to the tenants of the Islamic faith, sported a beard, and was always conscious
of making eye contact with women. But why would these individuals be sure that the man in
these videos was Mohammed Emwazi? How could such a bright, intelligent, respectful, and
religious man from an affluent family with a degree in computer programming turn into the cold-
hearted killer man in the videos?
According to the Washington Post article, Mohammed Emwazi’s radicalization began
shortly after his 2009 deportation from Tanzania. As you already know, Mohammed Emwazi,
along with two friends, Omar, a German Islamic convert, and Abu Talib, were detained in
Tanzania, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania; it is not certain whether the reasons for Mohammed’s,
Omar’s, or Talib’s deportation from Tanzania were made clear. Due to the deportation,

Mohammed and his friends were forced to fly to Amsterdam. According to emails Mohammed
sent to Qureshi who in turn sent them to The Post, once in Amsterdam, Mohammed alleged that
he was approached by an MI5, Britain’s domestic security agency, officer, who wrongfully
accused Mohammed of trying to travel to Somalia in order to participate in al-Shabab. Though
multiple sources support the claim that Mohammed had no desire to travel to Somalia, it is
important to note that a former Jihadi John hostage stated that Jihadi John, Mohammed Emwazi,
was keen on Somalia and forced hostages to watch videos on al-Shabab. No matter, Mohammed
Emwazi also claimed that MI5 members attempted to recruit him.
After the unpleasant incident in Amsterdam, Mohammed Emwazi and his friends
returned to the United Kingdom; in the fall of 2009, Mohammed Emwazi met with Qureshi to
discuss the deportation and detainment. As stated by Quershi, “Mohammmed was quite incensed,
that he had been very unfairly treated” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified
as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi). Mohammed was not happy back in the United Kingdom thus
he decided to move to Kuwait, his birthplace. While in Kuwait, Mohammed secured a job
working for a computer company. During his time in Kuwait, Mohammed traveled to the United
Kingdom twice, one of those times to finalize his wedding plans. When Mohammed tried to fly
back to Kuwait in June 2010, British officials detained and questioned him; Mohammed was not
allowed to fly. In a state of despair, Mohammed wrote to Qureshi in June 201 saying that “he
[felt] like a prisoner, only not in a cage, in London” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John': Islamic State Killer
Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi) and that he was “a person imprisoned and
controlled by security service men” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified as
Londoner Mohammed Emwazi) who “[stopped] [him] from living [his] new life in [his]

birthplace and country, Kuwait” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified as
Londoner Mohammed Emwazi). It was after this email to Qureshi that Mohammed’s outlook
changed.
Four months after Mohammed’s rejection to return to Kuwait, Mohammed exhibited
compassion and empathy for Aafia Siddiqui, a member of al-Qaeda charged with and found
guilty for the “attempted murder of U.S. personnel in Afghanistan” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John':
Islamic State Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi). Mohammed found her
sentencing, the sentencing of this “sister,” to be greatly upsetting yet a reminder that “this should
only keep [them] firmer towards fighting for freedom and justice” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John':
Islamic State Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi). With this said, Mohammed
became increasingly desperate for freedom and justice. According to Mohammed’s close friends,
Mohammed’s “situation in London made him desperate to leave the country” (Goldman, 'Jihadi
John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi); Mohammed did not
want to keep living in London, the prison of injustice. Moreover, Qureshi said that Mohammed
“[was] a young man who was ready to exhaust every single kind of avenue within the machinery
of the state to bring a change for his personal situation” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John': Islamic State
Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi). Because of his situation, Mohammed
experienced hopelessness and “felt actions were taken to criminalize him and he had no way to
do something against these actions” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified as
Londoner Mohammed Emwazi). To make a change, as said previously, Mohammed obtained a
CELTA, Certificate in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages, in 2012 and attempted
to go abroad to Saudi Arabia to teach. When Mohammed was unable to go to Saudi Arabia, a

distraught Mohammed took matters into his own by traveling to Syria. According to a friend,
Mohammed was so frustrated and upset with the way his life was that “he at some stage reached
the point where he was really just trying to find another way to get out” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John':
Islamic State Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi); Syria was the other way to
get out. Once in Syria, Mohammed did not contact his parents or friends and never said anything
to his parents or friends about what he was doing in Syria; western hostages say that he was a
member of a team that guarded Western captives. According to the Western hostages,
Mohammed Emwazi, also known as ‘Jihadi John,’ “was quiet and intelligent” (Goldman, 'Jihadi
John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi) as well as “the most
deliberate” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed
Emwazi). With this said, not knowing where Mohammed was, Qureshi emailed Mohammed
asking him for his number and that “Inshallah [God willing] it [would] be good to catch
up” (Goldman, 'Jihadi John': Islamic State Killer Is Identified as Londoner Mohammed Emwazi);
Mohammed never responded, he had radicalized. But why? Why did he radicalize? What caused
this young man to become a member of the Islamic State?
ANALYSIS:
Based on the information provided, it appears that Mohammed had two identities, two
social, cultural, and personal identities; Mohammed held the identity of the man before the
security agencies abuse and that of the man after the security agencies abuse. You see, prior to
his trip to Tanzania, Mohammed’s life had been on track. He had worked hard in school in order
to attend the university of his choice. Mohammed was a normal person; he was not marginalized.
Though there is very little information on his early life, it can be presumed that his identity, his

social, cultural, and personal identity, revolved around being a good student and responsible
brother; his social, cultural, and personal identity revolved around succeeding in life. Sadly, upon
arriving in Tanzania, his whole life, his whole identity, changed; the Tanzania incident was the
catalyst for Mohammed’s marginalization, paved the way for Mohammed’s identity
transformation which in turn led to him seeking comfort in the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and
frustration-aggression hypothesis, the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression
hypothesis helped Mohammed in forming his own understanding of the Islamic State and the
God of the Islamic State, and last but not least, Mohammed’s new found logic of the Islamic
State and the God of the Islamic State resulted in Mohammed beheading James Foley and
committing acts of terror. With this said, it is time to look at Mohammed’s transformation during
and after the security agencies abuse.
Upon arriving in Tanzania, Mohammed was detained and imprisoned as if he were a
criminal; a country was rejecting him for reasons unknown. It is important to note that the
reasons for his rejections from the various countries came to be tied to the beliefs security
agencies had about Mohammed. No matter, Because he was not welcomed in Tanzania,
Mohammed was placed on a plane to Amsterdam; Mohammed was detained and questioned in
Amsterdam. During this detainment, agents began accusing Mohammed of trying to travel to
Somalia and lying. The agents offered Mohammed the job of an informal due to their “beliefs”
about him. When Mohammed turned down the agents offer due to his lack of knowledge, the
agents made it clear to Mohammed that his life would never be the same; the agents threatened
Mohammed by saying that “[he was] going to have a lot of trouble…[he was] going to be
known… [he was] going to be followed…life [would] be harder for [him]” (CAGE, Mohammed

Emwazi). The agents were right, Mohammed’s life certainly became incredibly hard for him.
You see, from Amsterdam, Mohammed took the ferry to Dover where he was again treated like a
criminal; not only was he questioned about 9/11, 7/11, as well as various aspects about his life,
but it was at this time that he was made aware that security agencies were talking to people close
to him like his fiancee, who ended the engagement after being confronted by security agencies.
With this said, now back in the United Kingdom, Mohammed started to express his distaste over
how he had been treated by these various security agencies; he was hurt and upset by the various
detainments and questionings. Though he was able experience some relief while living in
Kuwait, he was still being chased by security agencies. Furthermore, the security agencies finally
won when Mohammed was not only allowed to fly back to Kuwait after visiting his family, thus
destroying his second engagement, but was also not allowed to travel to Saudi Arabia after
passing the CELTA.
The constant harassment and abuse from the security agencies ultimately destroyed and
shattered the identity Mohammed had created for himself; as long as he was in the United
Kingdom he would have the identity the security agencies had given him. Due to the identity, the
cultural, social, and personal identity, the security agencies had given Mohammed, he came to be
marginalized; Mohammed could not live a normal life because he was not allowed to travel and
was constantly being watched. With said, it is important to note that because very little is known
about Mohammed’s religious beliefs prior to joining the Islamic State, conjecture is going to play
a key role here. Based on pure conjecture, it would appear that leaving the United Kingdom,
traveling to Syria, and joining the Islamic State provided Mohammed with relief from the
identity that had marginalized him. Once a member of the Islamic State, Mohammed adhered to

the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis. Under the absolutist/
apocalyptic theory, Mohammed became morally absolutist and would do whatever the Islamic
State told him to do; as a subject of the absolutist/apocalyptic theory and member of the Islamic
State, Mohammed committed violent acts in order to persuade others to join the Islamic State
cause, to punish those who went against or threatened the Islamic State, and to bring the Islamic
State’s image of the world closer to a reality. As seen in the first paragraph for this case,
Mohammed said that “any aggression towards the Islamic State [was] an aggression towards
Muslims from all walks of life who have accepted the Islamic caliphate as their leadership so any
attempt by you, Obama, to deny the Muslims their rights of living in safety under the Islamic
caliphate [would] result in the bloodshed of your people” ("James Foley - A Message To
America, So Sad! [Video].”). Moreover, the frustration-aggression hypothesis is clearly evident
in this case because Mohammed was so entrenched in the beliefs and convictions of the Islamic
State that he would perform acts of terror for the Islamic State. With this said, as a member of the
Islamic State, Mohammed Emwazi followed a specific understanding of god, in this case Allah,
that called on him to commit violent acts of terror. As you can see, the identity, the cultural,
social, and personal identity, the security agencies gave to Mohammed Emwazi caused him to be
marginalized. This marginalization then led Mohammed to travel to Syria and join the Islamic
State. In conclusion, the Islamic State in turn not only influenced Mohammed to turn to the
absolutist/apocalyptic theory and frustration-aggression hypothesis, but also introduced
Mohammed to a logic of God, or Allah, that called on him to commit acts of violence;
Mohammed’s logic of God, or Allah, ultimately drove Mohammed to take on more prominent
roles in the Islamic State organization and perform acts of violence.

CASE #4: Christopher Lee Cornell
BACKGROUND:
On January 14, 2015, twenty year old Cincinnati resident, Christopher Lee Cornell, was
arrested outside a gun shop after an FBI agent caught Cornell purchasing two M-15 weapons and
600 rounds of ammunition. Based on court documents, Cornell was planning to wage jihad on
the United States by attacking the Capitol and government officials with pipe bombs and bullets.
The Federal Indictment has charged Cornell with two counts, attempted murder of government
employees and officials and the offer to commit violent crime; Cornell also faces firearms related
charges. Cornell has plead not guilty and John Cornell, Christopher Lee Cornell’s father, is
dubious over both the charges brought against his son and they way in which the FBI gathered
evidence. You see, not only did Christopher’s high school, Oak Hills High School, as  
quiet, but not overly reserved, and a student that typically participated in class work” (Perry,
Father: Terror Plot Suspect was a Momma’s Boy), his father, John Cornell, viewed and had
experienced Christopher in a positive light. According to John Cornell, “Christopher was a
momma’s boy who never left the house” (Perry, Father: Terror Plot Suspect was a Momma’s
Boy) and “[was] one of the most peace-loving people [he] knew” (Perry, Father: Terror Plot
Suspect was a Momma’s Boy). However, despite his son’s good nature, John Cornell said that
Christopher experienced abuse due to his religion; his Muslim faith and “long beard and
traditional Muslim head dress made him an easy target” (Perry, Father: Terror Plot Suspect was a
Momma’s Boy). For example, John Cornell said that “one time, [his son] was just walking across
the street to the store and people driving by threw (objects) at him” (Perry, Father: Terror Plot
Suspect was a Momma’s Boy). Because of the mistreatment Christopher received, John told

Christopher to never talk about religion or politics in public; John wanted to protect Christopher
from further abuse. Although John Cornell and Christopher’s high school saw Christopher as a
“typical nice guy,” the evidence brought forth by the FBI portrays Christopher in a completely
different way; it is important to note that Cornell’s recent interview with WXIX-TV in Cincinnati
also portrays Christopher in a different way than his father or high school do.
The FBI, with the help of an informant, had been closely watching Christopher Lee
Cornell’s activities for six months. During these six months, the FBI discovered that Cornell,
using the alias Raheel Mahrus Ubaydan, posted pro-jihadist videos and pro-jihadist thoughts on a
number of twitter accounts. The FBI also discovered that Cornell was utilizing these twitter
accounts to show his dedication to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, ISIL. With this said,
according to an August 29, 2014 instant message, the FBI found Cornell saying that “[he]
[believed] that [they] should just wage jihad under [their] own orders and plan attacks and
everything” (Perry, Father: Terror Plot Suspect was a Momma’s Boy). In other instant messages
the FBI gathered between Christopher and the informant, Christopher discussed the need to
receive “specific authorization” to perform a jihadist act in the United States; in order to receive
this “specific authorization,” Christopher is alleged to have been in contact with individuals
overseas. Once Cornell was granted this “specific authorization” from abroad, Cornell instant
messaged the informant saying that “[they] already got a thumbs up from the Brothers over there
and Anwar al Awlaki before his martyrdom an many others” (Perry, Father: Terror Plot Suspect
was a Momma’s Boy). Upon receiving the approval to commit jihad in the United States, Cornell
supposedly wrote to the informant stating that “[he] [believed] they should meet up and make
[their] own group in alliance with the Islamic State here and plan operations

[themselves]” (Perry, Father: Terror Plot Suspect was a Momma’s Boy). Christopher first met
with the informant in October. During this first meeting, the informant said that he wanted to go
forward with performing a terrorist act in December; after the informant decided to move
forward with the plan to commit a terrorist act in December, Cornell allegedly had the informant
watch jihadist videos that gave instructions on how to concoct pipe bombs. Cornell and the
informant met again in November. At this meeting, Cornell brought up the idea of attacking the
U.S. Congress and the U.S. Capitol building; Cornell explained to the informant that he would
go to Washington D.C. “ to do reconnaissance so they could plant pipe bombs there and, after the
explosions, shoot and kill officials and employees there” (Perry, Father: Terror Plot Suspect was
a Momma’s Boy). To make this plan a reality, Cornell saved his money to buy the guns for the
attack; he was arrested shortly after leaving the gun store. As you have seen, John Cornell and
Oak Hills High School could not imagine Christopher Lee Cornell going on such a violent
rampage. The FBI on the other hand, found instant messages disproving Christopher’s innocent
victimized nature. Well, on March 6, 2015, Christopher Lee Cornell called in to WXIX-TV in
Cincinnati to express his views on his situation; this interview very much paralleled what the FBI
had said about him.
Christopher Lee Cornell made a call to WXIX-TV in Cincinnati on March 6, 2015 from a
Kentucky jail. During this call, Christopher Lee Cornell, a Sicilian self-identified Muslim and
Islamic State supporter, admitted to not only being a supporter of the Islamic State but to also
planning to kill government officials in retribution for US strikes on the Islamic State
organization. With this being said, while on the phone, the host of the show asked Cornell what
he would have done had he not been arrested. Cornell bluntly said he would have taken one of

his guns, put it to Obama’s head, and pulled the trigger. He also said he would have opened fire
on Senate and House of Representative members and would have attacked the Israeli embassy as
well as other government establishments. As stated by Cornell himself, he pursued this attack
due to “the continued American aggression against our (Muslim) people and the fact that
America, specifically President Obama, wants to wage war against the Islamic State” (Cornwell
and Stacy, Christopher Lee Cornell, Ohio Terrorism Suspect, Says He Would Have Shot Obama).
In Cornell’s eyes, as well as in the eyes of other Muslims, President Obama and the United Sates
are an enemy to the Muslim faith, an enemy of Allah. According to Cornell, the Islamic States
fight is justified because it is a fight for a righteous cause while the fights of the United States are
done out of pure greed. Furthermore, when asked what he would say to those who label him as a
terrorist, Cornell stated that though he is labeled a terrorist “[members of the Islamic State] see
American troops as terrorists as well, coming to [their] land, stealing [their] resources and killing
our people, raping our women” (Cornwell and Stacy, Christopher Lee Cornell, Ohio Terrorism
Suspect, Says He Would Have Shot Obama). To Cornell, the United States itself was a terrorist;
he wanted to retaliate against the United States for disrespecting the Muslim people, the Islamic
State, and most importantly, Allah. So, what caused this born and raised United States citizen,
Islam convert, and Islamic State supporter, to plan a gruesome attack, jihad, on President Obama,
members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the Israeli embassy, and other
governmental buildings?
ANALYSIS:
Christopher Lee Cornell, like the individuals in the other case studies, was marginalized.
As his identity, his cultural, social, and personal identity developed, he became an outcast to

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